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JAMES   J.   MC   BRIDE 


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THE 

HISTORY 

O  F 

ENGLAND, 

t  R  O  M   THE 

INVASION    OF    JULKTS    OESAR 

T  O 

THE    REVOLUTION    IN    MDCLXXXVIII. 

IN    SIX    VOLUMES,    ILLUSTRATED   WITH   PLATES. 


BY     DAVID     HUME,   Es<^ 


A    NEW    EDITION,    WITH     THE     AUTHOR'S     LAST    COR- 
RECTIONS   AND     IMPROVEMENTS. 

TO        WHICH       IS       PREFIXED 

A  SHORT  ACCOUNT   OF  HIS  LIFE,  WRITTEN  BY   HIMSELF^ 

VOL.     I. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

PRINTED  FOR  ROBERT  CAMPBELL} 

BY  SAMUEL   H.  SMITH. 

M  .DCC.XCV, 


DA 
30 

y.  I 


THE 


LIFE 


OF 


DAVID      HUME,     Esq, 


WRITTEN    9Y    HIMSELF, 


ough 

as  feiz- 

iias  been 

ce  of  mv 


M     Y       O     W     N 


LIFE. 


IT  is  difficult  for  a  man  to  fpeak  long  of  himfelf  with- 
out vanity  ;  therefore  1  (hall  be  ihort.  It  may  be 
thought  an  inftance  of  vanity  that  I  pretend  at  all  to  write 
my  life  ;  but  this  Narrative  fhal I  contain  little  more  than 
the  Hiftoryof  my  Writings  ;  as,  indeed,  almcft  all  my 
life  has  been  fpent  in  literary  purfuits  and  occupations. 
The  firfl  fuccefs  of  mod  of  my  writings  was  not  luch  as 
to  be  an  obje£t  of  vanity. 

I  was  born  the  26th  of  April  1 7 1 1 ,  old  ftyle,  at  Edin- 
burgh. I  was  of  a  good  family,  both  by  father  and  mo- 
ther :  My  father's  family  is  a  branch  of  the  Earl  of  Home's, 
or  Hume's  ;  and  my  anceftors  had  been  proprietors  of  the 
eftate  which  my  brother  poffefl'es  for  feveral  generations. 
My  mother  was  daughter  of  Sir  David  Falconer,  Frefident 
of  the  College  of  Juflice  :  The  title  of  Lord  Halkerton 
came  by  fucceffion  to  her  brother. 

My  family,  however,  was  not  rich,  and  being  myfelf 
a  younger  broth?r,  my  patrimony,  according  to  the  mode 
of  my  country,  was  of  courfe  very  (lender  My  father, 
who  paffed  for  a  man  of  parts,  died  when  1  was  an  infant, 
leaving  me,  with  an  elder  brother  and  a  fifter,  under  the 
care  of  our  mother,  a  woman  of  fingul^r  merit,  who, 
though  young  and  handfome,  devoted  herlelf  entirely  to 
the  rearing  and  educating  of  her  children.  I  paffed  through 
the  ordinary  courfe  of  education  with  fucjefs,  and  was  (eiz- 
ed  very  early  with  a  paffion  for  literature,  which  has  been 
the  ruling  paffion  of  my  life,  and  the  great  fource  of  my 


*iii  MY    OWN     LIFE, 

the  books  were.heginning  to  be  efteemed  in  good  compa-* 
ny.  However,  I  had  a  fixed  refolution,  which  1  inflexi- 
bly maintained,  never  to  reply  to  any  body  ;  and  not 
being  very  irafcible  in  my  temper,  I  haveeafily  kept  my- 
felf  clear  of  all  literary  fquabbles.  Thefe  fymptoms  of 
a  riling  reputation  gave  me  encouragement,  as  1  was  ever 
more  difpofed  to  fee  the  favourable  than  unfavourable  fide 
of  things  ;  a  turn  of  mind  which  it  is  more  happy  to 
poffels,  than  to  be  born  to  an  efiate  of  ten  thoufand  a- 
year. 

In  1751 ,  1  removed  from  the  country  to  the  town,  the 
true  fcenefora  man  of  ktters.  In  1752  were  published 
at  Edinburgh,  where  I  ihep  lived,  my  Political  Difcourfes, 
the  only  work  of  mine  that  was  iuccefsful  on  the  firfl  pub- 
lication. It  was  well  leceived  abroad  and  at  home.  In 
the  fame  year  was  publifhcd  at  London,  my  Enquiry  con- 
cerning the  Principles  of  Morals  ;  which,  in  my  own  opi- 
nion (who  ought  not  to  judge  on  that  Subject),  is  of  all 
my  writings,  hifiorical,  philofophical,  or  literary,  incom- 
parably the  befi.  It  came  unnoticed  and  unobferved  into 
the  world. 

In  1752  the  Faculty  of  Advocates  chofe  me  their  Li- 
brarian, an  office  from  which  I  received  little  or  no  emo- 
lument, but  which  gave  me  the  command  of  a  large  libra- 
ry. 1  then  formed  the  plan  of  writing  the  Hiftory  of  Eng- 
land ;  but  being  frightened  with  the  notion  of  continuing 
a  narrative  through  a  period  of  1700  years,  I  commenced 
with  the  acccffion  of  ihe  houle  of  Stuart,  an  epoch  when 
I  thought  the  mifreprefentations  of  faction  began  chiefly  to 
take  place.  I  was,  I  own,  fanguine  in  my  expectations 
of  the  fuceefs  of  this  work.  I  thought  that  I  was  the  only 
hifiorian  that  had  at  once  neglected  prefent  power,  inte- 
reft,  and  authority,  and  the  cry  of  popular  prejudices  ; 
and  as  the  fubjeel  was  fuited  to  every  capacity,  1  expected 
proportional  applaufe.  But  miferable  was  my  disap- 
pointment: I  wasafTailed  by  one  cry  of  reproach,  disap- 
probation, and  even  deteftation  ;  Englifh,  Scotch,  and 
Ir ifh,  Whig  and  Tory,  churchman  and  leclary,  freethink- 
er and  religionift,  patriot  and  courtier,  united  in  their 
rage  againfl  the  man  who  had  pref'.jmed  to  fhed  a  gene- 
rous tear  for  the  fate  of  Charles  I.  and  the  earl  of  Straf- 
ford ;  and,  after  the  firft  ebullitions  of  their  fury  were 
over,  what  was  (till  more  mortifying,  the  book  Seemed 
to  fink  into  oblivion.  Mr.  Millar  told  me,  that  in  a  twelve- 
month lie  fold  only  fortv-five  copies  of  it.  I  Scarcely,  in- 
deed, hrard  of  one  man  in  the  three  kingdoms,  confide- 
ruble  for  rank  or  letters,  that  could  endure  the  book.  I 
mtift  only  except  the  pritmte  of  England,  Dr.  Herring, 


MY    OWN    LIFE.  «* 

and  the  primate  of  Ireland,  Dr.  Stone,  which  feem  two 
odd  exceptions.  Thefe  dignified  prelates  feparately  fent 
me  meflages  not  to  be  difcouraged. 

I  was,  however,  I  confefs,  difcouraged  ;  and  had  not 
the  war  been  at  that  time  breaking  out  between  France 
and  England,  I  had  certainly  retired  to  fome  provincial 
town  of  the  former  kingdom,  have  changed  my  name, 
and  never  more  have  returned  to  my  native  country. 
But  as  this  fcheme  was  not  now  practicable,  and  the  fub- 
fequent  volume  was  confiderably  advanced,  I  refolved 
to  pick  up  courage  and  to  perfevere. 

In  this  interval,  I  publifhed  at  London  my  Natural 
Hiftory  of  Religion,  along  with  fome  other  fmall  pieces  : 
Its  public  entry  was  rather  obfcure,  except  only  that  Dr. 
Hurdwrotea  pamphlet  againft  it,  with  all  the  illiberal 
petulance,  arrogance,  and  fcarrility,  which  diftinguifh 
the  Warburtonian  fchool.  This  pamphlet  gave  me  fome 
confolation  for  the  otherwife  indifferent  reception  of  my 
performance. 

In  1756,  two  years  after  the  fall  of  the  firft:  volume, 
was  publifhed  the  fecond  volume  of  my  Hiftory,  contain- 
ing the  period  from  the  death  of  Charles  I.  till  the  Revo- 
lution. This  performance  happened  to  give  lefs  difplea- 
fure  to  the  Whigs,  and  was  better  received.  It  not  only 
rofe  itfelf,  but  helped  to  buoy  up  its  unfortunate  bro- 
ther. 

But  though  I  had  been  taught  by  experience,  that  the 
Whig  party  were  in  poffeffion  of  beftowing  all  places, 
both  in  the  ftate  and  in  literature,  1  was  fo  little  inclined 
to  yield  to  their  fenfelefs  clamour,  that  in  above  a  hundred 
alterations,  which  farther  ftudy,  reading,  or  reflection 
engaged  me  to  make  in  the  reigns  of  the  two  firft  Stuarts, 
I  have  made  all  of  them  invariably  to  the  Tory  fide.  It 
is  ridiculous  to  confider  the  Englifh  conflitution  before 
that  period  as  a  regular  plan  of  liberty. 

In  1759  I  publifhed  my  Hiftory  of  the  Houfe  of  Tudor. 
The  clamour  againft  this  performance  was  almofl  equal 
to  that  againft  the  Hiftory  of  the  two  firft  Stuarts;  The 
reign  of  Elizabeth  was  particularly  obnoxious.  But  I 
was  now  callous  againft  the  impreffions  of  public  folly, 
and  continued  very  peaceably  and  contentedly  in  my 
retreat  at  Edinburgh,  to  finifVi,  in  two  volumes,  the  more 
early  part  of  the  Englifh  Hiftory,  which  I  gave  to  the 
public  in  1761,  with  tolerable,  and  but  tolerable  fuc- 
cefs. 

But,  notw'thftanding  this  variety  of  winds  and  feafons 
to  which  my  writings  had  been    expofed,    they  had  ftill 
been  making  fuch   advances,  that    the  copy-money  given 
Vol.  I.  b 


LETTER 


FROM 


ADAM     SMITH,     LL.  D. 


T  O 


WILLIAM    STRAHAN,    Esq. 


DEAR    SIR,  Kirkaldy,  Fifertiire,  Nov.  9,  1776. 

IT  is  with  a  real,  though  a  very  melancholy  pleafure, 
that  I  fit  down  to  give  you  fome  account  of  the  be- 
haviour of  our  late  excellent  friend,  Mr.  Hume,  during 
his  laft  illnefs. 

Though  inhisown  judgment  his  difeafe  was  mortal  and 
incurable,  yet  he  allowed  himfclf  to  be  prevailed  upon, 
by  the  entreaty  of  his  friends,  to  try  what  might  be  the 
effects  of  a  long  journey.  A  few  days  before  he  fet  out, 
he  wrote  that  account  of  his  own  life,  which,  together 
with  his  other  papers,  he  has  left  to  your  care.  My  ac- 
count, therefore,  fhall  begin  where  his  ends. 

He  fet  out  for  London  towards  the  end  of  April,  and  at 
Morpeth  met  with  Mr.  John  Home  and  myfelf,  who  had 
both  come  down  from  London  on  purpofe  to  fee  him,  ex- 
pecting to  have  found  him  at  Edinburgh.  Mr.  Home 
returned  with  him,  and  attended  him  during  the  whole 
of  his  flay  in  England,  with  that  care  and  attention  which 
might  be  expected  from  a  temper  fo  perfectly  friendly  and 
affectionate.  As  I  had  written  to  my  mother  that  fhe  might 
expect  me  in  Scotland,  I  was  under  tbe  neceffity  of  con- 
tinuing my  journey.  His  difeafe  feemed  to  yield  to  ex- 
ercife  and  change  of  air,  and  when  he  arrived  in  London, 


xiv         .  LETTERFROM 

he  was  apparently    in   much    better  health  than  when  he 
*  left  Edinburgh.     He  was  advifed  to  go  to  Bath  to  drink 

the  waters,  which  appeared  for  fometime  to  have  fo  good 
an  effect  upon  him,  that  even  he  himfeif  began  to  enter- 
tain, what  he  was  not  apt  to  do,  a  better  opinion  of  his 
own  health.  His  fymptoms,  however,  foon  returned  with 
their  ufual  violence,  and  from  that  moment  he  gave  up 
all  thoughts  of  recovery,  but  fubmitted  with  the  utmoft 
cheerfulnefs,  and  the  mod  perfect  complacency  and  refig- 
nation.  Upon  his  return  to  Edinburgh,  though  he  found 
himfeif  much  weaker,  yet  his  cheerfulnefs  never  abated, 
and  he  continued  to  divert  himfeif,  asulual,  with  correc- 
ting hisown  works  fora  new  edition,  with  reading  books  of 
amufement,  with  the  converlation  of  his  friends  ;  and 
fometimes  in  the  evening  with  a  party  at  his  favourite  game 
of  whift.  His  cheerfulnefs  was  fo  great,  and  his  conver- 
fation  and  amufements  run  fo  much  in  their  ufual  ftrain, 
that  notwithflanding  all  bad  fymptoms,  many  people  could 
not  believe  he  was  dying.  **  I  mall  tell  your  friend,  Co- 
"  lonel  Edmonftone,"  faid  Doctor  Dundas  to  him  one  day, 
"  that  I  left  you  much  better,  and  in  a  fair  way  of  reco- 
"  very."  "  Doctor,"  faid  he,  "  as  I  believe  you  would 
"  notchufe  to  tell  any  thing  but  the  truth,  you  had  better 
"  tell  him,  that  I  am  dying  as  faft  as  my  enemies,  if  1 
"  have  any,  could  wifh,  and  as  eafily  and  cheerfully  as 
"  my  beft  friends  could  defire."  Colonel  Edmondftone 
foon  afterwards  came  to  lee  him,  and  take  leave  of  him; 
and  on  his  way  home  he  could  not  forbear  writing  him  a 
letter,  bidding  him  once  more  an  eternal  adieu,  and  ap- 
plying to  him,'  as  to  a  dying  man,  the  beautiful  French 
verfes  in  which  the  Abbe  Chauiieii,  in  expectation  of  his 
own  death,  laments  his  approaching  feparation  from  his 
friend  the  Marquis  de  la  Fare.  Mr.  Hume's  magnani- 
mity and  firmnefs  were  fuch,  that  his  molt  aflec'tionate 
friends  knew,  that  they  hazarded  nothing  in  talking  or 
writing  to  him  as  to  a  dying  man,  and  that  fo  far  from 
being  hurt  by  this  frank nefs,  he  was  rather  plcafed  and 
flattered  by  it.  I  happened  to  come  into  hi;;  room  while 
he  was  reading  this  letter,  which  he  had  juft  received,  and 
which  he  immediately  fhowed  me.  I  told  him,  that  though 
I  Was  fenfible  how  very  much  he  was  weakened,  and  (hat 
appearances  were  in  many  refpects  very  bad,  yet  his  cheer- 
fulnefs was  ftill  fo  great,  the  fpirit  of  life  feemed  (till  to  be 
fo  very,  flrong  in  him,  that  I  could  not  help  entertaining 
fome  faint  hopes.  He  a'nfwered,  "  Your  hopes  aft! 
u  groundlefs.  An  habitual  diarrhoea  of  more  than  a 
"  year's  (landing  would  be  a  very  bad  difeafe  at  any  age: 
"  At  my  age  it  is  a  mortal  one.     When  1  lie  down  in  the 


Dr.    ADAM    S  M  I  T  IT. 

"  evening  1  feel  myfelf  weaker  than  when  I  rofe  In  the 
"  morning  ;  and  when  1  life  in  the  morning  weaker  than 
"  when  I  lay  down  in  the  evening.  I  am  fenfible,  be- 
"  fides,  that  fome  of  mv  vital  parts  are  affected,  fo  that  I 
"  niuft  foon  die."  "  Well,"  faid  I,  "  if  it  mud  be  fo, 
"  you  have  at  leaf!  the  fatisfaotk>n  of  leaving  all  your 
"  friends,  your  brother's  family  in  particular,  In  great 
"  profperitv."  He  laid,  that  he  felt  that  fatisfaCtion  fo  fenfi- 
blv,  that  when  he  was  reading,  a  few  days  before,  Lucian's 
Dialogues  of  the  Dead,  among  all  the  excufes  which  are 
alleged  to  Charon  for  not  entering  readily  into  his  boat, 
he  could  not  find  one  that  filled  him;  he  had  no  houfe  to 
finifh,  he  hud  no  daughter  to  provide  for,  he  had  no  ene- 
mies upon  whom  he  wifhed  to  revenge  himfelf.  "  I  could 
"  not  well  imagine,"  faid  he,  "  what  excufe  I  could  make 
"  to  Charon  in  order  to  obtain  a  little  delay.  1  have  done 
"  every  thing  of  confequence  which  I  ever  meant  to  do, 
"  and  1  could  at  no  time  expect  to  leave  my  relations  and 
"  friends  in  abetter  fituation  than  that  In  which  I  am  now 
"  likely  to  leave  them  :  1  therefore  have  all  icafon  to  die 
"  contented."  He  then  diverted  himfelf  with  inventing 
feveral  jocular  excufes  which  he  fuppofed  he  might  make 
to  Charon,  and  with  imagining  the  very  furly  anfwers 
which  it  might  fust  the  character  ,pf  Charon  to  return  to 
them.  "  Upon  further  confederation,"  faid  he,  M  I 
V  thought  I  might  fay  to  him,  Good  Charon,  1  have  been 
"  correcting  my  works  for  a  new  edition.  Allow  me  a 
41  little  time,  that  I  mav  fee  how  the  Public  receives  the 
"  alterations."  But  Charon  would  anfwer,  "  When  you 
**  have  feen  the  effect,  of  thefe,  you  will  be  for  making 
"  other  alterations.  There  will  be  no  end  of  fueh  ex- 
"  cufes  ;  fo,  honefl  friend,  pleafe  ftep  into  the  boat." 
But  1  might  Hill  urge,  "  Have  a  little  patience,  good  Cha- 
¥  ron,  I  have  been  endeavouring  to  open  the  eyes  of  the 
"  Public.  If  I  live  a  few  years  longer,  I  may  have  the 
"  fatisfaction  of  feeing  the  downfal  of  fome  of  the  prevail- 
"  ir>g  fyftems  of  fuperflition."  But  Charon  would  then 
lofe  all  temper  and  decency.  "  Vou  loitering  rogue, 
n  that  will  net  happen  thefe  many  hundred  years.  Do 
"  you  fancv  I  will  grant  you  a  leafe  for  fo  long  a  term  ? 
"  Get  into  the  boat  this  inflant,  you  lazy  loitering  rogue." 
But  though  Mr.  Hume  alwavs  talked  of  his  approach- 
ing difTolution  with  great  cheerful nefs,  he  never  affected 
to  make  any  parade  of  his  magnanimity.  He  never  men- 
tioned the  fubjecl  but  when  the  conversation  naturally  led 
to  it,  and  never  dwelt  longer  upon  it  than  the  courfe  of  the 
convcriation  happened  to  require:  It  wasa  fubjeel,  indeed, 
which  occurred  pretty  frequently,  in   confequence  of  the 


xvi  LETTERFROM 

enquiries  which  his  friends,  who  came  to  fee  him,  natu- 
rally made  concerning  the  ftate  of  his  health.  The  con-  . 
verfation  which  I  mentioned  above,  and  which  pafled  on 
Thurfday  the  8th  of  Auguft,  was  the  laft,  except  one,  that 
1  ever  had  with  him.  He  had  now  become  fo  very  weak, 
that  the  company  of  his  moft  intimate  friends  fatigued 
him  ;  for  his  cheerfulnefs  was  ftill  fo  great,  his  complai- 
fance  and  focial  difpofition  were  ftill  fo  entire,  that  when 
any  friend  was  with  him,  he  could  not  help  talking  more, 
and  with  greater  exertion,  than  fuited  the  weaknefs  of 
his  body.  At  his  own  defire,  therefore,  I  agreed  to  leave 
Edinburgh,  where  I  was  ftaying  partly  upon  his  account, 
and  returned  to  my  mother's  houfe  here,  at  Kirkaldy,  upon 
condition  that  he  would  fend  for  me  whenever  he  wifhed 
to  fee  me  ;  the  phyfician  who  faw  him  moft  frequently, 
Doctor  Black,  undertaking,  in  the  mean  time,  to  write 
me  occafionally  an  account  of  the  ftate  of  his  health. 

On  the  22d  of  Auguft,  the  Dodtor  wrote  me  the  fol- 
lowing letter : 

"  Since  my  laft  Mr.  Hume  has  pafled  his  time  pretty 
eafily,  but  is  much  weaker.  He  fits  up,  goes  down  ftairs 
once  a  day,  and  amufes  himfelf  with  reading,  but  feldom 
fees  any  body.  He  finds,  that  even  the  conversation  of 
his  moft  intimate  friends  fatigues  and  opprefles  him  ;  and 
it  is  happy  that  he  does  not  need  it,  for  he  is  quite  free 
from  anxiety,  impatience,  or  low  fpirits,  and  pafles  his 
time  very   well  with  the  affiltance  of  amufing  books." 


v 


I  received  the  day  after  a  letter  from  Mr.  Hume 
himfelf,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract  : 

"  MT  DEAREST  FRIEND.  Edinburgh,   Aug.  23,  1776. 

"  I  am  obliged  to  make  ufe  of  my  nephew's  hand  in 
writing  to  you,  as  I  do  not  life  to-day.  *  * 

*  *  ******  * 

"  I  go  very  faft  to  decline,  and  laft  night  had  a  fmall 
fever,  which  1  hoped  might  put  a  quicker  period  to  this 
Minefs  ;  but  unluckily  it  has  in  a  great  meafure  gone  off* 
1  cannot  fubmit  to  your  coming  over  here  on  my  account, 
as  it  is  poflihle  for  me  to  fee  you  fo  fmall  a  part  of  the  day, 
but  Dudor  Black  can  better  inform  you  concerning  the 
degree  of  ftrength  which  mav  from  time  to  time  remain 
with  me.     Adieu,  &c." 

Three  days  after,  I  received  the  following  letter  from 
Dodor  BbcfeS 


Dr.     ADAM     SMITH. 

'•'   DEAR  SIR,  Edinburgh,  Mow'av,    Aug.  26,  I776. 

"  Yesterday,  alout  four  o'clock  aftcrn-on,  Mr, 
Hume  expired.  The  near  approach  of  his  death  became 
evident  in  the  night  between  Thurfday  and  Friday,  when 
his  difeafe  became  exceffive,  and  (bon  weakened  biw  fo 
much,  that  he  could  no  longer  rife  out  of  his  bed.  He 
continued  to  the  laft  perfectly  fenfible,  and  free  from  much 
pain  or  feelings  of  diltrefs.  He  never  dropped  the  fmallefl 
expreffion  of  impatience  ;  but  when  he  had  occafion  to 
fpeak  to  the  people  about  him,  always  did  it  with  affection 
and  tendernefs.  I  thought  it  improper  to  write  to  bring 
you  over,  efpecially  as  1  heard  that  he  had  dictated  a  let- 
ter to  vou,  defiring  you  not  to  come.  When  he  became 
very  weak,  it  cofl  him  an  effort  to  fpeak,  and  he  died  in 
fuch  a  happy  compofure  of  mind  that  nothing  could  ex- 
ceed it." 

Thus  died  our  mod  excellent,  and  never  to  be  forgotten 
friend;  concerning  whofe  philofophical  opinions  men  will 
no  doubt  judge  varioufly,  every  one  approving  or  con- 
demning them,  according  as  they  happen  to  coincide  or 
difagree  with  his  own  ;  but  concerning  whofe  character 
and  conduct  there  can  fcarce  be  a  difference  of  opinion. 
His  temper,  indeed,  feemed  to  be  more  happily  balanced, 
if  I  may  be  allowed  fuch  an  expreffion,  than  that  perhaps 
of  any  ojher  man  1  have  ever  known.  Even  in  the  loweft 
ftate  of  his  fortune,  his  great  and  necelTary  frugality  never 
hindered  him  from  exercifing,  upon  proper  occafions,  acls 
both  of  charitv  and  generofity.  It  was  a  frugality  founded 
not  upon  avarice,  but  upon  the  love  of  independency.  The 
extreme  gentlenefs  of  his  nature  never  weakened  either 
the  firmneis  of  his  mind,  or  the  fleadinefs  of  his  refoluti- 
ons.  His  conftant  pleafantry  was  the  genuine  effufion  of 
good-nature  and  good-humour,  tempered  with  delicacy  and 
modefty,  and  without  even  the  flighteft  tincture  of  malig- 
nity, lb  frequently  the  difagreeable  fource  of  what  is  cal- 
led wit  in  other  men.  It  never  was  the  meaning  of  his 
raillery  to  mortify  ;  and  therefore,  far  from  offending,  it 
feldom  failed  to  pleafe  and  delight,  even  thofe  who  were 
the  objects  of  it.  To  his  friends,  who  were  frequently  the 
objects  of  it,  there  was  not  perhaps  any  one  of  all  his 
great  and  amiable  qualities  which  contributed  more  to  en- 
dear his  converfation.  And  that  gaiety  of  temper,  fo 
agreeable  in  fociety,  but  which  is  fo  often  accompanied 
with  frivolous  and  fuperficial  qualities,  was  in  him  cer- 
tainly attended  with  the  molt  fevere  application,  the  moil 
extenfive  learning,  the  greateft  depth  of  thought,  and  a 
capacity  in  every  refpe6t  the  mofl  comprehenfive.     Upon 

Vol.  I.  c 


xviii  LETTER    FROM    Dr.    SMITH. 

the  whole,  I  have  always  confidered  him,  both  in  his  life- 
"  time  and  fince  his  death,  as  approaching  as  nearly   to  the 
idea  of  a  perfectly  wife  and  virtuous  man  as  perhaps  the 
nature  of  human  frailty  will  permit. 

I  ever  am,  dear  Sir, 

Moft  affe&ionately  your's, 

ADAM  SMITH. 


CONTENTS 


OF    T  HE 


FIRST        VOLUME, 


CHAP.      I. 

The  Britons Romans Saxons The  Heptarchy 

The   kingdom    of  Kent — of   Northumberland — • 

of  Eaft-Anglia — of    Mercia — of  Effex — of  Suffex — of 
Weflex.  Page  I 


CHAP.     11. 

The    ANGLO-SAXONS. 

Egbert .Ethelwolf -Ethelbald    and    Ethelbert 

Ethered Alfred  the  Great Edward   the    Elder 

A.thelftan Edmund Edred Edwy 

Edgar Edward  the  Martyr.  50 

CHAP.     III. 

Ethelred Settlement    of    the    Normans— —Edmund 

Ironfide Canute  the  Great Harold  Harefoot— 

Hardicanute Edward  the  Confcflbr Harold. 

98 


xx  CONTENTS. 

APPENDIX      I. 

The  Anglo-Saxon    Government  and  Manners, 

Fiift  Saxon  government Succeflion   of  the  kings -• 

The  Wiitenagemot The  ariilocracv The  feve- 

ral   orders  of  men Courts   of   juitice Criminal 

Jaw -Rules  of    proof Military    foice Public 

revenue Value  of  Money Manners.     Page  147 

C  H  A  P.      IV. 

\V  ILL  I  AM    the    Conqueror. 

Confequences  of  the  battle  of  Hafiings — Submiffion  of 

the    Englilh Settlement    of    the    government- • 

King's. return  to  Normandy 1  ifcontentsof  the  Eng- 

li(h Their  iniunections Rigours  cf  the  Norman 

government New  inluneciions New  rigours  of 

the  government Introduction  of  the  feudal  lau 

Innovation  in  ecclefiaftical  government iniurrection 

of   the   Norman   barons Diiputc    about   inveftitures 

Revolt  of   prince  Robert Dpomfday  book 

The  New  Foreft War  with  France Death— and 

character  of  William  the  Conqueror.  172 


CHAP.     V. 
W  I  L  L  I  A  M     R  U  F  U  S. 


Acceffion  of  William    Rufus Confpiracy  againfi    the 

king lnvafion  of  Normandy- The  Crufades 

Acquivuion  of  Normandy Quarrel  with  Anfelm  the 

pjimate- Death — and   character  of  William  Rufus. 

212 

/ 


CONTENTS.  xxi 


CHAP.     VI. 


HENRY      I. 


The  Crufades Acceffion    of  Henry— —Marriage  of 

the  king lnvafion  by  duke  Robert Accommo- 
dation with  Robert Attack  of  Normandy Con- 

queft   of    Normandy Continuation  of  the    quarrel 

with  Anfelm    the   primate Compromife    with   him 

Wars   abroad Death   of  prince  William-       * 

King's  fecond   marriage Death — and  character   of 

Henry.  Page  230 


CHAP.    VII. 
E      P      H      E      N. 


Acceffion  of  Stephen War  with   Scotland Infur- 

rtv.tioniu  favour  of  Matilda Stephen  taken  prilbner 

-Matilda  crowned Stephen  releafed Reftor- 


ed  to  the  crown Continuation  of  the  civil  wars- 

Compromife  between  the   king  and  prince  Henry." 
Death  of  the  king.  259 


CHAP.    VIII. 
HENRY      II. 


State  of  Europe — of  France— — Firft  a&s  of  Henry's  go- 

Vernment Dilputes  between  the  civil  and  ecclefiafri- 

cal  powers Thomas  a  Becket,  archbifhop  of  Can- 
terbury  Quarrel  between    the     king    and     Becket 

Conftitutions    of     Clarendon Banifhment     of 

Becket Compromife   with  hirr — ■         His   return 

from  banifhment —His  murdei Grief — and  iub- 

miffion  of  the  king.  275 


Jtxi* 


CONTENTS. 
CHAP.     IX. 


State  of  Ireland Conqueft  of  that  ifland The  king's 

accommodation  with  the  court  of  Rome' Revolt  of 


-Wars  and  infurrec- 


young  Henry  and  his  brothers 

tions War  with  Scotland — 

Becket's  murder William,  king  of  Scotland, 


Penance  of  Henry  for 
de- 


The  king's  accommoda- 

king's  equitable   admi* 

prince    Richard 

■  »    ■  Death  and  character   of  Henry Miscellaneous 

franfadtions  of  his  reign,  Page  315 


feated  and  taken   prifoner 

tion    with    his     fons The 

niftration — ■— Crufades r-Revolt  of 


CHAP.    X. 


RICHARD      I. 


The  king's  preparations  for  the  crulade— 

the  crufade »Tran factions  in  Sicily- 

val  in  Paleftine--! — State  of  Paleftine- 

England— — —  The    king's    heroic    actions  in  Paleftine 


-Sets  out  on 
—King's  arri- 
-Diforders  in 


-His  return  to  Paleftine- 
-War    with  France 


——-Captivity  in  Germany 

The   king's   delivery 

Return    to   England War  with  France Death 

—and  character  of  the  king Mifcellaneous  tranfac- 

tions  of  this  reign.  350 


CHAP.     XI. 


JOHN. 


Acceflion  of  the  king His    marriage— ——War    with 

France Murder   of  Arthur  duke  of  Britanny 

The  king  expelled  from  all  the  French  provinces 

The  king's  quarrel  with  the  court  of  Rome Cardi- 
nal Langton   appointed  archbifhop  of  Canterbury 

Interdict  of  the  kingdom— ——Excommunication  of  the 


CONTENTS.  xxiii 

king The  king's  lubmiffion  to  the  pope Difcon- 

tents  of  the  barons— -— Infurre&ion  of  the   barons 

Magna  Charta Renewal  of  the  civil  wars Prince 

Lewis   called  over Death — and    character    of   the 

king.  378 


APPENDIX       II. 


The  Feudal  and  Anglo-Norman  Government 
and  Manners. 


Origin  of  the  feudal  law Its   progrefs Feudal  go- 
vernment  of  England The  feudal  parliament 

The  commons- Judicial   power Revenue  of  the 

crown -Commerce The   church Civil    laws 

— ■ — Manners.  423 


CHAP.     XII. 
HENRY       III. 


Settlement  of  the    government General    pacification 

-Death  of  the  protector Some  commotions- 


Hubert   de    Burgh    difplaced The   biihop    of 

Winchefter  minifter King's  partiality  to  foreigners 

■     Grievances Ecclefiallical    grievances Earl 

of  Cornwall  elected  king  of  the  Romans — Difcon- 

tent  of  the  barons Simon  de  Mountfort  earl  of  Lei- 

ceftcr Provifions    or  Oxford Ufurpation  of  the 

barons Prince  Edward Civil  wars  of  the  barons 

Reference  to  the  king  of  France Renewal  of  the 

civil  wars-         Battle  of  Lewes Houfe  of  commons 

Battle  of    Evefliam,  and  death   of  Leicefler 

Settlement  of  the  government Death — and  character 

of  the  king Mifcellaneous  transactions  of  this  reign. 

454 


THE 


HISTORY 


OF 


ENGLAND, 


CHAP.      I. 


The  Britons, Romans, Saxons,- the  tfeptarchyi 

The    Kingdom    of  Kent  •■  ■   of  Northumberland 

■    ■    of  Eajl-Anglia of  Mercian — *of  EJfex— — of 

Suffcx of  Weffex. 

The    BRITONS. 

TH  E  cufiofity,  entertained  by  all  civilized  nations,-  CHAP* 
of  enquiring  into  the  exploits  and  adventures  of  I. 
their  ancestors,  commonly  excites  a  regret  that  the  hiftory 
of  remote  ages  fhould  always  be  fo  much  involved  in  ob- 
fcurity,  uncertainty,  and  contradiction.  Ingenious  men,, 
poffeiled  of  leifure,are  apt  to  pu(h  their  refcarehes  beyond 
the  period  in  whuh  literary  monuments  are  framed  or  pre- 
ferved  ;  without  reflecting,  that  the  hiftory  of  pafl  events 
is  immediately  loft  or  disfigured  when  intruded  to  memory 
and  oral  tradition,  and  that  the  adventures  of  barbarous 
nations,  even  if  they  were  recorded,  could  afford  little  orno 
entertainment  to  men  born  in  a  more  cultivated  age.  The 
convulsions  of  a  civilized  ftate  ufually  compofe  the  moft 
inftru&ive  and  moft  interesting  part  of  its  hiftory  ;  but  the 
fudden,  violent,  and  unprepared  revolutions  incident  to 
Barbarians,  are  fo  much  guided  by  caprice,  and  terminate 
fo  often  in  cruelty,  that  they  difguft  us  by  the  uniformity 
of  their  appearance  ;  and  it  is  rather  fortunate  for  letters 
that  they  are  buried  in  filence  and  oblivion.  The  only 
Vol.  I.  B 


2  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  certain  means  by  which  nations  can  indulge  their  curiofity 
].  in  refearches  concerning  their  remote  origin,  is  to  confider 

* v— — '   the  language,  manners,  and  cuftoms  of  their   anceftors, 

and  to  compare  them  with  thofe  of  the  neighbouring  nati- 
ons. The  fables,  which  are  commonly  employed  to  fup- 
ply  the  place  of  true  hiftory,  ought  entirely  to  be  difre- 
garded  ;  or  if  any  exception  be  admitted  to  this  general 
rule,  it  can  only  be  in  favour  of  thf;  ancient  Grecian  fic/ti- 
On>,  which  are  fo  celebrated  and  fo  agreeable,  that  they 
will  ever  be  the  objects  of  the  attention  of  mankind.  Ne- 
glecling,  therefore,  all  traditions,  or  rather  tales,  con- 
cerning the  more  early  hiftory  of  Britain,  we  fhall  only 
confider  the  ftate  of  the  inhabitants  as  it  appeared  to  the 
Romans  on  their  invafion  of  this  country:  We  (hall  briefly 
run  over  the  events  which  attended  the  conqueft  made  by 
that  empire,  as  belonging  more  to  Roman  than  Britifh  (lo- 
ry: We  fhall  haften  through  the  obfeure  and  uninterefiing 
period  of  Saxon  annals  :  And  fhall  referve  a  more  full 
narration  for  thofe  times  when  the  truth  is  both  fo  well 
afcertained  and  to  Complete  as  to  promife  entertainment 
and  inftru&ion  to  the  reader. 

All  ancient  writers  agree  in  reprefenting  the  firft  inha- 
bitants of  Britain  as  a  tribe  of  the  Gauls  or  Celtae,  who  peo- 
pled that  ifland  from  the  neighbeuringcontinent.  Their  lan- 
guage was  the  fame,  their  manners,  their  government,  their' 
fuperflition  ;  varied  only  by  thofe  lmall  differences,  which 
time  or  a  communication  with  the  bordering  nations  muft 
neceffarily  introduce-.  The  inhabitants  of  Gaul,efpecially 
in  thofe  parts  which  lie  contiguous  to  Italy,  had  acquired, 
from  a  commerce  with  their  fouthern  neighbours,  fome 
refinement  in  the  arts,  which  gradually  diftufed  themfelves 
northwards,  and  fpread  but  a  very  faint  light  over  this 
iffafrYcf.  The  Greek  and  Roman  navigators  or  merchants 
(for  there  were  fcarcely  any  other  travellers  in  thofe  ages) 
brought  back  the  moft  fhocking  accounts  cf  the  ferocity  of 
the  people,  which  they  magnified,  as  ufual,  in  order  to  ex- 
cite the  admiration  of  their  countrymen.  The  fouth-eafl 
.parts,  however,  of  Britain,  had  already,  before  the  age  of 
Cccfar,  made  the  firft  and  moft  requifite  ftep  towards  a  civil 
iettlement  ;  and  the  Britons,  by  tillage  and  agriculture, 
had  there  increafed  to  a  great  multitude*.  The  other  in- 
habitants of  the  illand  flill  maintained  themfelves  by  paf- 
ture:  Thev  were  clothed  withfkinsof  beafls:  They  dwelt 
in  huts,  which  they  reared  in  the  foreftsand  marines,  with 
which  the  country  was  covered  :  They  fhifted  eafily  their 
habitation,  when  actuated  either  by  the  hopes  of  plunder 

*  Caefar,  Kb,  4. 


THE-   BRITONS.  3 

or  the  fear  of  an  enemy:  The  convenience  of  feeding  their  CHAP, 
cattle  was  even  a  fuiticient  motive  for  removing  their  feats:  1. 

And  as  they  were  ignorant  of  all  the  refinements   of  life,  v -v-—? 

their  wants  and  their  poffeffions  were  equally  fcanty  and 
limited. 

The  Britons  were  divided  into  many  fmall  nations  or 
tribes;  and  being*  military  people,  whole  fole  property  was 
their  arms  and  their  cattle,  it  was  impoflible,  after  they  had 
acquired  a  reliih  of  liberty,  for  their  princes  or  chieftain's 
to  eftablifh  any  defpotic  authority  over  them.  Their  gov- 
ernments, though  monarchical f,  were  free,  as  well  as 
thofe  of  all  the  Celtic  nations  ;  and  the  common  people 
feem  even  to  have  enjoyed  more  liberty  among  them:}:,  than 
among  the  nations  of  Gaul  ||,  from  whom  they  were  de- 
fcended.  Each  ftate  was  divided  into  factions  within  it- 
fclf**:  It  was  agitated  with  jealoufy  or  animofity  againft 
the  neighbouring  dates:  And  while  the  arts  of  peace 
were  yet  unknown,  wars  were  the  chief  occupation,  and 
formed  the  chief  obje£t  of  ambition,  among  the  peo- 
ple. 

The  religion  of  the  Britons  was  one  of  the  moft  confi- 
derable  parts  of  their  government ;  and  the  Druids,  whq 
were  their  priefls,  polTcffed  great  authority  among  them. 
Befides  miniftering  at  the  altar,  and  directing  ail  religious 
duties, they  prefided  over  the  education  of  youth;  they  en- 
joyed an  immunity  from  wars  and  taxes;  they  pollened  both 
the  civil  and  criminal  juriidiction  ;  they  decided  allccntro- 
vcrfies  among  ftates  as  well  as  among  private  perlons,  and 
whoever  refilled  to  f'jbmit  to  their  decree  was  expolcd  to 
the  moft  fevere  penalties.  The  fentence  of  excommunica- 
tion was  pronounced  againft.  him :  Fie  was  forbidden  accefs 
to  the  fa cri flees  or  public  worfhip  :  He  was  debarred  all 
intercourfe  with  his  fellow-citizens,  even  in  the  common 
affairs  of  life;  His  company  was  universally  fhunned,  as 
profane  and  dangerous  :  He  was  refilled  the  protection  of 
law*:  And  death  itfelt  became  an  acceptable  relief  frcm 
the  milerv  and  infamy  to  which  he  was  expofed.  Thus, 
the  bands  of  govprntftcnt,  which  were  naturally  loofe 
among  that  rude  and  turbulent  people,  were  happily  cor- 
roborated by  the  terrors  of  their  fuperftition. 

No  fpecies  of  lupcrftition  was  ever  more  terrible  than 
that  of  the  Druids.  Befides  the  fevere  penalties,  which 
it  was  in  the  power  of  ecciefiaflics  to  InfJtCT  in  this  world, 
they  inculcated  the  eternal   transmigration  of  fouls  ;  and 

f  Dioi!.  Sip.  Kb.  .j.     Mela,  lib.  3.  ca  ■.  6.     Sfrabo,     lib.  4.  %  Dion 

IS,  lib.  7.;.  ir.   l.b.   6. 

*   Olar,   hb.   6.  ;  ,    ;. 


4  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  thereby  extended  their  authority  as  far  as  the  fears  of  their 
1.  timorous-  votaries.  They  pradtifed  their  rites  in  dark 
groves  or  other  fecret  receffesf  ;  and  in  order  to  throw  a 
greater  myftery  oyer  their  religion,  they  communicated 
their  doctrines  only  to  the  initiated,  and  ftri£tly  forbad  the 
committing  of  them  to  writing  ;  left  they  mould  at  any 
time  beexpofed  to  the  examination  of  the  profane  vulgar. 
Human  facrifices  were  pradtifed  among  them  :  The  fpoils 
of  war  were  often  devoted  to  their  divinities;  and  they 
punilhed  with  the  fevered  tortures  whoever  dared  to  fecrete 
any  part  of  the  confecrated  offering  :  Thefe  treafures 
they  kept  in  woods  and  forefis,  fecured  by  no  other  guard 
than  the  terrors  of  their  religion^;  and  this  fteady  conqueft 
over  human  avidity  may  be  regarded  as  more  fignal  than 
their  prompting  men  to  the  moft  extraordinary  and  moft 
violent  efforts.  No  idolatrous  worlhip  ever  attained  fuch 
an  afcendant  over  mankind  as  that  of  the  ancient  Gauls 
and  Britons;  and  the  Romans,  after  thc|r  conqueft,  finding 
it  impoffible  to  reconcile  thofe  nations  to  the  laws  and  infti- 
tutions  of  their  mafters,  while  it  maintained  its  authority, 
were  at  laft  obliged  to  abolim  it  by  penal  ftatutes;  a  vio- 
lence which  had  never,  in  any  other  inftance^  been  prac- 
plfcd  by  thofe  tolerating  conquerorsJI. 


The    ROMANS. 

TH  E  Britons  had  long  remained  in  this  rude  but  inde- 
pendent ftate,  when  Casfar,  having  overrun  all  Gaul 
by  his  victories,  firft  caft  his  eye  pn  their  ifland.  He  was 
not  allured  either  by  its  riches  or  its  renown ;  but 
being  ambitious  pf  carrying  the  Roman  arms  into  a  new 
world,  then  moftly  unknown,  he  took  advantage  of  a 
fliort  interval  in  hisGaulic  wars,  and  made  an  invafion  on 
Britain.  The  natives  informed  of  his  intention,  were  fen- 
fible  of  the  unequal  conteft,  and  endeavoured  to  appeafe 
him  by  fubmiffions,  which,  however,  retarded  not  the 
execution  of  his  defign.  After  lome  refinance,  he  landed, 
Anno  ante  as  js  fuppofed,  at  Peal  ;  and  having  obtained  feveral  ad- 
'  55'  vantages  over  the  Britons,  and  obliged  them  to  promiie 
hoftages  for  their  future  obedience,  he  was  conitrained,  by 
the  necefRty  of  his  affairs,  and  theapprpach  of  winter,  to 
withdraw  his  forces  into  Gaul.  The  Britons,  relieved 
from  the  terror  of  his  arms,  neglected  the  performance  of 
their  ftipulations ;  and   that  haughty  conqueror  refolved 

|  Plin.  lib.  12.  cap.   i.      J  Caefar,  lib.  6.  ||  Sueton.  in  vita  Claudii. 


THEROMANS.  5 

next  fummer  to  chaftifethem  for  this  breach  of  treaty.  He  CHAP. 
landed  with  a  greater  force  ;  and  though  he  found  a  more         I. 

regular  refiftance  from  the  Britons,  who  had  united  under  ' » ' 

Caflivelaunus,  one  of  their  petty  princes,  he  difcomfited 
them  in  every  action.  He  advanced  into  the  country  ; 
pafled  the  Thames  in  the  face  of  the  enemy  ;  took  and 
burned  the  capital  of  Caflivelaunus  ;  eftablifhed  his  ally, 
Mandubratius,  in  the  fovereiguty  of  the  Trinobantes;  and 
having  obliged  the  inhabitants  to  make  him  new  fubmif- 
fions,  he  again  returned  with  his  army  into  Gaul,  and  left 
the  authority  of  the  Romans  more  nominal  than  real  in  this 
illand. 

The  civil  wars  which  enfued,  and  which  prepared  the 
way  for  the  eftablifhment  of  monarchy  in  Rome,  faved  the 
Britons  from  that  yoke  which  was  ready  to    be   impofed 
upon  them.     Auguflus,  the  fucceffor  of  Csefar,   content 
with  the  victory    obtained  over  the    liberties  of  his  own 
country,  was  little  ambitious  of  acquiring  fame  by  foreign 
wars  ;  and  being  apprehenlive  left  the  fame  unlimited  ex- 
tent of  dominion,  which  had  fubverted  the  republic,  might 
alfo  overwhelm  the  empire,  he  recommended  it  to  his  fuc- 
celTors  never  to  enlarge  the  territories  of  the  Romans.  Ti- 
berius, jealous  of  the  fame  which  might  be  acquired  by  his 
generals,  made  this  advice  of  Auguftus  a  pretence  for  his 
inactivity*.    The  mad    fallies  of  Caligula,  in   which  he 
menaced  Britain  with  an  invasion,  ferved  only   to  expofe 
himfelf  and  the  empire  to  ridicule  :  And  the  Britons  had 
now,  during  almoft  a  century,  enjoyed  their  liberty  un- 
molefled  ;  when  the  Romans,  in  the  reign    of  Claudius, 
began  to  think   ferioufly  of  reducing  them  under  their  do- 
minion.    Without  feeking  any  more  juftifiable  reafonsof 
hoftility  than  were   employed  by  the  late  Europeans  in 
fub jeering  the  Africans  and  Americans,  they  fent  over  an  A.  D.  43, 
army  under   the   command  of  Plautius,  an  able  general, 
who  gained   fome  victories,  and   made  a  considerable  pro- 
grefs  in  fubduing  the  inhabitants.  Claudius  himfelf,  finding 
matters   fufficiently  prepared  for    his  reception,    made   a 
journey  into  Britain  ;  and  received  the  fubmiflion  of  feve- 
ral  Britifh  ftates,  the  Cantii,  Atrebates,  Regni,  and   Tri- 
nobantes, who  inhabited  the  fouth-eaft  parts  of  the  ifland, 
and  whom   their  poffeflions  and  more  cultivated  manner  of 
life  rendered  willing  to  purchafe  peace  at  the  expence  of 
their  liberty.     The  other  Britons,  under  the  command   of 
Caratftacus,    (till   maintained  an    obflinate  refiftance,  and 
the  Romans  made  little  progrefs  againft  them  ;  till  Oflori- 
us  Scapula  was  lent  pver  to  command  their  armies.     This 

•  Tacit.  Agr. 


6  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  general  advanced  the  Roman  conquefts  over  the  Britons  ; 
I.         pierced  into  the  country  of  the  Silures,  a  warlike  nation, 

* * '  who  inhabited  the  banks  of  the  Severne  ;  defeated  Carac- 

a.  d.  50.  tacus  in  a  great  battle  ;  took  him  prifoner,  and  fent  him 
to  Rome,  where  his  magnanimous  behaviour  procured  him 
better  treatment  than  thofe  conquerors  ufually  beftowed  on, 
captive  princes*. 

Notwithstanding  thefe  misfortunes,  the  Britons 
were  not  fubdued  ;  and  this  ifland  was  regarded  by  the  am- 
bitious Romans  as  a  field  in  which  military   honour  might 

a.  D.  50.  ft*^  De  acquired.  Under  the  reign  of  Nero,  Suetonius 
Paulinus  was  inverted  with  the  command,  and  prepared  to 
fignalize  his  name  by  victories  over  thofe  barbarians. 
'  Finding  that  the  ifland  of  Mona,  now  Anglefey,  was  the 
chief  feat  of  the  Druids,  he  refolved  to  attack  it,  and  to 
fubjedt  a  place,  which  was  the  centre  of  their  fnperfKtion, 
and  which  afforded  protection  to  all  their  baffled  forces. 
The  Britons  endeavoured  to  obftrudl  his  landing  on  this 
facred  illand,  both  by  the  force  of  their  arms  and  the  ter- 
rors of  their  religion.  The  women  and  priefts  were  in- 
termingled with  the  foldiers  upon  the  fhore ;  running  about 
with  flaming  torches  in  their  hands,  and  toiling  their  dif- 
hevelled  hair,  they  (truck  greater  terror  into  the  aftonifhed 
Romans  by  their  howlings,  cries,  and  execrations,  than 
the  real  danger  from  the  armed  forces  was  able  to  infpire. 
But  Suetonius,  exhorting  his  troops  to  defpife  the  menaces 
of  a  fuperflition  which  they  defpifed,  impelled  them  to 
the  attack,  drove  the  Britons  off  the  field,  burned  the 
Druids  in  the  fame  fires  which  thofe  priefts  had  prepared 
for  their  captive  enemies,  deftroyed  all  the  confecrated 
groves  and  altars  ;  and,  having  thus  triumphed  over  the 
religion  of  the  Britons,  he  thought  his  future  progrei's 
would  be  eafy,  in  reducing  the  people  to  fubje&ion.  But 
he  was  dilappointed  in  his  expectations.  The  Britons, 
taking  advantage  of  his  abfence,  were  all  in  arms;  and 
headed  by  Boadicea,  queen  of  the  Iceni»  who  had  been 
treated  in  the  mod  ignominious  manner  by  the  Roman 
tribunes,  had  already  attacked  with  fuccefs  feveral  fettle- 
ments  of  their  infulting  conquerors.  Suetonius  haftened 
to  the  protection  of  London,  which  was  already  a  flourifh- 
ing  Roman  colony;  but  he  found  on  his  arrival,  that  it 
would  be  requifite  for  the  general  lafety  to  abandon  that 
place  to  the  mercilefs  fury  of  the  enemy.  London  was 
reduced  to  afhes  ;  fuch  of  the  inhabitants  as  remained  in  it 
were  cruelly  maflacred  ;  the  Romans  and  all  ftrangers,  to 
the  number  of  70,000,  were  every-vvhere  put  to  the  fvvord 

*  Tacit.  Ann.  lib.  22. 


THE    ROMANS. 

without  diftinction  ;  and  the  Britons,  by  rendering  the  C 
war  thus  bloody,  feemed  determined  to  cut  offall  hopes  of 
peace  or  composition  with  the  enemy.  But  this  cruelty 
was  revengec-  by  Suetonius  in  a  great  and  decifive  battle, 
where  80,000  of  the  Britons  are  faid  to  have  perilhed  ;  and 
Boadicea  herfelf,  rather  than  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  en- 
raged victor,  put  an  end  to  her  own  life  by  poifon*.  Nero 
foon  after  recalled  Suetonius  from  a  government,  where, 
by  fuffering  and  inflicting  fomany  feverities,  he  was  judg- 
ed improper  for  compofing  the  angry  and  alarmed  minds 
of  the  inhabitants.  After  fome  interval,  Cerealis  received 
the  command  from  Vefpafian,  and  by  his  bravery  propa- 
gated the  terror  of  the  Roman  arms.  Julius  Frontinus 
fucceeded  Cerealis  both  in  authority  and  in  reputation  : 
But  the  general  who  finally  eftabliihed  the  dominion  of 
the  Romans  in  this  illand,  was  Julius  Agricola,  who  gov- 
erned it  in  the  reigns  of  Vefpafian,  Titus,  and  Domiti- 
an,  and  difiinguifhed  himfelf  in  that  fcene  of  action. 

This  great  commander  formed  a  regular  plan  for  fub- 
duing  Britain,  and  rendering  the  acquisition  ufeful  to  the 
conquerors.  He  carried  his  victorious  arms  northwards, 
defeated  the  Britons  in  every  encounter,  pierced  into  the 
inacceffible  forefts  and  mountains  of  Caledonia,  reduced 
every  flate  to  fubjection  in  the  fouthern  parts  of  the  ifland, 
'  and  chafed  before  him  all  the  men  of  fiercer  and  more  in- 
tractable fpirits,  who  deemed  war  and  death  itfelf  lefs  in- 
tolerable than  fervitude  under  the  victors.  He  even  de- 
feated them  in  a  decifive  action,  which  they  fought  under 
Galgacus,  their  leader  ;  and  having  fixed  a  chain  of  gar- 
rifons,  between  the  friths  of  Clyde  and  Forth,  he  thereby 
cut  off  the  ruder  and  more  barren  parts  of  the  ifland,  and 
fecured  the  Roman  province  from  the  incurfions  of  the  bar- 
barous inhabitants*!*. 

During  thefe  military  enterprises,  he  neglected  not 
the  arts  of  peace.  He  introduced  laws  and  civility  among 
the  Britons,  taught  them  to  deftre  and  raife  all  the  conve- 
niencies  of  life,  reconciled  them  to  the  Roman  language 
and  manners,  inftructed  them  in  letters  and  fcience,  and 
employed  every  expedient  to  render  thofe  chains,  which 
he  had  forged,  both  eafy  and  agreeable  to  them  J.  The 
inhabitants,  having  experienced  how  unequal  their  own 
force  was  to  refift  that  of  the  Romans*  acquiefced  in  the 
dominion  of  their  mafters,  and  were  gradually  incorporat- 
ed as  a  part  of  that  mighty  empire. 

Tins  was  the  laft  durable  conqueft  made  by  the  Ro- 
mans ;  and  Britain,  once  fubdued,  gave  no  farther  inquie- 

*  Tacit,    Ann.    lib.    14.  f  Tacit.  Ajr.  $  Tacit.  A  jr. 


8  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  tu^e  t0  the  victor.     Caledonia  alone,  defended  by  its  bar- 
I.        ren   mountains,  and  by  the  contempt  which  the  Romans 

* « '  entertained  for  it,  fometimes  infefted  the  more  cultivated 

parts  of  the  ifland  by  the  incurfions  of  its  inhabitants.  The 
better  to  fecure  the  frontiers  of  the  empire,  Adrian,  who 
vifited  this  ifland,  built  a  rampart  between  the  river  Tyne 
and  the  frith  of  Solway  :  Lollius  Urbicus,  under  Antoninus 
Pius,  erected  one  in  the  place  where  Agricola  had  former- 
ly eftablifhed  his  garrifons  :  Severus,  who  made  an  expe- 
dition into  Britain,  and  carried  his  arms  to  themoft  north- 
ern extremity  of  it,  added  new  fortifications  to  the  wall  of 
Adrian  ;  and  during  the  reigns  of  all  the  Roman  empe- 
rors, fuch  a  profound  tranquillity  prevailed  in  Britain,  that 
little  mention  is  made  of  the  affairs  of  that  ifland  by  any 
hiflorian.  The  only  incidents  which  occur,  are  fome  fe- 
ditions  or  rebellions  of  the  Roman  legions  quartered  there, 
and  fome  ufurpations  of  the  imperial  dignity  by  the  Roman 
governors.  The  natives,  difarmed,  difpirited,and  fubmif- 
five,  had  loft  all  defire,  and  even  idea,  of  their  former 
liberty  and  independence. 

But  the  period  was  now  come,  when  that  enormous  fa- 
bric of  the  Roman  empire,  which  had  diffufed  flavery  and 
oppreflion,  together  with  peace  and  civility,  over  fo  con- 
fiderable  a  part  of  the  globe,  was  approaching  towards  its 
final  diffolution.  Italy,  and  the  centre  of  the  empire,  re- 
moved, during  fo  many  ages,  from  all  concern  in  the  wars, 
had  entirely  loft  the  military  fpirit,  and  were  peopled  by 
an  enervated  race,  equally  difpofed  to  fubmit  to  a  foreign 
yoke,  or  to  the  tyranny  of  their  own  rulers.  The  empe- 
rors found  themfelves  obliged  to  recruit  their  legions  from 
the  frontier  provinces,  where  the  genius  of  war,  though 
languishing,  was  not  totally  extinct ;  and  thefe  mercena- 
ry forces,  carelefs  of  laws  and  civil  inftitutions,  eftablifhed 
a  military  government,  no  lefs  dangerous  to  the  fovereign 
than  to  the  people.  The  farther  progrefs  of  the  fame  dif- 
orders  introduced  the  bordering  barbarians  into  the  fervice 
of  the  Romans  ;  and  thofe  fierce  nations,  having  now  ad- 
ded difcipline  to  their  native  bravery,  could  no  longer  be 
reftrained  by  the  impotent  policy  of  the  emperors,  who 
were  accuftomed  to  employ  one  in  the  deftruction  of  the 
others.  Senfible  of  their  own  force,  and  allured  by  the 
profpect  of  fo  rich  a  prize,  the  northern  barbarians,  in  the 
reign  of  Arcadius  and  Honorius,  aflailed  at  once  all  the 
frontiers  of  the  Roman  empire  ;  and  having  firft  fatiated 
their  avidity  by  plunder,  began  to  think  of  fixing  a  fettle- 
ment  in  the  wafted  provinces.  The  more  diftant  barba- 
rians, who  occupied  the  deferted  habitations  of  the  form- 
er, advanced  in  their  acquifttions,  and  preffed  with  their 


THE     ROMANS.  9 

incumbent  weight    the  Roman  ftate,  already   unequal    to  C  H  A  P 
the  load  which  it  fuftained.     Inftead  of  arming  the  people         I. 

in  their  own  defence,  the  emperors  recalled  all  the  diftant  ^- — v ' 

legions,  in  whom  alone  they  could  repofe  confidence  ;  and 
collected  the  whole  military  force  for  the  defence  of  the 
capital  and  centre  of  the  empire.  The  neceflity  of  felf- 
preiervation  had  fuperfeded  the  ambition  of  power  ;  and 
the  ancient  point  of  honour,  never  to  contract  the  limits 
of  the  empire,  could  no  longer  be  attended  to  in  this  defpe- 
rate  extremity. 

Britain  by  its  fituation  was  removed  from  the  fury  of 
thefe  barbarous  incurfions  ;  and  being  alfo  a  remote  pro- 
vince, not  much  valued  by  the  Romans,  the  legions  which 
defended  it  were  carried  over  to  the  protection  of  Italv  and 
Gaul.  But  that  province,  though  lecured  by  the  feaagainit 
the  inroads  of  the  greater  tribes  of  barbarians,  found  ene- 
mies on  its  frontiers,  who  took  advantage  of  its'  prefent 
defencelefs  fituation.  The  Piclsand  Scots,  who  dwelt  in 
the  northern  parts,  beyond  the  wall  of  Antoninus,  made 
incurfions  upon  their  peaceable  and  effeminate  neighbours; 
and  befides  the  temporary  depredations  which  they  com- 
mitted, thefe  combined  nations  threatened  the  whole  pro- 
vince with  fubjecHon,  or,  what  the  inhabitants  more  dread- 
ed, with  plunder  and  devaluation.  The  Picls  feem  to  have 
been  a  tribe  of  the  native  Biitifh  race,  who,  having  been 
haled  into  the  northern  parts  of  the  conquefts  of  Agricola, 
had  there  intermingled  with  the  ancient  inhabitants  :  The 
Scots  were  derived  from  the  fame  Celtic  origin,  had  firlt 
been  eitablifhed  in  Ireland,  had  migrated  to  the  north- 
weft  coafts  of  this  ifland,  and  had  long  been  accuftomed, 
as  well  from  their  old  as.  their  new  feats,  to  infeft  the  Ro- 
man province  by  piracy  and  rapine*.  Thefe  tribes,  finding 
their  more  opulent  neighbours  expofed  to  invafion,  foon 
broke  over  the  Roman  wall,  no  longer  defended  by  the 
Roman  arms  ;  and  though  a  contemptible  enemy  in  them- 
felves,  met  with  no  refiftance  from  the  unwarlike  inhabi- 
tants. The  Britons,  accuftomed  to  have  recourfe  to  the 
emperors  for  defence  as  well  as  government,  made  ampli- 
cations to  Rome  ;  and  one  legion  was  fent  over  for  their 
protection.  This  force  was  an  overmatch  for  the  barbari- 
ans, repelled  their  invafion,  routed  them  in  every  engage- 
ment, and  having  chafed  them  into  their  ancient  limits, 
returned  in  triumph  to  the  defence  of  the  foutbem  pro- 
vinces of  the  empire f.  Their  retreat  biought  on  a  new 
Vol.  I.  C 

*  See  Note  [A  ]  at  the  end  of  the  Volume. 

.  las,  Bide,  lib.  1.  cap.  js.     Paul.  Uiaccn, 


io  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

invafion  of  the  enemy.  The  Britons  made  again  an  ap- 
plication to  Rome,  and  again  obtained  the  afliftance  of  a 
legion,  which  proved  effectual  for  their  relief:  But  the 
Romans,  reduced  to  extremities  at  home,  and  fatigued  with 
thole  dittant  expeditions,  informed  the  Britons  that  they 
muft  no  longer  look  to  them  for  fuccour,  exhorted  them 
to  arm  in  their  own  defence,  and  urged,  that  as  they  were 
now  their  own  matters,  it  became  them  to  protect  by  their 
valour  that  independence  which  their  ancient  lords  had 
conferred  upon  them*.  That  they  might  leave  the  ifland 
with  the  better  grace,  the  Romans  affifted  them  in  erecting 
anew  the  wall  of  Severus,  which  was  built  entirely  of 
(tone,  and  which  the  Britons  had  not  at  that  time  artificers 
ikilful  enough  to  repairf .  And  having  done  this  latt  good 
office  to  the  inhabitants,  they  bid  a  final  adieu  to  Britain, 
about  the  year  448  ;  after  being  mafters  of  the  more  con- 
fiderable  part  of  it  during  the  courfe  of  near  four  centu- 
ries. 


The    BRITONS. 

TH  E  abject  Britons  regarded  this  prefent  of  liberty 
as  fatal  to  them  ;  and  were  in  no  condition  to  put  in 
practice  the  prudent  counlel  given  them  by  the  Romans, 
to  arm  in  their  own  defence.  Unaccuftomed  both  to  the 
perils  of  war  and  to  the  cares 'of  civil  government,  they 
found  themlelves  incapable  of  forming  or  executing  any 
meafures  for  refitting  the  incurfions  of  the  barbarians. 
Gratian  alfo  and  Conftantine,  two  Romans  who  had  a  lit- 
tle before  afJTumed  the  purple  in  Britain,  had  carried  over 
to  the  continent  the  flower  of  the  Britifh  youth  ;  and  hav- 
ing perifhed  in  their  unfuccefsful  attempts  on  the  imperial 
throne,  had  del  poiled  the  ifland  of  thofe  who,  in  this  def- 
perate  extremity,  were  beftable  to  defend  it.  The  Picts 
and  Scots,  finding  that  the  Romans  had  finally  relinquifh- 
ed  Britain,  now  regarded  the  whole  as  their  prey,  and  at- 
tacked the  northern  wall  with  redoubled  forces.  The 
Britons,  already  fubdued  by  their  own  fears,  found  the 
ramparts  but  a  weak  defence  for  them  ;  and  deferting  their 
ftation,  left  the  country  entirely  open  to  the  inroads  of  the 
barbarous  enemy.  The  invaders  carried  devaluation  and 
ruin  along  with  them  ;  and  exerted  to  the  utmoft  their  na- 
tive ferocity,  which  was  not  mitigated  by  the  helplefs  con- 
dition and  fubmiflive  behaviour  of  the  inhabitants^.     The 

*  Bede,  lib.   1.  cap.   12,  f  Ibid.  J  Gildas,  Bede,  lib.  1. 

Ann.  Bcverl.  p.  45. 


T  H  E    B  R  I  T  Q  N  S.  n 

unhappy  Britons  had  a  third  time  recourfe  to  Rome,  which  CHAP, 
had  declared  its  refolution  for  ever  to  abandon  them,    JEti-    .      j# 
us,  the  patrician,  fuftained,  at  that  time,  by  his  valour  and  v      ,v    .J 
magnanimity,  the   tottering  ruins  of  the  empire,  and  re- 
vived for  a   moment,  among  the  degenerate   Romans,  the 
fpirit,  as  well  as  difcipline,  of  their  anceltors.     The  Bri- 
tifh  ambafladors  carried  to  him  the  letter  of  their  country- 
men, which  was  inferibed,  The  Groans    of  the  Britons.  . 
The  tenor  of  the  epiftle  was  fuitable  to  its  luperfcription. 
The  barbarians,  fay  they,  on  the  one  hand,  chafe  us  into 
thefea  ;  thefea,  on  the  other,  throws  us  back  upon  the  bar- 
barians ;  and  we  have  only  the  hard  choice  left  us,  of  pe- 
rsuing by  thefzvord  or  by  the  waves*.     But  JEtius,  prefTed 
by  the  arms  of  Attila,  the  molt  terrible  enemy   that  ever 
aiTailed  the  empire,  had  no  leifure   to  attend   to  the  com- 
plaints of  allies,  whom  generofity  alone  could  induce  him 
toa(fift+.     The  Britons,  thus  rejected,  were  reduced    to 
defpair,  deferted  their  habitations,  abandoned  tillage,  and  ^ 

flying  for  protection  to  the  forefts  and  mountains,  fuffered 
equally  from  hunger  and  from  the  enemy.  The  barbari- 
ans themielves  began  to  feel  the  preiTures  of  famine  in  a 
country  which  they  had  ravaged  :  and  being  haraffed  by 
the  difperfed  Britons,  who  had  not  dared  to  refift  them  in 
a  body,  they  retreated  with  their  fpoils  into  their  own 
country!. 

The  Britom,  taking  advantage  of  this  interval,  return- 
ed to  their  ul'ual  occupations  ;  and  the  favourable  feafons, 
which  fucceeded,  feconded  their  induftry,  made  them  loon 
forget  their  paft  ruiferies, and  reltored  to  them  great  plenty 
of  all  the  necellaries  of  life.  No  more  can  be  imagined 
to  have  been  pofieffed  by  a  people  /o  rude,  who  had  not, 
without  the  affiitance  of  the  Romans,  art  of  mafonry  fuf- 
ficient  to  raife  a  ftone  rampart  for  their  own  defence  :  Yet 
the  Monkifh  hifloriansl!,  who  treat  of  thofe  events,  com- 
plain of  the  luxury  of  the  Britons  during  this  period,  and 
afcribe  to  that  vice,  not  to  their  cowardice  or  improvident 
counfels,  all  their  fubfequent  calamities. 

The  Britons,  entirely  occupied  in  the  enjoyment  of 
the  prefent  interval  of  peace,  made  no  provifion  for  refift •» 
ing  the  enemy,  who,  invited  by  their  former  timid  beha- 
viour, foon  threatened  them  with  a  new  invafion.  We 
are  not  exactly  informed  what  fpecies  of  civil  government 
the  Roman*  on  t)ic*ir  departure  had  left  among  the  Britons; 
but  it  appears  probable,  that  the  great  men  in  the  different 

*  Giklas,  Bedc,  lib.  i,  cap.  13.  Malmefbury,  lib.  i.<a,).  1,  \;m.  Beveil. 
p.   45;  f  CUon.  Sax.  p.    11.  edit.    1692.  X    \iv,\. 

be  eil.  p.  45.  i.ioo,  \\l.  1.  cap.    14, 


12  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  diftricts  aflumed  a  kind  of  regal,  though  precarious  author 
I.        rity  ;  and   lived  in  a   great  meafure  independent  of  each 

1 v '  other*.     To  thisdifunionof  counfels  were  alio  added  the 

difputes  of  theology  ;  and  the  difciplcs  of  Pelagius,  who 
was  himfelf  a  native  of  Britain,  having  increased  to  a  great 
multitude,  gave  alarm  to  the  clergy,  who  feem  to  have  been 
more  intent  on  fupprefling  them,  than  on  oppofing  the 
public  enemyf.  Labouring  under  thefe  domeftic  evils, 
and  menaced  with  a  foreign  invahon,  the  Britons  attended 
only  to  the  fuggeftions  of  their  prelent  fears;  and  follow- 
ing the  counfels  of  Vortigern,  prince  of  Dumnonium, 
who,  though  fta'ned  with  every  vice,  poffeiTed  the  chief 
authority  among  them^,  they  lent  into  Germany  a  deputa- 
tion to  invite  over  the  Saxons  for  their  protection  and  ai- 
fiftance. 


The     SAXONS. 

OF  all  the  barbarous  nations, known  either  in  ancient 
or  modern  times,  the  Germans  feem  to  have  been  the 
moft  diftinguifhed  both  by  their  manners  and  political  in- 
stitutions, and  to  have  carried  to  the  highcft  pitch  the  vir- 
tues of  valour  and  love  of  liberty ;  the  only  virtues 
which  can  have  place  among  an  uncivilized  people,  where 
jullice  and  humanity  are  commonly  neglected.  Kingly 
government,  even  when  eflablilhed  among  the  Germans 
(for  it  was  not  univerfal),  poffeiTed  a  very  limited  authori- 
ty ;  and  though  the  fovereign  was  ul'ually  chofen  from 
among  the  royal  family,  he  was  directed  in  every  meafure 
by  the  common  confent  of  the  nation  over  whom  he  presi- 
ded. When  any  important  affairs  were  tranfaCied,  all  the 
warriors  met  in  arms  ,*  the  men  of  greateft  authority  em- 
ployed perfuafion  to  engage  their  conlent ;  the  people 
expreffed  their  approbation  by  rattling  their  armour,  or 
their  diffent  by  murmurs  ;  there  was  no  neceflity  for  a 
nice  Scrutiny  of  votes  among  a  multitude,  who  were  ufu- 
ally  carried  with  a  flrong  current  to  one  fide  or  the  other  ; 
and  the  meafure,  thus  fuddenly  chofen  by  general  agree- 
ment, was  executed  with  alacrity,  and  profecuted  with 
vigour.  Even  in  war,  the  princes  governed  more  by  ex- 
ample than  by  authority:  But  in  peace,  the  civil  union 
was  in  a  great  meafure  diffolved,  and  the  inferior  leaders 
administered  juftice  after  an  independent  manner,  each  in 
his  particular  difln£t.     Thele  were  elected   by  the   votes 

*  Gtldas,  Ufher.  An:.  P.rit.  p.  24S.  347.  i  Gildas,  Bede,  lib.  I, 

rr>p.  17;     Conftant.  in  vita  Geim.  J  Gildas,  Gul.  Malm.  p.  8. 


THE    SAXONS. 


'3 


of  the  people  in  their  great   councils ;  and  though  regard  CHAP. 
was  paid  to  nobility  in  the  choice,  their  perfonal  qualities,  I. 

chiefly  their  valour,  procured  them,   from  the   fuffrages  of  ^ * — *• 

their  fellow-citizens,  that  honourable  but  dangerous  dis- 
tinction. The  warriors  of  each  tribe  attached  themfelves 
lo  their  leader  with  the  inoft  devoted  affection  and  moll  un- 
fliaken  conftancy.  They  attended  him  as  his  ornament  in 
peace,  as  his  defence  in  war,  as  his  council  in  the  adminif- 
tration  of  juftice.  Their  confiant  emulation  in  military 
renown  diffolved  not  that  inviolable  friendfhip  which  they 
profeiTed  to  their  chieftain  and  to  each  other.  To  die  for 
the  honour  of  their  band,  was  their  chief  ambition  :  To 
furvive  itsdifgrace,  or  the  death  of  their  leader,  was  infa- 
mous. They  even  carried  into  the  field  their  women  and 
children,  who  adopted  all  the  martial  fentiments  of  the 
men  :  And  being  thus  impelled  by  every  human  motive, 
they  were  invincible  ;  where  they  were  not  oppofed  either 
bv  the  fimiiar  manners  and  infritutions  of  the  neighbouring  ^ 
Germans,  or  by  the  fuperior  difcipline,  arms,  and  numbers 
of  the  Romans*. 

The  leaders  and  their  military  companions  were  main- 
tained by  the  labour  of  their  flaves,  or  by  that  of  the  weak- 
er and  lefs  warlike  part  of  the  community  whom  they  de- 
fended. The  contributions  which  they  levied  went  not 
beyond  a  bare  fubfiftence  ;  and  the  honors,  acquired  by  a 
fuperior  rank,  were  the  only  reward  of  their  fupeiior  dan- 
gers and  fatigues.  All  the  refined  arts  of  life  were  un- 
known among  the  Germans  :  Tillage  itfelf  was  almofr. 
wholly  neglected  :  They  even  feem  to  have  been  anxious 
to  prevent  any  improvements  of  that  nature  ;  and  the  lea- 
ders, by  annually  difiributing  anew  all  the  land  among  the 
inhabitants  of  each  village,  kept  them  from  attaching  them- 
felves to  particular  poffeffions,  or  making  fuch  progrefs  in 
agriculture  as  might  divert  their  attention  from  milita- 
ry expeditions,  the  chief  occupation  of  the  communi- 
ty.t 

The  Saxons  had  been  for  fome  time  regarded  as  one  of 
the  mod  warlike  tribes  of  this  fierce  people,  and  had  be- 
come the  terror  of  the  neighbouring  nations^.  They  had 
dittufed  themfelves  from  the  northern  parts  of  Germany 
and  theCimbrian  Cherfonelus,  and  had  taken  pofTcffion  of 
all  the  fea-coaft  from  the  mouth  of  the  Rhine  to  Jutland  ; 
whence  they  had  long  infefted  by  their  piracies  all  the  caf- 
tern  and  fouthern  parts  of  Britain,    and    the  northern  of 

*  Ofar,    lib.    6.       Ta  it.    de   Mor.  Geim.  f  Caefjr,  lib.  6. 

Tacit,  ibid.  +  Amm.  Marceil.  lib.  aS.Crofius. 


\4>  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Gaul*.     In  order  tooppofe  their  inroads,  the  Romans  had 
I.        eflablihSed  an  officer,  whom  they  called  Count  of  the  Saxon 

K v '  fkore;  and  as  the  naval  arts  can  flourifh  among  a  civilized 

people  alone,  they  feem  to  have  been  more  fuccefsful  in  re- 
pelling  the  Saxons,  thananyof  theotherbarbariansby  whom 
they  were  invaded.  J  he  diflblution  of  the  Roman  power  in- 
vited them  to  lenew  their  inroads  ;  and  it  was  an  accepta- 
ble citcumftance,  that  the  deputies  of  the  Britons  appeared 
among  them,  and  prompted  them  to  undertake  an  enter- 
prize,  to  which  they  were  of  themfelves  fufficiently  in- 
clinedf. 

Hengist  and  Horfa,  two  brothers,  poffefled  great  cre- 
dit among  the  Saxons,  and  were  much  celebrated  both  for 
their  valour  and  nobility.  They  were  reputed,  as  mod  of 
the  Saxon  princes,  to  be  fprung  from  Woden,  who  was 
worfhipped  as  a  god  among  thofe  nations,  and  they  are 
faid  to  be  his  great  grandfonsj  ;  a  circumftance  which  ad- 
ded much  to  their  authority.  We  (hall  not  attempt  to  trace 
any  higher  the  origin  of  thofe  princes  and  nations.  It  is 
evident  what  fruitlels  labour  it  muft  be  to  fearch,  in  thofe 
barbarous  and  illiterate  ages,  for  the  annals  of  a  people, 
when  their  firft  leaders,  known  in  any  true  hiftory,  were 
believed  by  them  to  be  the  fourth  in  defcent  from  a  fabu- 
lous deity,  orfromaman  exalted  by  ignorance  into  that 
character.  The  dark  induftry  of  antiquaries,  led  by  ima- 
ginary analogies  of  names,  or  by  uncertain  traditions, 
would  in  vain  attempt  to  pierce  into  that  deep  oblcurity 
which  covers  the  remote  hiftory  of  thofe  nations. 

These  two  brothers,  obferving  the  other  provinces  of 
Germany  to  be  occupied  by  a  warlike  and  neceflitous  peo- 
ple, and  the  rich  provinces  of  Gaul  already  conquered  or 
overrun  by  other  German  tribes,  found  it  eafy  to  perfuade 
their  countrymen  to  embrace  the  fole  enterprize  which 
promifed  a  favourable  opportunity  of  difplaying  their  va- 
lour and  gratifying  their  avidity.  They  embarked  their 
troops  in  three  veiTels,  and,  about  the  year  449  or  450H, 
carried  over  1600  men,  who  landed  in  the  ifle  of  Thanet, 
and  immediately  marched  to  the  defence  of  the  Britons 
againft  the  northern  invaders.  The  Scots  and  Pi£s  were 
unable  to  refift  the  valour  of  thefe  auxiliaries ;  and  the 
Britons,  applauding  their  own  wifdom  in  calling  over  the 
Saxons,    hoped  thenceforth  to  enjoy    peace   and  fecuri- 

*  Amm,  Marcell.  lib.  27.  cap.  7.     lib.  28.  'cap.   7.  +  Will. 

Malm.  p.  8.       "  t   Bede»  lib.  1.   cap.  15.     Saxon  Chron.  p.    13. 

Nennius.  cap.  28.  ||  Saxon  Chronicle,  p.  12.  Gul.  Malm.  p.  11. 

Huntington,  lib.  2.  p.  309.     Ethelwerd.     Brumpton,  p.  72S. 


THE    SAXONS.  15 

ty  under  the   powerful    protection  of  that  warlike  peo-  CHAP. 


P1 

But  Hengift  and   Horfa    perceiving,    from  their  eafy  v- 

victory   over  the  Scots  and  Picls,  with  what  facility  they 
might  fubdue  the  Britons  themfelves,  who  had   not   been 
able  to  rcfift  thofe   feeble  invaders,  were  determined   to 
conquer  and   fight  for  their  own  grandeur,  not  for  tiie  de- 
fence of  their  degenerate  allies.     They  fent  intelligence 
to   Saxony  of  the  fertility  and  riches  of  Britain  ;  und  re- 
prefented  as  certain  the  fubjetStion  of  a  people  fo  longdif- 
uled  to  arms,  who,  being  now  cut  off  from  the  Roman  em- 
pire, of  which  they  had  been  a  province  during  fo  many 
ages,  had  not  yet  acquired  any  union  among  themfelves, 
and  were  deftitute   of   all    affection  to  their  new  liberties, 
and  of  all  national  attachments  and  regards*.     The  vices 
and  pufillanimity  of  Vortigern,  the  Britifh  leader,  were  a 
new  ground  of  hope;  and  ihe  Saxons  in  Germany,  follow- 
ing fuch  agreeable  prolpe£ts,  loon  reinforced  Hengift  and 
Horfa  with  5000  men,  who  came  over  in  feventeen  veffels. 
The  Britons  now  began  to  entertain  apprehenfions  of  their 
allies,  whofe  numbers  they  found  continually  augmenting; 
but  thought  of  no  remedy,  except  a  paffive  lubmiffion  and 
connivance.  This  weak  expedient  foon  failed  them.    The 
Saxons  fought  »  quarrel,  by  complaining  that  their  fubfi- 
dies  were  ill  paid,  and  their  provifionswithdrawnf  :  And 
immediately  taking  off  the  mafk,  they  formed  an  alliance 
with  the  Picts  and  Scots,  and   proceeded  to  open  hoftility 
againft   the  Britons. 

The  Britons,  impelled  by  thefe  violent  extremities,  and 
routed  to  indignation  againft  their  treacherous  auxiliaries, 
were  necefRtated  to  take  arms  ;  ancLhaving  depofed  Vor- 
tigern, who  had  become  odious  horn  his  vices,  and  from 
the  bad  event  of  hisralh  counfels,  they  put  themfelves  un- 
der the  command  of  his  fon  Vortimer.  They  fought  many 
battles  with  their  enemies:  and  though  the  victories  in 
thefe  actions  be  difputed  between  the  Britifh  and  Saxon 
annalifts,  the  progrefs  ft  ill  made  by  the  Saxons  proves  that 
the  advantage  was  commonly  on  their  fide.  In  one  battle, 
however,  fought  at  Eglesford,  now  Ailsford,  Horfa,  the 
Saxon  general,  wasflain,  and  left  the  fole  command  over 
his  countrymen  in  the  hands  of  Hengift.  This  active 
general,  continually  reinforced  by  frelh  numbers  from 
Germany,  carried  devaluation  into  the  molt  remote  corners 
of  Britain  ;  and  being  chiefly  anxious  to  fpread  the  terror 
of  his  arms,  he  fpared  neither  age,  nor  fex,  nor  condition, 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  12.       Ann.  Beverl.  p.  49.  +  Bede,  lib.  i.cap.  1  j. 

Nemiiui,  cap.  35.     Gildas,  §  33. 


i6  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  wherever  he  marched  with  his  victorious  forces.    The  pri* 
I.        vate  and  public  edifices  of  the   Britons    were    reduced  to 

*-— v '  afhes  :  The  priefts  were  flaughtered  on  the  altars  by  thofe 

idolatrous  ravagers  :  The  bifhops  and  nobility  {bared  the 
fate  of  the  vulgar :  The  people,  flying  to  the  mountains 
and  deferts,  were  intercepted  and  butchered  in  heaps : 
Some  were  glad  to  accept  of  life  and  fervitude  under  their 
victors;  Others,  deferting  their  native  country,  took  {bel- 
ter in  the  province  of  Armorica  ;  where,  being  charitably 
received  by  a  people  of  the  fame  language  and  manners, 
they  fettled  in  great  numbers,  and  gave  the  country  the 
name  of  Brittany*. 

The  Britifh  writers  aflign  one  caufe  which  facilitated 
the  entrance  of  the  Saxons  into  this  illand  ;  the  love  with 
which  Vortigern  wasat  firfl  feized  Mr  Rovena,  the  daught- 
er of  Hengift,  and  which  that  artful  warrior  made  ufe  of  to 
blind  the  eyes  of  the  imprudent  monarchf.  The  fame 
hiftorians  add,  that  Vortimer  died  ;  and  that  Vortigern, 
being  reftored  to  the  throne,  accepted  of  a  banquet  from 
Hengift  at  Stonehenge,  where  300  of  his  nobility  were 
treacheroufly  flaughtered,  and  himfelf  detained  captivej* 
But  thefe  ftories  feem  to  have  been  invented  by  the  Welfh 
authors,  in  order  to  palliate  the  weak  refiftance  made 
at  firfl  by  their  countrymen,  and  to  account  for  the  rapid 
progrefs  and  licentious  devaflationsof  the  Saxons ||. 

After  the  death  of  Vortimer,  Ambrofius,  a  Briton* 
though  of  Roman  defcent,  wasinvefted  with  the  command 
over  his  countrymen,  and  endeavoured,  not  without  fuc- 
cefs,  to  unite  them  in  their  refiftance  againft  the  Saxons. 
Thofe  contefts  increafed  the  animofity  between  the  two 
nations,  and  roufed  the  military  fpirit  of  the  ancient  in* 
habitants,  which  had  before  been  funk  into  a  fatal  lethargy* 
Hengift,  however,  notwithstanding  their  oppofition,  ftill 
maintained  his  ground  in  Britain  ;  and  in  order  to  divide 
the  forces  and  attention  of  the  natives,  he  called  over  a 
new  tribe  of  Saxons,  under  the  command  of  his  brother 
Ocla,  and  of  Ebifla,  the  fon  of  Octa  ;  and  he  fettled  them 
in  Northumberland.  He  himfelf  remained  in  the  fouthern 
parts  of  the  ifland,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  the  kingdom 
of  Kent,  comprehending  the  countv  of  that  name,  Middle- 
fex,  Eflex,  and  part  of  Surry.  He  fixed  his  royal  feat  at 
Canterbury  ;  where  he  governed  about  forty  years,  and 
he  died  in  or  near  the  year  488  ;  leaving  his  new-acquired 
dominions  to  his  pofterity. 

*  Eede,  lib.  I.  cap.  15.      lifter,  p.  226.  Gildas,  $  24. 

f  Nennius.     Galfr.  lib.  6.  cap.  12.  $  Nennius,  cap.  47.  Galfr. 

||  Stiliingfietfs  Orig.  Btit.  p.   324,  325. 


THE     S  A  X  O  N  S.  17 

i  £  fuccefs  of  ilengilh  excited  the  avidity  of.lhe  other  C  II  A  iV 
northern  Germans ;  and  at  dirFerenttiir.es,  and  under  dif-         I. 

ferent  leaders,   thev  flocked  over  in  multitudes  to  the  in-  v v ' 

vaiion  of  this  iibnd.  Thefe  conquerors  were  chiefly  com- 
posed of  three  tribes,  the  Saxons,  Angles,  and  Jutes*, 
who  all  palled  under  the  common  appellation,  ibmctimes 
of  Saxons,  fometimes  of  Angles;  and  fpeaking  the  fame 
language,  and  being  governed  by  the  fame  inftitutions, 
v/ere  naturally  led,  from  thefe  caufes  as  well  as  from 
their  common  intereft,  to  unite  themfeives  againft  the  an- 
cient inhabitants.  The  ireuftance  however^  though  une- 
qual, wasftiil  maintained  by  the  Britons  ;  but  became 
everyday  more  feeble  :  And  their  calamities  admitted  of 
few  intervals,  till  they  were  driven  into  Cornwal  and 
Wales,  and  received  protection  from  the  remote  fituation 
or  iuacceffible  mountains  of  thofe  countries. 

The  lirit  Saxon  ftate  after  thar  of  Kent,  which  was 
eftabiifhed  in  Britain,  was  the  kingdom  of  South-Saxony. 
In  the  year  477+,  /Ella,  a  Saxon  chief,  brought  over  an 
army  from  Germany  ,*  and  landing  on  the  fouthern  coaft, 
proceeded  to  take  pofleffion  of  the  neighbouring  territory. 
Britons,  now  armed,  did  not  tamely  abandon  their 
(lions;  nor  were  they  expelled,  ti'l  defeated  in  many 
battles  by  their  warlike  invaders.  The  moil  memorable 
action,  mentioned  by  hiftorians,  is  that  of  Meacredes- 
JBurnJ  ;  where,  though  the  Saxons  feem  to  have  obtained 
the  victory,  they  fufFered  fo  confiderable  a  lofs,  as  fome- 
what  retarded  the  progrefs  of  their  conquefts.  But  JElla, 
reinforced  by  freih  numbers  of  his  countrymen,  again  took 
the  lit  i  i  againft  the  Britons;  and  laid  liege  to  Andred- 
Ceafler,  which  was  defended  by  the  garrifon  and  inhabi- 
tants with  defperate  valour ||.  The  Saxons,  enraged  by 
this  refinance,  and  by  the  fatigues  and  dangers  which  they 
liad  fuftained,  redoubled  their  efforts  againft  the  place,  and 
when  mafiers  of  it,  put  all  their  enemies  to  the  fword 
without  diitinction.  This  decifive  advantage  fecured  the 
conquefts  of  /Ella,  who  alTumed  the  name  of  King,  and 
extended  his  dominion  over  Suflex  and  a  great  part  of 
Surry.  He  was  flopped  in  his  progrefs  to  the  eaft  by 
the   kingdom  of  Kent:  In    that  to   the   weft  by  another 

Vol.  I.  D 

1  ■-,.     Ethelwi 
j).  1  '.  1 

■  ■id  all   the   lout  he 

S  of  the  kingdi  iin, 
were  ml 

1.    p.  St.       *  Saxon  Ckron.  A.  D.  485. 
■  b.  2. 


18  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

tribe  of  Saxons,  who  had  taken  poffeffion  of  that  terri- 
tory. 

These  Saxons,  from  the  fituation  of  the  country  in 
which  they  fettled,  were  called  the  Weft- Saxons,  and 
landed  in  the  year  495,  under  the  command  of  Cerdic, 
and  of  his  fon  Kenric*.  The  Britons  were,  by  pail  ex- 
perience, fo  much  on  their  guard,  and  fo  well  prepared  to 
receive  the  enemy,  that  they  gave  battle  to  Cerdic  the  very 
day  of  his,  landing  ;  and  though  vanquifhed,  ftill  defen- 
ded, for  fome  time,  their  liberties  againfi  the  invaders. 
None  of  the  other  tribes  of  Saxons  met  with  fuch  vigorous 
refinance,  or  exerted  fuch  valour  and  perfeverance  in  puih- 
ing  their  conqueils.  Cerdic  was  even  obliged  to  call  for 
the  aihTtance  of  his  countrymen  from  the  kingdoms  of 
Kent  and  Su'Iex,  as  well  as  from  Germany,  and  he  was 
thence  joined  by  a  trelh  army  under  the  command  of  Porte, 
and  of  his  fons  Bleda  and  Meglaf.  Strengthened  by  thefe 
fuccours,  he  fought,  in  the  year  508,  a  defperate  battle 
with  the  Britons,  commanded  by  Nazan-Leod,  who  was 
victorious  in  the  beginning  of  the  aclion,  and  routed  the 
wing  in  which  Cerdic  himfelf  commanded ;  but  Kenric, 
who  had  prevailed  in  the  other  wing,  brought  timely  affift- 
ance  to  his  father,  and  reftored  the  battle,  which  ended 
in  a  complete  victory  gained  by  the  Saxons^.  Nazan-Leod 
periled,  with  5000  of  his  army  ;  but  left  the  Britons  more 
weakened  than  difcouraged  by  his  death.  The  war  flill 
continued,  though  the  fuccefs  was  commonly  on  the  fide 
of  the  Saxon",  whofe  fhort  fwords,  and  clofe  manner  of 
fighting,  gave  them  great  advantage  over  the  mi  (Tile  wea- 
pons of  the  Britons.  Cerdic  was  not  wanting  to  his*  good 
fortune  ;  and  in  order  to  extend  his  conqueils,  he  laid  fiege 
to  Mount  B;idon  or  Banefdowne  near  Bath,  whither  the 
moil  obfiinateof  thedifcomfited  Britons  had  retired.  The 
fouthern  Ijiiions,  in  this  extremity,  applied  for  afliftance 
to  Arthur,  Prince  of  the  Silures,  whofe  heroic  valour  now 
fuilained  the  declining  fate  of  his  country!.  This  is  that 
Arthur  fo  much  celebrated  in  the  fongs  of  Thalieffin,  and 
the  other  Britifh  bards,  and  whofe  military  achievements 
have  been  blended  with  fo  many  fables,  as  even  to  give  oc- 
casion for  entertaining  a  doubt  of  his  real  exiflence.  But 
poets,  though  they  disfigure  the  moil  certain  hiftory  by 
their  ficlions,  and  ufe  flrange  liberties  with  truth  where 
they  are  the  fole  hifforians,  as  among  the  Britons,  have 
commonly  fome  foundation  for  their  wildeft  exaggerations. 

*  Will.  Malm,  lib.  I.  C3p.    1.  p.  12.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  15.  f  Chron. 

Sax.  p.  17.  $  H.  Hunting,  lib.  2.     LtheAOeitl,  lib.   i.  Chron.  Sax. 

p.  17.  ||  Hunting:  lib.  2. 


THE    SAXON  5.  19 

Certain  it   is,  that  the   fiege  of  Badon  was  raited  by    the  CHAP. 
Britons  in  the  year  520  :  and   the  Saxons  were  there   dif-         I. 

comfited  in  a  great  battle*.     This  misfortune  flopped  the  v , — ~* 

progress  of  Cerdic  ;  but  was  not  fufficient  to  wreft  from 
him  the  conquefts  which  he  had  already  made.  He  and 
his  fon,  Kenric,  who  fucceeded  him,  eftablilhed-  the  king- 
dom of  the  Weft-Saxons,  or  of  Wefl'ex,  ever  the  counties 
of  Hants,  Dorfet,  Wilts,  Berks,  and  the  Iile  pf  Wight, 
and  left  their  new-acquired  dominions  to  their  pcfterity. 
Cerdic  died  in  524,  Kenric  in  560. 

While  the  Saxons  made  this  progrefs  in  thefouth,  their 
cou'  trymen  were  not  lefs  active  in  other  quarters.  In 
the  year  527,  a  great  tribe  of  adventurers,  under  feveral 
leaders,  landed  on  the  eaft  coaft  of  Britain  ;  and  after 
fighting  many  battles,  of  which  hiftory  has  preferved  no 
particular  account,  they  eftablilhed  three  new  kingdoms 
in  this  illand.  UfFa  affiimed  the  title  of  king  of  the  Eaft- 
Angles  in  575  ;  Crida  that  of  Mercia  in  5 8 5 1*  ',  and  Er- 
kinwin  that  of  Eaft-Saxony  or  Eflex  nearly  about  the  fame 
time,  but  the  year  is  uncertain.  This  latter  kingdom  was 
dilmembered  from  that  of  Kent,  and  comprehended  Eflex, 
Middiefex,  and  part  of  Hertfordfhire.  That  of  the  Eaft- 
Angies,  the  counties  of  Cambridge,  Suffolk,  and  Norfolk; 
Mercia  was  extended  over  ail  the  middle  counties,  from 
the  banksof  the  Severn,  to  the  frontiers  of  thefe  two  kingr 
doms. 

The  Saxons,  foon  after  the  lauding  of  Hengi.T:,  had 
been  planted  in  Northumberland  ;  but,  as  they  met  with 
an  obftinate  refiftance,  and  made  but  fmall  progress  in  fub- 
duing  the  inhabitants,  their  affairs  were  in  lb  unfettled  a 
condition,  that  none  of  their  princes  for  a  long  time  affum- 
ed  the  appellation  of  king.  Atlaft,  in  547 j,  Ida,  a  Saxon 
p'ince  of  great  valour,}},  who  claimed  a  defcent,  as  did 
aii  the  other  princes  of  that  nation,  from  Woden,  brought 
over  a  reinforcement  from  Germany,  and  enabled  the 
Northumbrians  to  carry  on  their  conquefts  over  the  Britons. 
He  entirely  fubdued  the  county  now  called  Northumber- 
land, the  bifhopric  of  Durham,  as  well  as  fome  of  the 
fouth-eaft  counties' of  Scotland  ;  and  he  a  (Turned  the  crown 
under  the  title  of  king  of  Bernicia.  Nearly  about  the 
fame  time,  iElla,  another  Saxon  prince,  having  conquered 
Lancafhire,  and  the  greater  part  of  Yorklhiie,  received 
the  appellation  of  king  of  Deiri**  Thefe  two  kingdoms 
were  united  in  the  perfon  of  Ethilfrid,  grandfon  of  Ida, 

titw.  lib.  2.  t  Matii.  Weft, 

.    .  19. 

**   Ann.  lkycil.  p.  73, 


20  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P*  "'1'°  niarried  Area,  the  daughter  of  ^lla  ;  and  expelling 
1.         her  brother  Edwin,  efiablifhed   one  of  the  rroft  poweiful 

* v '  of  the  Saxon  kingdoms  by  the  title  of  Northumberland. 

How  far  his  dominions  extended  into  the  country  now  cal- 
led Scotland  is  uncertain  ;  but  it  cannot  be  doubted,  that 
till  the  'lowland.-,  eipeciailv  thtl  eaft-coaft  of  that  country 
■were  peopled  ih  a^rfeat  meafure  from  Germany  ;  tliough 
the  expeditions,  made  by  the  feveral  Saxon  adventurers, 
have  eicaped  the  'records  of  hiftory.  The'  language  fpo- 
ken  in  thofe  countries,  which  is  purely  Saxon,  is  a  llrong- 
cr  proo'  of  tfris  event,  than  can  be  oppofed  bv  the  imper- 
fect, or  rather  fabulous  annals,  which  are  obtruded  on 
us  bv  the  Scottiih  hifiorians. 


The     HEPTARCHY. 

TH  U  S  was  eftab limed,  after  a  violent  conteft  of  near 
a  hundred  and  fifty  years,  the  Heptarchy,  or  feven 
Saxon  kingdoms,  in  Britain  ;  and  the  whole  fouthern  part 
of  ihe  iiland,  except  Wales  and  Cornwal,  had  totally 
changed  its  .inhabitants,'  language,  cuftorns,  and  political 
Inftitutions.  The  Britons,  under  the  Roman  dominion,  had 
made  fuch  advances  towards  arts  and  civil  manners,  that 
they  had  built  twenty-eight  considerable  cities  within  their 
province,  befides  a  great  number  of  villages  and  country 
ieats*  '.  But  the  fierce  conquerors',  by  whom  they  were 
now  fubdued,  threw  every  thing  back  into  ancient  barbari- 
ty :  and  thofe  few  natives,  who  were  hot  either  maiTacred 
or  expelled  their  habitations,  were  reduced  to  the  mcfi:  ab- 
ject fiaverv.  None  of  the  other  northern  conquerors,  the 
Franks,  Goths,  Vandals,  or  Burgundians,  though  they 
pverran  the  fouthern  provinces  of  the  empire  like  a  mighty 
torrent',  made  luch  devaflations  in  the  conquered  territories, 
or  were  inflamed  into  fo  violent  an  'animofity  againfl  the 
a'neient  inhabitants.  As  the  Saxons  came  over  at  intervals 
in  feparate  bodies,  the  Britons,  however  at  fnft  unwarlike, 
were  tempted  to  make  refinance ;  and  hoftilities  being 
thereby  prolonged,  proved  more  deftructive  to  both  parties, 
efpecially  to  the  vanquifned.  The  hrfl  invaders  from  Ger- 
many, inftead  of  excluding  o'her  adventurers,  who  mull 
(hare  with  them  thefpoilsof  the  ancient  inhabitants,  were 
obliged  to  folicit  frefh  fupplies  from  their  own  country; 
and  a  total  extermination  of  the  Britons  became  the  folc 
expedient  for  providing  a  fettleflienl  i\r.i.\  fubfiflencc  to  the 
hew   planters.     Hence  there  have  been  found    in   hiitoi  y 

*  GiWas,  Bole,  lib.   i. 


THE    HEPTARC  II  Y.  21 

few  conquefts  more  ruinous  than  that  of  the  Saxons;  and  CHAP. 
few  revolutions  more  violent  than  that  which  they   intro-         I. 

duced.  *! « ' 

So  long  as  the  con teft  was  maintained  with  the  natives, 
the  feveral  Saxon  princes  prcferved  a  union  of  counfelsand 
Jnterefts  ;    but  after  the  Britons  were  (hut  up  in  the  barren 
countries  of  Cornwal  and  Wales,  and  gave  no  farther  dif- 
turbance  to  the  conquerors,  the  band  of  alliance  was  in  a 
great  meafure  diflblved  among  the  princes  of  the  Heptar- 
chy.   Though  one  Prince  feemsftill  to  have  been  allowed, 
or  to  hive  affumed,  an  aicendant  over  the  whole,  his  autho- 
rity, if  it  ought  ever  to  be  deemed  regular  or  legal,  was 
extremely  limited  ;  and  each  ftate  acl.ed  as  if  it  had  been 
independent,  and  wholly   feparate  from  the  reft.     Wars, 
therefore,  and  revolutions  and  diffenfions  were  unavoidable 
among  a  turbulent   and  military  people;  and  thefe  events, 
however   intricate  or  cpnfufed,  ought  now  to  become  the 
objects  of  our  attention.      But,    added  to  the  difficulty  of 
carrying  on  at  once  the  hiftory  cf  leven  independent  king- 
doms, there  is  great  difcouragement  to   a    writer,  arifing 
from  the  unceitainty,  at  leaft  barrennefs,  of  the  accounts 
tranfmittsd'  to  us.     The  monks,  who  were  the  only  anna- 
lifts  during  thofe   ages,  lived  remote  from  public  affairs, 
confidered  the  civil  tran  factions  as  entirely  fubordinate  to 
the  ecclefiaftical,  and,  befides  partaking  of  the  ignorance 
and  barbarity    which  were  then  univerfal,  were  ftrongly 
infe£lei  with  credulity,  with  the  love  of  wonder,  and  with 
a  propmfity   to  impofture  ;   vices  almoft  infeparable  from 
their  profeflion   and  manner  of  life.     The  hiftory  of  that 
period  abounds  in  name?,  but  is  extremely  barren  of  events; 
or  the  events  are  related  fo  much  without  circumftances  and 
es,  that  the  moft  profound  or  moll  eloquent  writer  muff. 
defpair  of  rendering  them  either  inftru&ive  or  entertaining 
to  the  reader.     Even  the  great  learning  and  vigorous  ima- 
gination of  Milton  funk  under  the  weight;  and  this  author 
fcruplcs  not  to  declare,  that  the  fkirmifhes  of  kites  or  crows 
as    much  merited  a  particular  narrative,  as   the  confufed 
transactions   and  battles  of  the    Saxon   Heptarchy*.     In 
order,  however,  to  connect  the  events  in  fome    tolerable 
meafure,  we  mail  give  a  fuccintl  account  of  the  fucceflions 
of  kings,  and  of  the  more  remarkable  re/olutions  in  each 
particular  kingdom  ;   beginning  with  that  of  Kent,  which 
Was  the  firft  eftablilhed. 

•  Mil 


22  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


The    Kingdom     of     KENT. 

ESC  US  fucceeded  his  father,  Hengift,  in  the  king- 
dom of  Kent ;  but  feems  not  to  have  poffeffed  the 
military  genius  of  that  conqueror,  who  fiifl  made  way  for 
the  entrance  of  the  Saxon,  arms  into  Britain.  All  the 
Saxons,  who  fought  either  the  fame  of  valour,  or  new 
eftablifhments  by  arms,  flocked  to  the  ftandard  of  iElla, 
king  of  Suft'ex,  who  was  carrying  on  fuccefsful  war  againft 
the  Britons,  and  laying  the  foundations  of  a  new  king- 
dom. Efcus  was  content  to  poffefs  in  tranquillity  the 
kingdom  of  Kent,  which  he  left  in  512  to  his  Ion  Octa, 
in  whofe  time  the  Eaft-Saxons  eftabliihed  their  monarchy, 
and  difmembered  the  provinces  of  Effex  and  Middlefex 
from  that  of  Kent.  His  death,  after  a  reign  of  twenty-two 
years,  made  room  for  his  Ion  Hermenric  in  534,  who  per- 
formed nothing  memorable  during  a  reign  of  thirty-two 
years,  except  aflbciating  with  him  his  fon  Ethelbert  in  the 
government,  that  he  might  fecure  the  fucceffion  in  his 
family,  and  prevent  fuch  revolutions  as  are  incident  to  a 
turbulent  and  barbarous  monarchy. 

Ethelbert  revived  the  reputation  of  his  family,  which 
had  languifhed  for  fome  generations.  The  inactivity  of 
his  predeceffors,  and  the  fttuation  of  his  country,  fecured 
from  all  hoftility  with  the  Britons,  feem  to  have  much  en- 
feebled the  warlike  genius  of  the  Kentifh  Saxons ;  and 
Ethelbert,  in  his  firfr.  attempt  to  aggrandize  his  country, 
and  diiVmguifh  his  own  name,  was  unfuccefsful*.  He  was 
twice  difcemfited  in  battle  by  Ceaulin »  king  of  WeiTex  ; 
and  obliged  to  yield  the  fuperiority  in  the  Heptarchy  to 
that  ambitious  monarch,  who  preferved  no  moderation  in 
his  viclorv,  and  by  reducing  the  kingdom  of  Suffex  to  fub- 
jcclion,  excited  jealoufy  in  all  the  other  princes.  An  af- 
fociation  was  formed  againfl  hirn;  and  Ethelbert,  intrufted 
with  the  command  of  the  allies,  gave  him  battle,  and  ob- 
tained a  decifive  vicloryf.  Ceaulin  died  foon  after ;  and 
Ethelbert  fucceeded  as  well  to  his  afcendant  among  the 
Saxon  ftates,  as  to  his  other  ambitious  projects.  He  re- 
duced all  the  princes,  except  the  king  of  Northumberland, 
toa  uricl  dependance  upon  him;  a,ndeven  eftablifhed  himfelf 
by  force  on  the  throne  of  Merci3,the  mofi  extenfive  of  the 
Saxon  kingdoms.  Apprehenfive,  however,  of  a  dangerous 
league  againfl:  him,  like  that  by  which  he  himfelf  had  been 
enabled  to  overthrow  Ceaulin,  he  had  the  prudence  to  re- 
fign  the  kingdom  of  Mercia  to  Webba,  the  rightful  heir, 

•  Chron.  Sax.  p.  si.  +  H.  Hunting,  lib.   2. 


THE     HEPTARCHY.  23 

the  fori  of  Crida,  who  had  firfl  founded  that   monarchy.  CHAP. 
But  governed  ftill  by  ambition  more    than   by   juftice,  he         »• 
gave  Webba  polTeffion  of  the  crown  on  fuch  conditions,  as  ^~'  v       ' 
rendered  him  little  better  than  ,1  tiibutary  prince  under  his 
artful  benefactor. 

Bur  the  moft  memorable  event  which  diftinguifhed  the 
reign  of  this  great  prince,  was  the  introduction  of  the 
Chriftian  religion  among  the  Englifh  Saxons.  The  fu- 
perftition  of  the  Germans,  particularly  that  of  the  Saxons, 
was  of  the  grofTeft  and  moft  barbarous  kind  ;  and  being 
founded  on  traditional  tales  received  from  their  anceftors, 
not  reduced  to  any  fyftem,  not  fupported  by  political  in- 
ftitutions  like  that  of  the  Druids,  it  feems  to  have  made 
little  impreffion  on  its  votaries,  and  to  have  eafily  refigned 
its  place  to  the  new  doctrine  promulgated  to  them.  Wo- 
den, whom  they  deemed  the  anceftor  of  all  their  princes, 
was  regarded  as  the  god  of  war,  and,  by  a  natural  confe- 
quence,  became  their  fupreme  deity,  and  the  chief  object 
of  their  religious  worfnip.  They  believed,  that  if  thev 
obtained  the  favour  of  this  divinity  by  their  valour  (for 
they  made  lefs  account  of  the  other  virtues),  they  mould 
be  admitted  after  their  death  into  his  hall  ;  and  repofing  on 
couches,  fhould  fatiate  themfelves  with  ale  from  the  fkulls 
of  their  enemies  whom  they  had  flain  in  battle.  Incited 
by  this  idea  of  paradile,  which  gratified  at  once  the  paffion 
of  revenge  and  that  of  intemperance,  the  ruling  inclinati- 
ons of  barbarians,  they  defpifed  the  dangers  of  war,  and 
increafed  their  native  ferocity  againft  the  vanquished  by 
their  religious  prejudices.  We  know  little  of  the  other 
theological  tenets  of  the  Saxons:  We  only  learn  that  they 
were  polytheifts  ;  that  they  worshipped  the  fun  and  moon; 
that  they  adored  the  god  of  thunder,  under  the  name  of 
Thor  ;  that  they  had  images  in  their  temples  ;  that  they 
practifed  facrifices  ;  believed  firmly  in  fpells  and  inchant- 
ments ;  and  admitted  in  general  a  fyftem  of  doctrines  which 
they  held  as  lacred,  but  which,  like  all  other  fuperftitions, 
muft  carry  the  air  of  the  wildeft  extravagance,  if  propoun- 
ded to  thole  who  are  not  familiarized  to  it  from  their  earlieft 
infancy. 

The  conftant  hoftilities  which  the  Saxons  maintained 
againft  the  Britons,  would  naturally  indifpofe  them  for 
receiving  the  Chriftian  faith,  when  preached  to  them  hv 
fuch  inveterate  enemies  ;  and  perhaps  the  Britons,  as  is 
objected  to  them  by  Gildas  and  Bede,  were  not  over  fond 
of  communicating  to  their  cruel  invaders  the  doctrine  of 
eternal  life  and  falvation.  But  as  a  civilized  people, 
however  fubdued  by  arms,  ftill  maintain  a  fenfible  fupc- 
riority  over  barbarous  and  ignorant  nations,    all  the  other 


24  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

p#  northern  conquerors  of  Europe  had  been  already  induced 
to  embrace  the  Chriftian  faith,  which  they  found  eftablifh- 
ed  in  the  empire  ;  and  it  was  impoffible  but  the  Saxons, 
informed  of  this  event,  mufi  have  regarded  with  fome  de- 
gree of  veneration  a  doctrine,  which'  had  acquired  the 
afcendant  over  all  their  brethren.  However  limited  in 
their  views,  they  could  not  but  have  perceived  a  degree 
of  cultivation  in  the  fouthern  countries  beyond  what  they 
themlelves  poffeffed  ;  and  it  was  natural  for  them  to  yield 
to  that  fuperior  knowledge,  as  well  as  zeal,  by  which  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Chriftian  kingdoms  were  even  at  that 
time  difiinguifhed. 

But  thefe  caufes  might  long  have  failed  of  producing 
any  confiderable  effect,  had  not  a  favourable  incident 
prepared  the  means  of  introducing  Chrifiianity  into  Kent. 
Ethelbert  in  his  father's  lifetime,  had  married  Bertha,  the 
only  daughter  of  Caribert,  king  of  Paris*,  one  of  the 
defcendants  of  Clovis,  the  conqueror  of  Gaul  ;  but  be- 
fore he  was  admitted  to  this  alliance,  he  was  obliged  to 
ftipulate,  that  the  princefs  fhould  enjoy  the  free  exercife  of 
her  religion  ;  a  tonceffion  not  difficult  to  be  obtained  from 
the  idolatrous  Saxonsf.  Bertha  brought  over  a  French 
bifhop  to  the  court  of  Canterbury  ;  and  being  zealous  for 
the  propagation  of  her  religion,  (he  had  been  very  affidu- 
ous  in  her  devotional  exerciies,  had  fupported  the  credit 
of  her  faith  by  an  irreproachable  conduct,  and  had  em- 
ployed every  art  of  infinuation  and  addrefs  to  reconcile 
her  hufband  to  her  religious  principles.  Her  popularity 
in  the  court,  and  her  influence  over  Ethelbert,  had  io  well 
paved  the  way  for  the  reception  of  the  Chriftian  doctrine, 
that  Gregory,  firnamed  the  Great,  then  Roman  pontiff, 
began  to  entertain  hopes  of  effecting  a  project,  which  he 
himfelf,  before  he  mounted  the  papal  throne,  had  once 
embraced,  of  converting  the  Britilh  Saxons. 

It  happened,  that  this  prelate,  at  that  time  in  a  private 
ftation,  had  obferved  in  the  market-place  of  Rome  fome 
Saxon  youth  expofed  to  fale,  whom  the  Roman  merchants, 
in  their  trading  voyages  to  Britain,  had  bought  of  their 
mercenary  parents.  Struck  with  the  beauty  of  their  fair 
complexions  and  blooming  countenances,  Gregory  afked 
to  what  country  they  belonged  ;  and  being  told  they  were 
Angles,  he  replied,  that  they  ought  more  properly  to  be 
denominated  angels:  It  were  a  pity  that  the  Prince  of 
Darknefs  fhould  enjoy  fo  fair  a  prey,  and  that  fo  beauti- 
ful a  frontifpiece  fhould  cover  a  mind  deftitute  of  internal 
grace  and  righteoufnefs.      Enquiring  farther  concerning 

*  Greg,  of  Tours,  lib.  9.  cap.  26.     H.  Hunting,  lib.  2. 
f  Bede,  lib.  I.  tap.  15.     Erompion,  p.  729. 


THE      HEPTARCHY.  25 

the  name  of  their  province,   he  was  informed,  that  it  was  CHAP. 
Deiri,  a  diflrict  of  Northumberland:    Deiri  !  replied  he,         I. 

that  is  good !  They  are  called  to  the  mercy  of  Godjrom  his  ' •/ ' 

anger,  Ue  ira.  But  what  is  the  name  of  the  king  of  that 
province?  He  was  told  it  was  ALlla  or  Alia:  Alleluia, 
cried  he  :  We  mufl  endeavour,  that  the  praijes  of  God 
be  fun  g  in  their  country.  Moved  by  thefe  alluvions,  which 
appeared  to  him  fo  happy,  he  determined  to  undertake, 
himfelf,  a  million  into  Britain  ;  and  having  obtained  the 
Pope's  approbation,  he  prepared  for  that  perilous  journey  : 
But  hfe popularity  at  home  was  fo  great,  that  the  Romans, 
unwilling  to  expofe  him  to  fuch  dangers,  oppofed  his  de- 
fign  ;  and  he  was  obliged,  for  the  prefent,  to  lay  afide  all 
farther  thoughts  of  executing  that  pious  purpofe*.  . 

The  controversy  between  the  Pagans  and  the  Chriilians 
was  not  entirely  cooled  in  that  age  ;  and  no  pontiff,  be- 
fore Gregory,  had  ever  carried  to  greater  excefs  an  in- 
temperate zeal  againft  the  former  religion.  He  had  waged 
war  with  all  the  precious  monuments  of  the  ancients,  ;.nd 
even  with  their  writings  ;  which  as  appears  from  the  lira  in 
of  his  own  wit,  as  well  as  from  the  flyJe  of  his  compofi- 
tions,  he  had  not  tafte  or  genius  fufficient  to  comprehend. 
Ambitious  to  diftinguHh  his  pontificate  by  the  converfion 
of  the  Britilh  Saxons,  he  pitched  on  Augufline,  a  Roman 
monk,  and  lent  him  with  forty  affociates  to  preach  the 
gofpel  in  this  ifland.  Thefe  miilionaries,  terrified  with 
the  dangers  which  might  attend  their  propofing  a  new 
doctrine  to  fo  fierce  a  people,  of  whofe  language  they 
were  ignorant,  flopped  feme  time  in  France,  and  fent 
back  Augufline  to  lay  the  hazards  and  difficulties  before 
the  Pope,  and  crave  his  permiflion  to  deiift  from  «he  un- 
dertaking. But  Gregory  exhorted  them  to  perfevere  in 
their  purpofe,  advifed  them  to  chufe  fome  interpreters 
from  among  the  Franks,  who  (till  fpoke  the  lame  language 
with  the  Suxonsf,  and  recommended  them  to  the  good 
offices  of  queen  Brunchaut,  who  had  at  this  time  ulurped 
the  fovereign  power  in  France.  This  princefs,  though 
flained  with  every  vice  of  treachery  and  cruelty,  either 
poiTelTed  or  pretet.ded  great  zeal  for  the  caufe  ;  and  Grego- 
ry acknowledged,  that  to  her  friendly  affiitance,  was  in  a 
great  meafure,  owing  the  fuccefs  of  that  undertaking^. 

Augustine,  on  his  arrival  in  Kent,  in  the  year  597 1|, 
found  the  danger  much  lefs  than  he  had  apprehended. 
Ethelbert  already  wcll-difpofed  towards  the  Chriftian  faith, 

Vol.  1.  E 

*  Bede,  lib.  2.  ca;».  1.     Spell,  (one.  p.  91.  f  Bede,  lib.  t.  cap.  23. 

\  (-teg.  fcpvft.  Hb.  9.     <  ■  :1.  CoaCi  p.  £;.  \\  Hi.dcn.  Poiy- 

ciuan,  lib.  3.      Chron.  i&*.  p.  aj, 


iS  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  affigned  him  a  habitation  in  the  Ifle  of  Thanet ;  and  fooa 
I.         after  admitted  him  to  a  conference.     Apprcheniive,  how- 

* v— -**  ever,    left   fpells   or   enchantments   might   be  employed 

againft  him  by  priefts,  who  brought  an  unknown  wor- 
fhip  from  a  diftant  country,  he  had  the  precaution  to  re- 
ceive them  in  the  open  air,  where  he  believed  the  force  of 
their  magic  would  be  more  eafily  dillipated*.  Here  Au- 
guftine,  by  means  of  his  interpreters,  delivered  to  him 
the  tenets  of  the  Chriftian  faith,  and  promiled  him  eternal 
joys  above,  and  a  kingdom  in  heaven  without  end,  if  he 
would  be  perfuaded  to  receive  that  falutarv  dodtrine. 
*'  t  Your  words  and  promifes,"  replied  Etheibert,  "  are 
"  fair  ;  but  bccaufe  they  are  new  and  uncertain,  I 'cannot 
"  entirely  yield  to  them,  and  relinquith  the  principles 
"  xvhich  I  and  my  anceftora  have  fo  long  maintained. 
"  You  are  welcome,  however,  to  remain  here  in  peace  ; 
"  and  as  you  have  undertaken  fo  long  a  journey,  folely, 
"  as  it  appears,  for  what  you  believe  to  be  for  our  ad- 
u  vantage,  I  will  fupply  you  with  all  neceffaries,  and  per- 
"  mit  you  to  deliver  your  dodtrine  to  my  fubjedls|." 

Augustine,  encouraged  by  this  favourable  reception, 
and  feeing  now  a  profpedt  of  fuccefs,  proceeded  with  re- 
doubled zeal  to  preach  the  gofpel  to  the  Kentiih  Saxons. 
Heattradted  their  attention  by  the  aufterity  of  his  manners, 
by  the  ibvcre  penances  to  which  he  fubjedted  himfelf,  by 
the  abftinence  and  felf-denial  which  he  pradtifed  :  And 
having  excited  their  wonder,  by  a  courfe  of  life  which 
appeared  (o  contrary  to  nature,  he  procured  more  eafily 
their  belief  of  miracles,  which,  it  was  pretended,  he 
wrought  for  their  converfion||.  Influenced  by  thefe  mo- 
tives, and  by  the  declared  favour  of  the  court,  numbers 
of  the  Kentifh  men  were  baptifed  ;  and  the  King  himfelf 
was  perfuaded  to  fubmit  to  that  rite  of  Chriftianity.  His 
example  had  great  influence  with  his  fubjedts  ;  but  he 
employed  no  force  to  bring  them  over  to  the  new  dodtrine. 
.  Auguftine  thought  proper,  in  the  commencement  of  his 
million,  to  a  Hume  the  appearance  of  the  greateft  lenity  : 
He  told  Etheibert,  that  the  fervice  of  Chrift  muft  be  en- 
tirely voluntary,  and  that  no  violence'ought  ever  to  be 
ufed  in  propagating  ip  falutary  a  dodtrine.** 

The  intelligence  received  of  thefe  fpiritual  conquefts, 
afforded  great  joy  to  the  Romans  ;  who  now  exulted  as 
much  in  thofe  peaceful  trophies,  as  their  anceftors  had  ever 

*  Be^e,  lib.  I.  cap.  25.     H.  Hunting,  lib.  3.     Brompton,  p.  721).      Par- 
Trcr  Antiq.  Brit.  Eccl.  p.  6t.  f  Bt-de,    lib.    1.  cap.   25.  Chion.    VV. 

thorn,  p.    1759.  %  Bede,    lib.   1.  cap.  25.       H.  Hunting,  lib.  3. 

Brompton,  p.  720.  |J  Bcde,  lib.   x.*  cap.   26.  **  ibid.  cap. 

26.     H.  Hunting,  lib.  3. 


THE     HEPTARCHY.  27 

# 
done  in  their  moft  fanguinary  triumphs,  and  moft  fplen-  C  II  A  P. 
did  victories.  Gregory  wrote  a  letter  to  Lthelbert,  in  f. 
which,  after  informing  him  that  the  end  of  the  world  ^ — v~ — ' 
was  approaching,  he  exhorted  him  to  difplay  his  zeal  in 
the  coiiverfion  of  his  fubjectr,,  to  exert  rigour  againft  the 
worfhip  of  idols,  and  to  build  up  the  good  work  of  holl- 
nefs,  by  every  expedient  of  exhortation,  terror,  blandish- 
ment, oV  correction*  :  A  doftrine  more  fuitable  to  that 
age,  and  to  the  ufual  papal  maxims,  than  the  tolerating 
principles  which  Auguftine  had  thought  it  prudent  to  incul- 
cate. The  pontiff  alfo  anfwered  fome  queftions,  which-  v 
the  miffionary  had  put  concerning  the  government  of  the 
new  church  of  Kent.  Befides  other  queries,  which  it  is 
not  mateiial  here  to  relate,  Auguftine  afked,  Whether 
cou/in-gcrm&ns  might  be  alloiocd  to  marry  ?  Gregory  an- 
fwered, thai  that  liberty  had  indeed  been  formerly  grant- 
ed by  the  Roman  law  ;  but  experience  had  lliewn  that  no 
iffue  could  overcome  from  fuch  marriages  ;  and  he  there- 
fore prohibited  them.  Auguftine  afked,  Whether  a  woman 
pregnant  might  be  baptized?  Gregory  anfwered,  that  he 
law  no  objection,  How  foon  after  the  birth  the  child  might 
receive  baptijm?  It  was  anfwered,  Immediately,  ifnecef- 
fary.  How  foon  a  hufband  might  have  commerce  with  his 
wife  after  her  delivery  ?  Not  till  fhe  had  given  luck  to  her 
child  ;  a  pra6tife  to  which  Gregory  exhorts  all  women. 
How  foon  a  man  might  enter  the  church,  or  receive  the  fil- 
er ament,  after  having  had  commerce  wi:h  his  zuife  ?  It 
was  replied,  that,  unlefs  he  had  approached  her  without 
defire,  merely  for  the  fake  of  propagating  his  fpecies,  he 
was  not  without  fin  :  But  in  all  cafes  it  was  requifite  for 
him,  before  he  entered  the  church,  or  communicated,  to 
purge  himfelf  by  prayer  and  ablution  ;  and  he  ought  not, 
even  after  ufing  thefe  precautions,  to  participate  immedi- 
ately of  the  facrcd  dutiesf.  There  are  fome  other  quef- 
tions and  replies  it  111  more  indecent  and  more  ridiculous^. 
And,  on  the  whole,  it  appears  thaj  Gregory  and  his  mif- 
fionary, if  fympathy  of  manners  have  any  influence, 
were  better  calculated,  than  men  of  more  refined  under- 
ftandings,  for  making  a  progiefs  with  the  ignorant  and, 
barbarous  Saxons. 

*  Fede,  lib.  i.  cap.  32.     Brompton,  p.  73?.     Spell.  Cone.  p.  86. 
f  Bede,  lib.  .     Spell.  Lone.  p.  07,  q8,   99.  .\c. 

ijirua  covjuc  fur,    an  ecckfium  intrare 

antai 
■•:<*iit  myflerium  in  eifdem  diibus  percipett  non  debet  probiitri.     67  atttnq 
:  v  ytBtratieiu  magna  ferctpere  nyn  ptatfum 

'  iilufiontm,  quae  per  fcmnumfoi  Oomini  miiliktt  ae? 

■  ,  ..  .: ;  ziei,  Ji  facerdfitjit,  fae/a  m 


28  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

The  more  to  facilitate  the  reception  of  Chriftianity, 
Gregory  enjoined  Auguftine  to  remove  the  idols  from  the 
Heathen  altars,  but  not  to  deftroy  the  altars  themfelves  ; 
becaufe  the  people,  he  fatd,  would  he  allured  to  frequent 
theChri'lian  worfhip,  when  they  found  it  celebrated  in  a 
place  which  thev  were  accuftomed  to  revere.  And  as  the 
Fv.gans  pracliied  facrifices,  and  feafted  with  the  prieftson 
their  offerings,  he  alio  exhorted  the  mifTionary  to  perluade 
them,  on  Chriflian  feftivals,  to  kill  their  cattle  in  the 
neigbourhood  of  the  church,  and  to  indulge  themfelves  in 
thole  cheerful  entertainments  to  which  they  had  been  ha- 
bituated*. Theie  political  compliances  fhew,  that,  not- 
withftanding  his  ignorance  and  prejudices,  he  was  not  un- 
acquainted with  the  arts  of  governing  mankind.  Auguf- 
tine was  confecrated  archhifhop  of  Canterbury,  was  en- 
dowed by  Gregory  with  authority  over  all  the  Britifh 
churches,  and  received  the  pall,  a  badge  of  ecclefiaftical 
honour,  from  Romef.  Gregory  alfo  advifed  him  not  to  be 
too  much  elated  with  his  gift  of  working  miracles  t  i  and 
as  Auguftine,  proud  of  the  fuccefs  of  his  million,  feemed 
to  think  himfelf  em  itled  to  extend  his  authority  over  the 
bifhops  of  Gaul,  the  Pope  informed  him,  that  they  lay  en-  ' 
tirely  without  the  hounds  of  his  jurifdiction  ||. 

The  marriage  of  Ethelbert  with  Bertha,  and  much  more 
his  embracing  Chriftianity,  begat  a  connection  of  his  fub- 
jecls  with  the  French,  Italians,  and  other  nations  on  the 
continent,  and  tended  to  reclaim  them  from  that  grofs  ig- 
norance and  barbarity  in  which  all  the  Saxon  tribes  had  been 
hitherto  involved**.  Ethelbert  alfo  enacledff,  with  the 
confent  of  tneftates  of  his  kingdom,  a  body  of  laws,  the 
firft  written  laws  promulgated  by  any  of  the  northern  con- 
querors ;  and  his  reign  was  in  every  refpeel  glorious  to 
himfelf,  and  beneficial  to  his  people.  He  governed  the 
kingdom  of  Kent  fifty  years ;  and  dying  in  616,  left  the 
iucceffion  to  his  fon,  Eadbald.  This  prince,  feduced  by 
a  paffion  for  his  mother-in-law,  deferted  for  fometime  the 
Chriflian  faith,  which  permitted  not  thefe  incefluous  mar- 
riages: His  whole  people  immediately  returned  with  him 
to  idolatry.  Laurentius,  the  fuceeflbr  of  Auguftine,  found 
the  Chriflian  worihip  wholly  abandoned,  and  was  prepared 
to  return  to  France,  in  order  to  efcape  the  mortification  of 
preaching  the  gofpel  without  fruit  to  the  infidels.  Melli- 
tus  and  Juftus,  who  had  been  confecrated  bifhops  of  Lon- 

*  Bede,  lib.  t.  cap.  30.  Spell.  Cone.  p.  8g.  Greg.  Epift.  lib.  o.  epift. 
71.  t  Chrcn.  Sax.  p.  23,  'J4.  t  H.    Hunting,  lib. 

3.  Spell.  Cone,  p.*  Sj.     Bede,  lib.   1.  Greg'.  Epift.  lib.  o.  epift.  60. 

j|  Bede,  lib.  1.  ca;>.  27.  **  VViilm.  Maim.  p.  10. 

ft  Wilkuis  Leges  Sax.  p.  13.  * 


THE     HEPTARCHY,  29 

don  and  Rochefter,  had  already  departed  the  kingdom*  ;  q 
when  Laurentius,  before  he  fhould  entirely  abandon  his 
dignity,  made  one  effort  to  reclaim  the  king.  He  appeared 
before  that  prince  ;  and  throwing  off  his  veftments,  mow- 
ed his  body  all  torn  with  bruiies  and  flripes,  which  he  had 
received.  Eadbaid,  wondering  that  any  man  mould  have 
dared  to  treat  in  that  manner  a  perfonofhis  rank,  was  told 
by  Laurentius,  that  he  had  received  this  chaftifement  from 
St.  Peter,  the  prince  of  the  apoflles,  who  had  appeared  to 
him  in  a  virion,  and  feverely  reproving  him  for  his  inten- 
tion to  defert  his  charge,  had  infli&ed  on  him  thefe  vifible 
marks  of  his  difpleafuref.  Whether  Eadbald  was  ft  ruck 
with  the  miracle,  or  influenced  by  fome  motive,  he  divor- 
ced himfelf  from  his  mother-in  law,  and  returned  to  the 
profeffion  of  Chriftianityt  :  His  whole  people  returned 
with  him.  Eadbald  reached  not  the  fame  or  authority 
of  his  father,  and  died  in  640,  after  a  reign  of  twenty -five 
years  ;  leaving  two  fons,  Erminfrid  and  Ercombert. 

Ercombert,  though  the  younger  fon,  by  Emma,  a 
French  princefs,  found  means  to  mount  the  throne.  He 
is  celebrated  by  Bede  for  two  exploits,  for  eftablifhing  the 
faft  of  Lent  in  his  kingdom,  and  for  utterly  extirpating 
idolatry  ;  which,  notwithftanding  the  prevalence  of  Chrif- 
tianity,  had  hitherto  been  tolerated  by  the  two  preceding 
monarchs.  He  reigned  twenty  four  years  ;  and  left  the 
crown  to  Egbert  his  fon,  who  reigned  nine  years.  This 
prince  is  renowned  for  his  encouragement  of  learning;  but 
infamous  for  putting  todeathhistwocoufin-germans,  fons  of 
Erminfrid,  his  uncle.  The  ecclefiaftical  writers  praife  him 
for  his  befiowing  on  his  fifler,  Domnona,  fome  lands 
in  the  Ifle  of  Thanet,  where  fhe  founded  a  monafrery. 

The  bloody  precaution  of  Egbert  could  not  fix  the 
crown  on  the  head  of  his  fon  Fdric.  Lothaire,  brother 
of  the  dec;afed  prince,  took  poffeftion  of  the  kingdom  ;  and, 
in  order  to  fecure  the  power  in  his  family,  he  affociated 
with  him  Richard,  his  fon,  in  the  adminifiration  of  the 
government.  Edric,  the  difpofl'elTed  prince,  had  recourfe 
to  Edilwach,  king  of  Suffex,for  affifiance  ;  and  being  fup- 
ported  by  that  prince,  fought  a  battle  with  his  uncle,  who 
was  defeated  and  ilain.  Richard  fled  into  Germany,  and 
afterwards  died  in  Lucca,  a  city  of  Tufcany.  William 
of  iVhlmeibury  afcribes  Lothairc's  bad  fortune  to  two 
ciimes,  hJ8  concurrence  in  the  murder  of  his  coufins,  and 
his  contempt  for  reliciues||. 

.  t.  cap.  j.  f  Ibid.  cap.    6.  Chron.   Sax.   p.    26. 

%  Brompion,    p.  739.  ||  Will. 

[>.  1 1. 


SO  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Lothaire  reigned  eleven  years ;  Edric  his  fucceffor, 
1.         only  two.     Upon  the  death  of  the  latter,  which  happened 

« v '  in  686,  Widred,    his  brother,  obtained  poffeffion  of  the 

crown.  But  as  the  fucceffion  had  been  of  late  fo  much  dis- 
jointed by  revolutions  and  ufurpations,  faction  began  to 
prevail  among  the  nobility;  whicn  invited  Cedwalla,  king 
of  Weffex,  with  his  brother  Mollo,  to  attack  the  kingdom. 
Thefe  invaders  committed  great  devaluations  in  Kent;  but 
the  death  of  Mollo,  who  was  flain  in  a  fkirmilh*,  gave  a 
fhort  breathing-time  to  that  kingdom.  Widred  reftored 
the  affairs  of  Kent;  and  after  a  reign  of  thirty  two  yearsf, 
left  the  crown  to  his  pofterity.  Eadbert,  Ethelbert,  and 
Alric,  his  defendants,  fucceffively  mounted  the  throne. 
After  the  death  of  the  laft,  which  happened  in  794,  the 
royal  family  of  Kent  was  extinguished  ;  and  every  factious 
leader  who  could  entertain  hopes  of  afcendingthe  throne. 
•  threw  the  (late  into  confufion.  J  Egbert,  who  firft  fuc- 
ceeded,  reigned  but  two  years ;  Cuthred,  brother  to  the 
king  of  Mercia,fix  years;  Baldred,  an  illegitimate  branch 
of  the  royal  family,  eighteen  :  And  after  a  troublefome 
and  precarious  reign,  he  was,  in  the  year  723,  expelled 
by  Egbert,  king  of  Weffex,  who  diffolved  the  Saxon 
Heptarchy,  and  united  the  ieveral  kingdoms  under  his 
dominion. 


The   Kingdom    of    NORTHUMBERLAND. 

A  DELFRID,  king  of  Bernicia,  having  married  A  c- 
■*•  •*•  ca,  the  daughter  of  ./Ella,  king  of  Deiri,  and  expel- 
led her  infant  brother,  Edwin,  had  united  all  the  counties 
north  of  Humber  into  one  monarchy,  and  acquired  a 
great  afcendant  in  the  Hep'archy.  He  alio  fpread  the 
terror  of  the  Saxon  arms  to  the  neighbouring  people;  and 
by  his  vk'lories  over  the  Scots  and  Pi£ts,  as  well  as  Welfh, 
extended  on  all  fides  the  bounds  of  his  dominions.  Hav- 
ing laid  fiege  to  Chefter,  the  Britons  marched  out  with  all 
their  forces  to  engage  him;  and  they  were  attended  by  a 
body  of  1250  monks  from  the  monaftery  of  Bangor,  who 
flood  at  a  fmall  diftance  from  the  field  of  battle,  in  order 
to  encourage  the  combatants  by.  their  prefence  and  exhor- 
tations. Aaelfrid  enquiring  the  purpofe  of  this  unufual 
appearance,  was  told,  that  thefe  priefls  had  come  to  pray 
againft  him  :  Then  are  they  as  much  our  enemies,  faid  he, 
as  thofe  zuho  intend  to  fight  againfl  us\\:  And  he  imme- 
diately font  a  detachment,  who  fell    upon    them,  and  did 

•  Hidden,  lib.  5.  j  Chrcn.  Sa-x.  p.   52,  *  Wi.l. 

Mslmef.  lib.  i.cap.  i.p.  \i.  |!  Broqapton,  p.  779. 


THE    HEPTARCHY.  3, 

fuch  execution,  that  only  fifty  efcaped  with  their  lives  t.  C  H  A  P. 
The  Britons,  altonilhed  at  this  event,  received  a  total  de-         I. 

feat  :  Chefter   was  obliged   to  lunender:   And  Adelfrid,  < v » 

purfuing  his  victory,  made  himi'clf  mailer  of  Bangor,  and 
entirely  demolimed  the  monaftery  ;  a  building  fo  exten- 
five,  that  there  was  a  mile's  diftance  from  one  gate  of 'it 
to  another;  and  it  contained  two  thoufand  one  hundred 
monks,  who  are  faid  to  have  been  there  maintained  by  their 
■own  labourj. 

Notwithstanding  Adclfrid's  fuccefs  in  war,  he  lived 
in  inquietude  on  account  of  young  Edwin,  whom  he  had 
unjufily  difpoflelVed  of  the  crown  of  Deiri.  This  prince, 
now  grown  to  man's  eftate,  wandered  from  place  to  place, 
in  continual  danger  from  the  attempts  of  Adelfrid  ;  and 
received  at  laft  protection  in  the  couit  of  Redwald,  king 
of  the  Eafl-Angles  :  where  his  engaging  and  gallant  de- 
portment procured  him  general  efteem  and  affection.  Red- 
wald, however,  was  ftrongly  folicited  by  the  king  of 
Northumberland  to  kill  or  deliver  up  his  gueft :  Rich  pre- 
sents were  promifed  him  if  he  would  comply;  and  war 
denounced  againll  him  in  cafe  of  his  refufal.  After  re- 
jecting feveral  melTages  of  this  kind,  his  generofity  began 
to  yield  to  the  motives  of  intereft;  and  he  retained  the  lafl 
ambailadur,  till  he  fhould  come  to  a  refolution  in  a  cafe  of 
fuch  importance.  Edwin,  informed  of  his  friend's  per- 
plexity, was  yet  determined  at  all  hazards  to  remain  in 
Eafl-Anglia  ;  and  thought,  that  if  the  protection  of  that 
court  failed  him,  it  were  better  to  die,  than  prolong  a  life 
fo  much  expofed  to  the  persecutions  of  his  powerful  rival. 
This  confidence  in  Redwald's  honour  and  friendship,  with 
his  other  accomplishments,  engaged  the  Queen  on  hisjide; 
and  the  effectually  represented  to  her  hulband  the  infamy 
of  delivering  up  to  certain  deftru&ion  their  royal  gueft, 
who  had  fled  to  them  for  protection  againft  his  cruel  and 
jealous  enemiesll.  Redwald,  embracing  more  generous 
refolutions,  thought  it  fafeft  to  prevent  Adelfrid,  before 
that  prince  was  aware  of  his  intention,  and  to  attack  him 
while  he  was  yet  unprepared  for  defence.  lie  marched 
fuddenly  with  an  army  into  the  kingdom  of  Northumber- 
land, and  fought  a  battle  with  Adelfrid  ;  in  which  that 
monarch  was  defeated  and  killed,  after  avenging  himfelf 
by  the  death  of  Regner,  fon  of  Redwald**.  His  own  fons, 
Eanfrid,  Ofwald,and  Ofwy,  yet  infants,  were  carried  into 
Scotland;  and  Edwin  obtained  pofleffion  of  the  crown  of 
Northumberland. 

t  Trivet, apurl  Spell.  Cone.  p.  m.  $  Bede,  lib.  2.  cap.  2. 

W.   Malmef.  lib.    t.  cap.  J.  !|  W.  M«lmef.  lib.  1.  cap.  3.     H.  Hunt- 

ing, lib.  j.  Bcde.  **  Eedc,  lib.  2.  cap.  12.     Broanpton,  p.  7S1,, 


32  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

p.  Edwin  was  the  greateft  prince  of  the  Heptarchy  in  that 
age,  and  diftinguilhed  himfelf,  both  by  his  influence  over 
the  other  kingdoms*,  and  by  the  ftri£t  execution  of  juftice 
in  his  own  dominions.  He  reclaimed  his  fubje£ls  from 
the  licentious  life  to  which  they  had  been  accuftomed  ; 
and  it  was  a  common  faying,  that  during  his  reign  a  woman 
or  child  might  openly  carry  every  where  a  purfe  of  gold, 
without  any  danger  of  violence  or  robbery.  There  is  a 
remarkable  inftance,  tranfmitted  to  us,  of  the  affection 
borne  him  by  his  fervants.  Cuichelme,  king  of  Weffex, 
was  his  enemy  ;  but  finding  himfelf  unable  to  maintain 
open  war  againfi  fo  gallant  and  powerful  a  prince,  he  de-r 
termined  to  ufe  treachery  againfi  him,  and  he  employed 
one  Eumer  for  that  criminal  purpofe.  The  affaffin  having 
obtained  admittance,  by  pretending  to  deliver  a  meffage 
from  Cuichelme,  drew  his  dagger,  and  rufhed  upon  the 
king.  Lilla,  an  officer  of  his  army,  feeing  his  matter's 
danger,  and  having  no  other  means  of  defence,  interpofed 
with  his  own  body  between  the  king  and  Eumer's  dagger, 
which  was  pufhed  with  fuch  violence,  that,  after  piercing 
Lilla,  it  even  wounded  Edwin  :  But  before  the  affaffin 
could  renew  his  blow,  he  was  dilpatched  by  the  king's  at- 
tendants. 

The  Eaft-Angles  confpired  againfi  Redwald,  their 
king ;  and  having  put  him  to  death,  they  offered  their 
crown  to  Edwin,  of  whofe  valour  and  capacity  they  had 
had  experience,  while  he  refided  among  them.  But  Ed- 
win, from  a  fenfe  of  gratitude  towards  his  benefactor,  obli- 
ged them  to  fubmit  to  Earpwold,  the  fon  of  Redwald  ;  and 
that  prince  preferved  his  authority,  though  on  a  precarious 
footing,  under  the  protection  of  the  Northumbrian  mb- 
narchf. 

Edwin,  after  his  acceffion  to  the  crown,  married  Ethel- 
burga,  the  daughter  of  Ethelbert,  King  of  Kent.  This 
princefs,  emulating  the  glory  of  her  mother  Bertha,  who 
had  been  the  inftrument  for  converting  her  hufband  and 
his  people  to  Chriftianity,  carried  Paullinus,  a  learned 
bifhop,  along  with  her  J;  andbefides  ftipulatinga  toleration 
for  the  exercife  of  her  own  religion,  which  was  readily 
granted  her,  (he  ufed  every  reafon  to  perfuade  the  king  to 
embrace  it.  Edwin,  like  a  prudent  prince,  hefitated  on  the 
propofal;  but  promifed  to  examine  the  foundations  of  that 
doiSlrine  ;  and  declared,  that  if  he  found  them  fatisfa6tory, 
he  was  willing  to  be  convertedjl.  Accordingly  he  held 
feveral  conferences  with  Paullinus;  canvaffed  the  argu- 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  27.  t  Gul-  Malmef.  lib.  1.  cap.  3.  .     ' 

J  H.  Hunting,  hb.  3,  ||  Bede,  lib.  2.  cap.  y. 


THE    HEPTARCHY.  33 

ments  propounded  with  the  wifeft  of  his  counfellbrs  ;  re-  C  H  A  P. 
tired  frequently  from  company,  in  order  to  revolve  alone         I. 

that  important  queftion ;  and,  after  a   ferious  and  long  en-  < * ' 

quirv,  declared  in  favour  of  the  Chriftian  religion*  :  The 
people  foon  after  imitated  his  example.  Befides  the  autho- 
rity and  influence  of  the  king,  they  were  moved  by  ano- 
ther ftriking  example.  Coifi,  the  high  prieft,  being  con- 
verted after  a  public  conference  with  Paullinus,  led  the 
way  in  deftroving  the  images,  which  he  had  fo  long  wor- 
fhipped,and  was  forward  in  making  this  atonement  for  his 
paft  idolatryf. 

This  abie  prince  peridied  with  his  fon,  Osfrid,  in  a 
great  bittle  which  he  fought  againft  Penda,  king  of  Mer- 
cia,  and  Caedwalla,  king  of  the  Britons|.  That  event, 
which  happened  in  the  forty-eighth  year  of  Edwin's  age 
and  feventeenth  of  his  reign||,  divided  the  monarchy  of 
Northumberland,  which  that  prince  had  united  in  his  per- 
fon.  Eanfrid,  the  fon  of  Adelfrid,  returned  with  his  bro- 
thers, Ofwald  and  Ofwy,  from  Scotland,  and  took  pofleffi- 
on  ot  Bernicia,  his  paternal  kingdom;  Ofric,  Edwin's 
coufin-german,  eflablifhed  himfelf  in  Deiri,  the  inheri- 
tance of  his  family  ;  but  to  which  the  Tons  of  Edwin  had 
a  preferable  title.  Eanfrid,  the  elder  furviving  fon,  fled 
to  Penda,  by  whom  he  was  treacheroufly  (lain.  The 
younger  fon,  Vufcfraea,  with  Yflfi,  the  grandfon  of  Ed- 
win, by  Osfrid,  fought  protection  in  Kent,  and  not  finding 
themfelves  in  fafety  there,  retired  into  France  to  king  Da- 
gobert,  where  they  died**. 

Osric,  King  of  Deiri,  and  Eanfrid  of  Bernicia,  returned 
to  paganifm  ;  and  the  whole  people  feem  to  have  returned 
with  them  ;  fince  Paullinus,  who  was  the  firft  archbifhop 
of  York,  and  who  had  converted  them,  thought  proper  to 
retire  with  Ethelburga,  the  Queen  Dowager,  into  Kent. 
Both  thefe  Northumbrian  kings  perifhed  foon  after,  the 
firft  in  battle  againft  Csedwalla,  the  BritOn;  the  fecond,  by 
the  treachery  of  that  prince.  Ofwald,  thebrother  of  Eanfrid, 
of  theraceof  Bernicia,  united  again  the  kingdom  of  North- 
umberland in  the  year  634,  and  reftored  the  Chriftian  re- 
ligion iri  his  dominions.  He  gained  a  bloody  and  well 
difputed  battle  againft  Caedwalla  ;  the  laft  vigorous  effort 
which  the  Britons  made  againft  the  Saxons.  Ofwald  is 
much  celebrated  for  his  fanctity  and  charity  by  the  Mon- 
kifh  hiftorians ;  and  they  pretend,  that  his  reliques  wrought 

Vol.  I.  F 

•  Bede,  lib.  2.  cap.  9.     Ma'.mef.  lib.  1,  cap.  3.                         f  Bede,  lib. 

2.  cap.   13.     Brompton,  Higden.  lib.    5.  *    Matth.   Wefl.  p. 

114.  Ckron.  Sax.  p.  29.  ||  W.  Ma'mrf.  lib.  I.  cap.  3, 
**  Eede,  lib.  2.  cap.  20. 


34  HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  miracles,  particularly  the  curing  of  a  fick  horfe,  which  had 
I.        approached  the  place  of  his  interment*. 

* v '       He  died   in  battle  againft  Penda,  king  of  Mercia,  and 

was  fucceeded  by  his  brother  Ofwy  ;  who  eftablifhed  him- 
felf  in  the  government  of  the  whole  Northumbrian  king- 
dom, by  putting  to  death  Ofwin,  the  ion  of  Ofric,  the  lad 
king  of  the  race  of  Dciri.  His  fon  Egfrid  fucceeded  him; 
who  peri  (lied  in  battle  againft  the  Picls,  without  leaving 
any  children, becaufe  Adelthrid,  his  wife,  refufed  to  vio- 
late her  vow  of  chaftity.  Alfred,  his  natural  brother,  ac- 
quired pcffeffion  of  the  kingdom,  which  he  governed  for 
nineteen  years  ;  and  he  left  it  to  Ofred,  his  fon,  a  boy  of 
eight  years  of  age.  rJ  his  prince,  after  a  reign  of  eleven 
years,  was  murdered  by  Kendred  his  kinfman,  who, 
after  enjoying  the  crown  only  a  year,  perifhed  by  a  like 
fate.  Ofric,  and  after  him  Celwulph  the  fon  of  Kendred, 
next  mounted  the  throne,  which  the  latter  relinquifhed  in 
the  year  738,  in  favour  of  Eadbert  his  coufin-german, 
who,  imitating  his  predeceffor,  abdicated  the  crown,  and 
retired  into  a  monaftery.  Ofwolf,  fon  of  Eadbert,  was  flain 
in  a  fedition,  a  yefcr  after  his  acceffion  to  the  crown;  and 
Mollo,  who  was  not  of  the  royal  family,  feized  the  crown. 
He  perifhed  by  the  treachery  of  Ailred,  a  prince  of  the 
blood;  and  Ailred,  having  fucceeded  in  his  defign  upon 
the  throne,  was  foon  after  expelled  by  his  fubjedts.  Ethel- 
red,  his  fucceffor,  the  fon  of  Mollo,  underwent  a  like  fate. 
Celwold,  the  next  king,  the  brother  of  Ailred,  was  de- 
pofed  and  flain  by  the  people,  and  his  place  was  filled  bv 
Oired,  his  nephew,  who,  after  a  fhort  reign  of  a  year, 
made  way  for  Ethelbert,  another  fon  of  Mollo,  whofe 
death  was  equally  tra gical  with  that  of  almofl  all  his  prede- 
ceflbrs.  After  Ethelbert's  death  an  univerfal  anarchy  pre- 
vailed in  Northumberland  ;  and  the  people  having,  by  fo 
manv  fatal  revolutions,  loft  all  attachment  to  their  govern- 
ment and  princes,  were  well  prepared  for  fubje£\ion  to  a 
foreign  yoke  ;  which  Egbert,  king  of  Weflex,  finally  im- 
pofed  upon  them. 


The    Kingdom    of    EAST-ANGLIA. 

TH  E  hiftory  of  this  kingdom  contains  nothing  memo- 
rable, except  the  converfion  of  Earpwold,  the  fourth 
king,  and  great-grand  fon  of  Uffa,  the  founder  of  the  mon- 
archy. The  authority  of  Edwin,  king  of  Northumberland, 
on  whom  that  prince  entirely  depended,   engaged  him  to 

•  Bede,  lib.  3.  cap.  g. 


THE    HEPTARCHY.  35 

take  this  ftep  :  But  foon  after,  his  wife,  who  was  an  idola-  c 
trefs,  brought  him  back  to  her  religion;  and  he  was  found 
unabl.:  to  refill  thole  allurements  which  had  feduced  the 
wifeit  of  mankind.  After  his  death,  which  was  violent, 
like  that  of  moll  of  the  Saxon  princes  that  did  not  early 
retire  into  monafteries,  Sigebert,  his  fuc  eiibr,  and  half- 
brother,  who  had  been  educated  in  Francey  reftored  Chrif- 
tianity,  and  introduced  learning  among  the  Eaft-Angles. 
Some  pretend  that  he  founded  the  univerhty  of  Cambridge, 
or  rather  fome  ichools  in  that  place.  It  is  almoft  impoffible, 
and  quite  needlefs,  to  be  more  particular  in  relating  the 
tra.n  faction  of  the  Eaft-Angles,  What  inftru£tion  or  cn- 
tainment  can  it  give  the  reader,  to  hear  a  long  bead-roll 
of  barbarous  names,  Egric,  Annas,  Ethelbert,  Ethelwald, 
Aldulf,  Elfwold,  Beorne,  Ethelred,  Ethelbert,  whofuc- 
ceffively  murdered,  expelled,  or  inherited  from  each  other, 
and  obfcurely  filled  the  throne  of  that  kingdom  ?  Ethel- 
bert, the  lall  of  thefe  princes,  was  treacheroufiy  murdered 
by  Orla,  king  of  Mercia,  in  the  year  792,  and  his  (late 
was  thenceforth  united  with  that  of  Offa,  as  we  (hall  re- 
late  prefently. 


The    Kingdom    of    MERCI  A. 

MERC  I  A,  the  largeft,  if  not  the  mod  powerful  kingr 
dom  of  the  Heptarchy,  comprehended  all  the  mid- 
dle counties  of  England  ;  and  as  its  frontiers  extended 
to  thofe  of  all  the  other  fix  kingdoms,  as  well  as  to  Wales, 
it  received  its  name  from  that  circumflance.  Wibba,  the 
fon  of  Crida,  founder  of  the  monarchy,  being  placed  on 
the  throne  by  Ethelbert,  king  of  Kent,  governed  his  pater- 
nal dominions  by  a  precarious  authority  ;  and  after  his 
death,  Ceorl,  his  kinfman,  was,  by  the  influence  of  the 
Kenti.h  monarch,  preferred  to  his  fon  Penda,  whole  turbu- 
lent character  appeared  dangerous  to  that  prince.  Penda 
was  thus  fifty  years  of  age  before  he  mounted  the  throne  ; 
and  his  temerity  and  reltlefs  difpofition  were  found  nowife 
abated  by  time,  experience,  or  reflection.  He  engaged 
in  continual  hoflilities  againit  all  the  neighbouring  flates ; 
and,  hy  his  injuftice  and  violence,  rendered  himfelf  equal- 
ly odious  to  his  own  fubjects  and  to  ftrangers.  Sigebert, 
Egric,  and  Annas,  three  kings  of  Eail-Anglia,  perilhed 
fucceifively  in  battle  againfthim  ;  as  did  alfo  Edwin  andOf- 
w aid,  the  two  greuelt  princes  that  had  reigned  over  Nor ■» 
thumberland.  At  laft, Olwy,  brother  toOfwald,  having  de- 
feated and  flain  him  in  adecifive  battle,  freed  the  world  from, 
this  languinary  tyrant.    Pe.ula,  his  fon  mounted  the  fhroqe 


36  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

of  Mercia  in  655, and  lived  underthe  protection  ofOfwy, 
whofe  daughter  he  had  efpoufed.  This  princefswas  edu- 
cated in  the  Chriftian  faith,  and  ihe  employed  her  influence 
with  fuccefs,  in  converting  her  hufband  and  his  fubjects 
to  that  religion.  Thus  the  fair  fex  have  had  the  merit  of 
introducing  the  Chriftian  doctrine  into  all  the  molt  confi- 
derable  kingdoms  of  the  Saxon  Heptarchy.  Peada  died 
a  violent  death*.  His  ion,  Wplfhere,  fucceeded  to  the 
government ;  and  after  having  reduced  to  dependence  the 
kingdoms  of  Eflex  and  Eaft-Anglia,  he  left  the  crown  to  his 
biother  Ethelred,  who,  though  a  lover  of  peace,  (howed 
himfelf  not  unfit  for  military  enterprizes.  Befides  making 
a  fuccefsful  expedition  into  Kent,  herepulfed  Egfrid,  king 
of  Northumberland,  who  had  invaded  his  dominions;  and- 
he  flew  in  battle  Elfwin,  the  brother  of  that  prince.  De- 
firous,  however,  of  compofing  all  animofities  with  Egfrid, 
he  paid  him  a  fum  of  money  as  a  compenfation  for  the  lofs 
of  his  brother.  After  a  profperous  reign  of  thirty  years, 
he  refigned  the  crown  to  Kendred,  fon  of  Wolf  here,  and 
retired  into  the  monaftery  of  Bar4neyf.  Kendred  returned 
the  prefentof  the  crown  toCeolred,  the  lbn  of  Ethelred  ; 
and  making  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  pafled  his  life  there 
in  penance  and  devotion.  The  place  of  Ceolred  was  fup- 
plied  by  Ethelbald,  great-grand-nephew  to  Penda,  by 
Alwy,  his  brother;  and  this  prince,  being  flain  in  a  muti- 
ny, was  fucceeded  by  Offa,  who  was  a  degree  mpre  re- 
mote from  Penda,  by  Eawa,  another  brother. 

This  prince,  who  mounted  the  throne  in  755J,  had 
fome  great  qualities,  and  was  fuccefsful  in  his  warlike  en- 
terprifes  againft  Lothaire,  king  of  Kent,  and  Kenwulph, 
king  of  Weflex.  He  defeated  the  former  in  a  bloody  bat- 
tle at  Otford  upon  the  Darent,  and  reduced  his  kingdom 
to  a  flate  of  dependence  :  he  gained  a  victory  over  the  lat- 
ter at  Benfington  in  Oxfordfhire  ;  and  conquering  that 
county,  together  with  that  of  Gloucefter,  annexed  both  to 
his  dominions.  But  all  thefe  fuccefles  were  (lained  by  his 
treacherous  murder  of  Ethelbert,  king  of  the  Eaft-Angles, 
and  his  violent  feizing  of  that  kingdom.  This  young 
prince,  who  isfiid  to  have  poffeffed  great  merit,  had  paid 
his  addrefles  to  Elfrida,  the  daughter  of  Offa,  and  was  in- 
vited with  all  his  retinue  to  Hereford,  in  order  to  folem- 
nizc  the  nuptials.    Amidft  the  joy  and  feflivity  of  thefe  en- 


*  Hugo  Candidus,  p.  4.  fays,  that  he  was  treacheroufly  murdered  by  hi& 
queen,  by  whofe  perfuafiOn  he  had  embraced  Chriftianity  ;  but  this  account  of 
the  matter   is  found  in  that  hiftorian  alone.  •    •  ■ 

f  Bede,  lib.  5.  £  Chron.  Sax.  p.  59. 


THEHEPTARCHY.  37 

tertainments,  he  was  feized  by  Offa,  and  fecretly  behead-  C 
ed  ;    And  though  Elfrida,  who  abhorred  her  father's  treach- 
ry,  had  time  to  give  warning  to  the  Eaft-Anglian  nobility, 
who  efcaped  into  their  own  country,   Orra,   having  extin- 
guifhed  the  royal  family,  fucceeded  in  his  defign  of  fub- 
duing  that  kingdom*.     The  perfidious  prince,  defirous  of 
re-eftablifhing   his  character  in  the  world,  and  perhaps  of 
appearing  the  rernories  of  his  own  confcience,  paid   great 
court  to  the  clergy,  and  praclifed  all  the  monkifh  devotion 
i'o  much    eueemed  in  that  ignorant  and  fuperft:tious  age. 
He  gave  the  tenth  of  his  goods  to  the  churchf  ;  beftowed 
rich   donations  on   the  cathedral  of  Hereford  ;    and  even 
made  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  where   his  great   power  and 
riches  could  not  fail  of  procuring  him  the  papal  abfolution. 
The  better  to  ingratiate  himfelf  with  the  fovereign  pontiff, 
he  engaged  to  pay  him  a  yearly  donation  for  the   fupport 
of  an  Engliih  college  at  Romej,  and  in  order  to  raife  the 
fum,  he  impoied  the  tax  of  a  penny  on  each  houfe  polleffed 
of  thirty  pence  a  year.     This  impofition,  being  afterwards 
levied    on   all  England,  was  commonly  denominated  Pe- 
ter's pence  I! ;   and  though  conferred  at  firft  as  a  gift,  was 
afterwards  claimed  as  a  tribute  by  the  Roman  pontiff.  Car- 
rying his  hypocrify  ftill  farther,    Offa,   feigning  to  be  di- 
rected by  a  vifion  from  heaven,  difcovered  at  Verulam  the 
reliques  of  St.  Alban,  the  martyr,  and  endowed  a  magnifi- 
cent monaftery  jn  that  place**.     Moved  by  all   thefe  a£ls 
of  piety,  Malmefbury,  one  of  the  beft  of  the  old  Engliih 
hiftorians,  declares  himfelf  at  a  lofs  todetermineff  whether 
the  merits  or  crimes  of  this  prince  preponderated.     Offa 
died,  after  a  reign  of  thirty-nine  years,  in  794JJ. 

This  prince  was  become  fo  considerable  in  the  Heptar- 
chy, that  the  emperor  Charlemagne  entered  into  an  alli- 
ance and  friendfhip  with  him  ;  a  circumftance  which  did 
honour  to  Offa;  as  diftant  princes  at  that  time  had  ufually 
little  communication  with  each  other.  That  emperor  being 
a  great  lover  of  learning  and  learned  men,  in  an  age  very 
barren  of  that  ornament,  Offa,  at  his  defire,  fent  him  over 
Alcuin,  a  clergyman  much  celebrated  for  his  knowledge, 
who  received  great  honours  from  Charlemagne,  and  even 
became  his  preceptor  in  the  fciences.  The  chief  reafon 
why  he  had  at  firft  defired  the  company  of  Alcuin,  was, 
that  he  might  oppofe  his  learning  to  the  herefy  of  Felix, 
biihop  of  Urgil  in  Catalonia  ;  who  maintained,  that  Jems 
Chrift,  confidered  in  his  human  nature,  could,  more   pro- 

*  Brompton,  p.    750,  751,  752.  ■}■  Spell.  Cone.   p.  30S. 

Brompton,  p.  776.  *  Spell.  Cone.  p.  230.   310.  312. 

|j  Higden,  lib.  5.  »■»  Ingulph.  p.  j.     W.  MalmeC  lib,  1. 

cap-  4.    ,  ft  Lib.  i.  cap.  4.  *t  Chion.  i>ax.  p.  65. 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  perly,  be  denominated  the  adoptive,  than  the  natural  fon 
I.        of  God*.     This  herefy  was  condemned  in  the  council  of 

* « '  Francfort,  held  in  794,  and  confiding  of  300  bifhops.  Such 

were  the  queftions  which  were  agitated  in  that  age,  and 
which  employed  the  attention  not  only  of  cloiftered  fcho- 
lars,  but  of  the  wifeft  and  greateft  princesf. 

Egfrith  fucceeded  to  his  father,  OfFa,  but  furvived 
him  only  five  months^  ;  when  he  made  way  for  Kenulph, 
a  defcendant  of  the  royal  family.  This  prince  waged 
war  agai uft  Kent ;  and  taking  Egbert,  the  king,  prifoner, 
he  cut  off  his  hands,  and  put  out  his  eyes  ;  leaving  Cuth- 
red,  his  own  brother,  in  poffeflion  of  the  crown  of  that 
kingdom.  Kenulph  was  killed  in  an  infurreclion  of  the 
Eaft-Anglians,  whole  crown  his  predeceflbr,  Offa,  had 
ufurped.  He  left  his  fon,  Kenelm,  a  minor  ;  who  was 
murdered  the  fame  year  By  his  filter,  Quendrade,  who 
had  entertained  the  ambitious  views  of  aifuming  the  go- 
vsrnmentll.  But  me  was  fupplanted  by  her  uncle,  Ceolulf  ; 
who,  two  years  after,  was  dethroned  by  Beornulf.  The 
reign  of  this  ufurper,  who  was  not  of  the  royal  family, 
was  fhort  and  unfortunate  :  He  was  defeated  by  the  Weft- 
Saxons,  and  killed  by  his  own  fubjedts,  the  Eafi-Angles**. 
Ludican,  his  fucceffor,  underwent  the  fame  fateff  ;  and 
Wiglaff,  who  mounted  this  unftable  throne,  and  found 
every  thing  in  the  utmoft  confufion,  could  not  withftand 
the  fortune  of  Egbert,  who  united  all  the  Saxon  kingdoms 
into  one  great  monarchy. 


The  Kingdom  of  ESSEX. 

THIS  kingdom  made  no  great  figure  in  the  Heptar- 
chy ;  and  the  hiftory  of  it  is  very  imperfect.  Sleda 
fucceeded  to  his  father,  Erkinwin,  the  founder  of  the  mo- 
narchy ;  and^made  way  for  his  fon,  Sebert,  who,  being 
nephew  to  Ethelbert,  king  of  Kent,  was  perfuaded  by 
that  prince  to  embrace  the  Chriftian  faith||.  His  fons  and 
conjunct  fucceflbrs,  Sexted  and  Seward,  relapfed  into 
idolatry,  and  were  foon  after  (lain  in  a  battle  againft  the 

*  Dupin,  cent.  8.  chap.  4. 

t  Ofta,  in  order  to  protect  his  country  from  Wales,  drew  a  rampart  or  ditch 
©f  a  hundred  miles  in  length  from  Bafinwerke  in  Flintfliire  to  the  South  fea 
near  Brifrol.     See  Speed's  Defcription  of  Wales. 

X  Ingulph.  p.  6.  (I   Ingulph.  p.  7.     Brompton,  p.  776. 

»  *  Ingulph.  p.  7.  ft  Alur-  Beverl.  p.  87. 

%%  Chron.  Sax.  p.  24. 


THE    HEPTARCHY*  39 

Weft-Saxons.     To  (hew  the  rude  manner  of  living  in  that  CHAP. 
age,  Bede  tells  us*,    that  thefe  two  kings  exprefled  great         I. 

defirc  to  eat  the  white  bread,  diftributed  by  Mellitus,    the  ' 9 — J 

bi'ihop,  at  the  communionf.  But  on  his  refuting  them, 
unlefs  they  would  fubmit  to  be  baptized,  they  expelled 
him  their  dominions.  The  names  of  the  other  princes, 
who  reigned  fucceffively  in  Effex,  are  Segibert  the  little, 
Se-Tibert  the  good,  who  reftored  chriitianity,  Swithelm, 
Sigheri,  OiTa.  This  lafl  prince,  having  made  a  vow  of 
chaftity,  notwithstanding  his  marriage  with  Ke;.efvvitha, 
a  Mercian  princefs,  daughter  toPenda,  went  in  pilgrim- 
age to  Rome,  and  fhut  himfelf  up  during  the  reit  of  his 
life  in  a  eloifter.  Selred,  his  fucceffor,  reigned  thirty- 
eight  years;  and  was  the  laft  of  the  royal  line:  The 
failure  of  which  threw  the  kingdom  into  great  confufion, 
and  reduced  it  to  dependence  under  Mercia|.  Switherd 
firfl  acquired  the  crown,  by  the  conceilion  of  the  Merci- 
an princes  ;  and  his  death  made  way  for  Sigeric,  who 
ended  his  life  in  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome.  His  fucceffor, 
Sigered,  unable  to  defend  his  kingdom,  fubmitted  to  the 
victorious  arms  of  Egbert. 


The  Kingdom  of  SUSSEX. 

TH  E  hiftory  of  this  kingdom,  the  fmalleft  in  the 
Heptarchy,  isfiill  more  imperfedt  than  that  of  ElTex. 
iElla,  the  founder  of  the  monarchy,  left  the  crown  to  his 
fon,  Cilia,  who  is  chiefly  remarkable  for  his  long  reign 
of  feventy-fix  years.  During  his  time,  the  South-Saxons 
fell  almofi:  into  a  total  dependence  on  the  kingdom  of 
Weffex  ;  and  we  fcarcely  know  the  names  of  the  princes 
who  were  poffelFed  of  this  titular  fovereignty.  Adel- 
walch,  the  laft  of  them,  was  fubdued  in  battle  by  Cead- 
walla,  king  of  Weffex,  and  was  flain  in  the  a&ion  ; 
leaving  two  infant  fons,  who,  falling  into  the  hand  of  the 
conqueror,  were  murdered  by  him.  The  abbot  of  Red- 
ford  oppofed  the  order  for  this  execution  ;  but  could  only 
prevail  on  Ceadwalla  to  fufpend  it,  till  they  fhould  be 
baptized.  Berclhun  and  Audhun,  two  noblemen  of  cha- 
racter, refifted  fome  time  the  violence  of  the  Weft- Sax- 
ons ;  but  their  oppofition  ferved  only  fo  prolong  the  mi- 

♦  Lib.  2.  cap.  5.         f  H.  Hunting,  lib.  j.  Erompton,  p.  73S.  743.  Bede. 
%  Malmef.  lib.  1.  cap.  6, 


40  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  feries  of  their  country  ;  and  the  fubduing  of  this  kingdom 
1.         was  the   firft  ftep  which  the  Weft  Saxons  made   towards 
v *— — J  acquiring  the  fole  monarchy  of  England*. 


The  Kingdom  of  W  E  S  S  E  X. 

TP  H  E  kingdom  of  Weflex,  which  finally  fwallowed 
-*■  up  all  the  other  Saxon  Hates,  met  with  great  refiftance 
on  its  firft  eftablifhment  :  And  the  Britons,  who  were  now 
enured  to  arms,  yielded  not  tamely  their  poffeflions  to 
thole  invaders.  Cerdic,  the  founder  of  the  monarchy, 
and  his  fon,  Kenric,  fought  many  fuccefsful,  and  fome 
unfuccefsful  battles  againft  the  natives  ;  and  the  martial 
fpirit,  common  to  all  the  Saxons,  was,  by  means  of  thefe 
hoftilities,  carried  to  the  greateft  height  among  this  tribe. 
Ceaulin,  who  was  the  fon  and  fucceffor  of  Kenric,  and 
who  began  his  reign  in  560,  was  (till  more  ambitious  and 
enterprifing  than  his  predeceflbrs  ;  and,  by  waging  con- 
tinual war  againft  the  Britons,  he  added  a  great  part  of  the 
counties  of  Devon  and  Somerfet  to  his  other  dominions. 
Carried  along  by  the  tide  of  fuccefs,  he  invaded  the  other 
Saxon  ftates  in  his  neighbourhood,  and  becoming  terrible 
to  all,  he  provoked  a  general  confederacy  againft  him. 
This  alliance  proved  fuccefsful  under  the  conduct  of 
Ethelbert,  king  of  Kent ;  and  Ceaulin,  who  had  loft  the 
affections  of  his  own  fubjecls  by  his  violent  difpofition, 
and  had  now  fallen  into  contempt  from  his  misfortunes, 
was  expelled  the  thronef,  and  died  in  exile  and  mifery. 
Cuichelme  and  Cuthwin,  his  fons,  governed  jointly  the 
kingdom,  till  the  expulfion  of  the  latter  in  591,  and  the 
death  of  the  former  in  593,  made  way  for  Cealric,  to 
whom  fucceeded  Ceobald  in  593,  by  whofe  death,  which 
happened  in  61 1,  Kynegils  inherited  the  crown.  This 
prince  embraced  chriftianityj,  through  the  perfuafion  of 
Ofwald,  king  of  Northumberland,  who  had  married  his 
daughter,  and  who  had  attained  a  great  afcendant  in  the 
Heptarchy.  Kenwalch  next  fucceeded  to  the  monarchy^ 
and  dying  in  672,  left  the  fu  ceffion  fo  much  difputed, 
that Sexburga,  his  widow,  a  woman  of  fpirit||,  kept  pof- 
feffion  of  the  government  till  her  death,  which  happened 
two  years  after.      Efcwin  then  peaceably  acquired    the 

*  Brompton,  p.  800.  f  Chron.  Sax.  p.  22.  *  Higden. 

lib.  5.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  15.     Alur.  Beverl.  p.  9-4,  |j  Bede,  lib.  4. 

cap.  12.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  41. 


THE     HEPTARCHY.  41 

crown  ;  and,  after  a  fhort  ieign  of  two  years,  made  way  CHAP, 
for  Kentwin,  who  governed  nine  years.     Ceodwalla,  his  j# 

fucceflfor,  mounted  not  the  throne  without  oppofition  ;   but  ^_v ' 

proved  a  great  prince,  according  to  the  ideas  of  thofe  times  ; 
that  is  he  was  enterprifing,  warlike,  and  fuccefsful.  He 
entirely  fubdued  the  kingdom  of  SufJTex,  and  annexed  it 
to  his  own  dominions.  He  made  inroads  into  Kent  ;  but 
met  with  refinance  from  VVidred,  the  king,  who  proved 
fuccelsful  againft  Molio,  brother  to  Ceodwalla,  and  flew 
him  in  a  fkirmifh.  Ceodwalla  at  laft,  tired  with  wars  and 
bloodfhed,  was  feized  with  a  fit  of  devotion  ;  beftowed 
feveral  endowments  on  the  chuich;  and  made  a  pilgrim- 
age to  Rome,  where  he  received  baptifm,  and  died  in  6S9. 
]na,  his  fucceffor,  inherited  the  military  virtues  of  Ceod- 
walla, and  added  to  them  the  more  valuable  ones  of  jufHce, 
policy  and  prudence.  He  made  war  upon  the  Britons  in 
Somerlet  ;  and  having  finally  fubdued  that  province,  he 
treated  the  vanquiflied  with  a  humanity  hitherto  unknown 
to  the  Saxon  conquerors.  He  allowed  the  proprietors  to 
retain  pofleflion  of  their  lands,  encouraged  marriages  and 
alliances  between  them  and  his  ancient  fubjetts,  and  gave 
them  the  privilege  of  being  governed  by  the  fame  laws.' 
Thefe  laws  he  augmented  and  ascertained  ;  and  though  he 
was  diflurbed  by  fome  infurrefrions  at  home,  his  long  reign 
of  thirty-feven  years  may  be  regarded  as  one  of  the  moft: 
glerious  and  moft  profperous  of  the  Heptarchy;.  In  the 
decline  of  his  age  he  made  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome  ;  and 
after  his  return,  ihut  himfelf  up  in  a  cloifter,  where  he 
died. 

Though  the  kings  of  Weffex  had  always  been  princes 
of  the  blood,  defcended  from  Cerdic,  the  founder  of  the 
monarchy,  the  order  of  fucceflion  had  been  far  from  ex- 
act ;  and  a  more  remote  prince  had  often  found  means  to 
mount  the  ihrone,  in  preference  to  one  defcended  from  a 
nearer  branch  of  the  royal  family.  Ina,  therefore,  having 
no  children  of  his  own,  and  lying  much  under  the  influ- 
ence of  Ethelburga,  his  queen,  left  by  will  the  fucceflion 
to  Adelard,  her  brother,  who  was  his  remote  kinfman  : 
But  this  deftination  did  not  take  place  without  fome  diffi- 
culty. Ofwald,  a  prince  more  nearly  allied  to  the  crown, 
took  aims  againft  Adelard  ;  but  he  being  fupprcfled,  and 
dying  foon  after,  the  title  of  Adelard  was  not  any. farther 
difputed  ;  and  in  the  year  7.41,  he  was  fucceeded  by  his 
coufin,  Cudied.  The  reign  of  this  prince  was  diftinguifli- 
ed  by  a  great  viclory  which  he  obtained,  by  means  of 
Edclhun,  his  general,  over  Ethelbald,  king  of  Mercia. 
His  death  made  way  for  Sigebert,  his  kinfman,  who  go- 

Vol.  I.  G 


42  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

verned  fo  ill,  that  his  people  rofe  in  an  infurreclion,  and 
dethroned  him,  crowning  Cenulph  inhisftead.  The  ex- 
iled prince  found  a  refuge  with  duke  Cumbran,  governor 
of  Hampfhire  ;  who,  that  he  might  add  new  obligations 
to  Sigebert,  gave  him  many  fnlutary  counfels  for  his  fu-v 
ture  conduct,  accompanied  with  fome  reprehenfions  for 
the  puft.  But  thefe  were  fo  much  refented  by  the  un- 
grateful prince,  that  he  confpired  againfl  the  life  of  his 
prote£tor,  and  treacheroufly  murdered  him.  After  this 
infamous  a&ion,  he  was  forfaken  bv  all  the  world  ;  and 
fkulking  about  in  the  wilds  and  forefts,  was  at  laft  difco- 
vered  by  a  fervant  of  Cumbran's,  who  inftantly  took  re- 
venge upon  him  for  the  murder  of  his  mafter*. 

Cenulph,  who  had  obtained  the  crown  on  the  expul- 
fion  of  Sigebert,  was  fortunate  in  many  expeditions  againft 
the  Britons  of  Cornwal  ;  but  afterwards  loft  fome  repu- 
tation by  his  ill  fuccefs  againft  OfFa,  king  of  Merciaf. 
Kynehard  alfo,  brother  to  the  depofed  Sigebert,  gave  him 
difturbance  ;  and  though  expelled  the  kingdom,  he  ho- 
vered on  the  frontiers,  and  watched  an  opportunity  for 
attacking  his  rival.  The  king  had  an  intrigue  with  a 
young  woman,  who  lived  at  Merton  in  Surrey,  whither 
having  fecretly  retired,  he  was  on  a  fudden  invironed,  in 
the  night-time,  by  Kynehard  and  his  followers,  and  after 
making  a  vigorous  refinance,  was  murdered,  with  all  his 
attendants.  The  nobility  and  people  of  the  neighbour- 
hood, rifing  next  day  in  arms,  took  revenge  on  Kynehard 
for  the  llaughter  of  their  king,  and  put  every  one  to  the 
fword  who  had  been  engaged  in  that  criminal  enterprife. 
This  event  happened  in  784. 

Brithric  next  obtained  poffeffion  of  the  government, 
though  remotely  defcended  from  the  royal  family  ;  but  he 
enjoyed  not  that  dignity  without  inquietude.  Eoppa,  ne- 
phew to  king  Ina,  by  his  brother  Ingild,  who  died  before 
that  prince,  had  hegot  Eta,  father  to  Alchmond,  from 
whom  fprung  EgbertJ,  a  young  man  of  the  moft  promis- 
ing hopes,  who  gave  great  jealoufy  to  Brithric,  the  reign- 
ing prince,  both  becaufe  he  feemed  by  his  birth  better 
entitled  to  the  crown,  and  becaufe  he  had  acquired,  to  an 
eminent  degree,  the  affections  of  the  people.  Egbert, 
fcnfible  of  his  danger  from  the  fufpicions  of  Brithric,  fe- 
cretly withdrew  into  Francell ;  where  he  was  well  received 
by  Charlemagne.  By  living  in  the  court,  and  ferving  in 
the  armies  of  that  prince,  the  moft  able  and  moft  generous 

*  Higden,  111..  5.     W.  Malmef.  lib.  1.  cap.  2.  f  W.  Mal- 

tnef.  lib.  1.  cap.  2.  %  Chron.  Sax.   p.  16.  ||  H. 

Hunting,  Jib.  4. 


THE     HEPTARCHY.  43 

that  had  appeared  in  Europe  during  feveral   ages,  he  ac-  CHAP, 
quired   thofe  accomplifhments,  which  afterwards  enabled         J. 
hiin  to  make  fuch  a  mining  figure  on  the  throne.     And  fa-  ^- — v— — • ' 
miliarizing  himfelf  to  the  manners  of  the  French,  who, 
as  Malmefbury  obferves**,  were   eminent  both  for  valour 
and  civility  above  all  the  weftern  nations,  he  learned  to 
polilh  the  rudenefsand  barbarity  of  the  Saxon  character  : 
His  early  misfortunes  thus  proved  of  lingular  advantage  to 
him. 

It  was  not  long  ere  Egbert  had  opportunities  of  dif- 
playing  his  natural  and  acquired  talents.  Brithrie,  king 
of  Wdlex,  had  married  Eadburga,  natural  daughter  of 
Orfa,  king  of  Mercia,  a  profligate  woman,  equally  infa- 
mous for  cruelty  and  for  incontinence.  Having  great  in- 
fluence over  her  hufband,  (lie  often  inftigated  him  to  deftroy 
fuch  of  the  nobility  as  were  obnoxious  to  her  ;  and  where 
this  expedient  failed,  fhe  fcrupled  not  being  herfelf  active 
in  traiteroiis  attempts  againft  them.  Se  had  mixed  a  cup  of 
poifon  for  a  young  nobleman,  who  had  acquired  her  huf- 
band's  friendfhip,  and  had  on  that  account  become  the  ob- 
ject of  her  jealoufy  :  But,  unfortunately,  the  king  drank  of 
the  fatal  cup  along  with  his  favourite,  and  foon  after  expir- 
ed *.  This  tragical  incident,  joined  to  her  other  crimes, 
rendered  Eadburga  fo  odious,  that  (lie  was  obliged  to  fly 
into  France;  whence  Egbert  was  at  the  fame  time  recalled 
by  the  nobility,  in  order  to  afcend  the  throne  of  his  ancef- 
torsf .  He  attained  that  dignity  in  the  lafi:  year  of  the 
eighth  century. 

In  the  kingdoms  of  the  Heptarchy,  an  exact  rule  of  fuc- 
ceffion  wes  either  unknown  or  not  ftrictly  obferved  ;  and 
thence  the  reigning  prince  was  continually  agitated  with 
jealoufy  againft  all  the  princes  of  the  blood,  whom  he  (till 
confide  red  as  rivals,  and  whole  death  alone  could  give  him 
entire  fecurity  in  his  poflcfon  of  the  throne.  From  this 
f;:tilcaL;!'e,  together  with  the  admiration  of  the  monaflic 
life,  and  the  opinion  of  merit  attending  the  prefervafion 
pf  chai'tity  even  in  a  married  flale,  the  roy<)l  families  had 
been  entirely  extinguifhed  in  all  the  kingdoms  except  that 
of  Weffex  ;  and  the  emulations,  fufpicions,  and  confpira- 
cies,  which  had  formerly  been  confined  to  the  princes  of 
the bloodalone, were  now  diffufed  among  all  the  nobility  in 
the  feveral  Saxon  ftates.  Egbert  was  the  fole  defendant 
of  thole  fii-ft  conquerors  who  fubducd  Britain,  and  who 
enhanced  their  authority  by  claiming  a  pedigree  from 
Woden,  the  fupreme  divinity  of  their  anceftors.     But  that 

**  L;b.  2.  cap.  ii.  »  Higdra,   lib.    5,  M.  Wcf1.  p.    1 

viia  Alfred!,   p.     3.   ex    edit.    Cu>.  j  Qh} 

t-<u.  A.  L).  &-jo.     Biomj  :w,  j>.  : 


4f  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND.      » 

C  If  A  P.  prince,  though  invited  by  this  favourable  circumftance  to 
I.        make  attempts  on  the  neighbouring  Saxons,  gave  them  for 

J v '  fome  time   no  difturbance,  and  raiher    choie  to  turn  his 

anmagainft  the  Britons  in  Cornwal,  wbom  lie  defeated  in 
ieveral  battles*.  He  was  recalled  from  the  conqueft  of 
that  country  by  an  invafion  made  upon  his  dominions  by 
Bernulf,  king  of  Mercia. 

The  Mercians,  before  the  acceffion  of  Egbert,  bad  very 
nearly  attained  the  abiolute  fovereignty  in  the  Heptarchy: 
They  had  reduced  the  Eaft-Angles  under  fubjectioni 
and  eftabliihed  tributary  princes  in  the  kingdoms  of  Kent 
and  Effcx.  Northumberland  was  involved  in  anarchy  ; 
and  noftate  of  any  confequence  remained  but  that  of  Wef- 
fex,  which,  much  inferior  in  extent  to  Mercia,  was  fup- 
ported  folely  by  the  great  qualities  of  its  fovereign.  Eg- 
bert led  his  army  againfl  the  invaders;  and  encountering 
them  at  Ellandum  in  Wiltfhire,  obtained  a  complete  vic- 
tory, and  by  the  great  Daughter  which  he  made  of  them  in 
their  flight,  gave  a  mortal  blow  to  the  power  of  the  Mer- 
cians. Whilft  he  himfelf,  in  profecution  of  his  viclory, 
entered  their  country  on  the  fide  of  Oxfordfhire,  and  threa- 
tened the  heart  of  their  dominions  ;  he  fent  an  army  into 
Kent,  commanded  by  Ethelwolph,  hiseldeft  font ;  and  ex- 
pelling Baldred,  the  tributary  king,  foon  made  himfelf 
mailer  of  that  country.  The  kingdom  of  Effex  was  con- 
,  quered  with  equal  facility  ;  and  the  Eaft-Angles,  from 
their  hatred  to  the  Mercian  government,  which  had 
been  eftabliihed  over  them  by  treachery,  and  violence,  and 
probably  exercifed  with  tyranny,  immediately  rofe  in  arms, 
and  craved  the  protection  of  EgbertJ.  Bernulf,  the  Mer- 
cian king,  who  marched  againft  them,  was  defeated  and 
flain  ;  and  two  years  after,  Ludican,  his  fucceiTor,  mef 
with  the  lame  fate.  Thefe  infurre<£lions  and  calamities 
facilitated  the  ertterprifes  of  Egbert,  who  advanced  into 
the  centre  of  the  Mercian  territories,  and  made  eafy  con- 
quefts  over  a  difpirited  and  divided  people.  In  order  to 
engage  them  moreeafily  to  fubmiflion,  he  allowed  Wiglef, 
their  countrymen,  to  retain  the  title  of  king,  whilft  he, 
himfelf  exercifed  the  real  powers  of  fovereignty II.  The 
anarchy  which  prevailed  in  Northumberland,  tempted  him 
to  carry  fti  11  farther  his  victorious  arms  ;  and  the  inhabi- 
tants, unable  to  refill  hu  power,  and  defirousof  pofleffing 
fome  eftabliihed  form  of  government,  were  forward,  on 
his  firft  appearance,  to  fend  deputies,  who  fubmitted  to  his 
authority,  and  fwore  allegiance  to  him  as  their  fovereign, 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  69.  t  Ethel werd,  lib.  3,  cap.  2. 

*  Ibid.  lib.  3.  cap.   3.  fj  Ingulph.  p.  7,   8.   10. 


THE     HEPTARCHY. 


45 


Egbert,  however,  ft  ill  allowed  to  Northumberland,  as  he  CHAP. 
had  done  to  Mercia  and  Eaft-Anglia,  the  power  of  electing         I. 

a  king,  who    paid    him    tribute,  and  was  dependent  on  » v— — ■* 

him. 

Thus  were  united  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  Heptarchy 
in  one  great  ftate,  near  four  hundred  years  after  the  firft 
arrival  of  the  Saxons  in  Britain;  and  the  fortunate  arms 
and  prudent  policy  of  Egbert  at  laft  affected,  what  had 
been  fo  often  attempted  in  vain  by  fo  many  princes*. 
Kent,  Northumberland,  and  Mercia,  which  had  fucceffive- 
ly  afpired  to  general  dominion,  were  now  incorporated 
in  his  empire  ;  and  the  other  fubordinate  kingdoms  feemed 
wijlingly  to  (hare  the  fame  fate.  His  territories  were  near- 
ly of  the  fame  extent  with  what  is  now  properly  called 
England  ;  and  a  favourable  profpecl  was  afforded  to  the 
Anglo-Saxons,  of  eftablifhing  a  civilized  monarchy,  pof- 
fefl'ed  of  tranquillity  within  itfelf,  and  fecure  againft  fo- 
reign invafion.  This  great  event  happened  in  the  year 
837t- 

The  Saxons,  though  they  had  been  fo  long  fettled  in 
the  illand,  feem  not  as  yet  to  have  been  much  improved 
beyond  their  German  anceftors,  either  in  arts,  civility, 
knowledge,  humanity,  juftice,  or  obedience  to  the  laws. 
Even  Chriftianity,  though  it  opened  the  way,  to  connecti- 
ons between  them  and  the  more  polifhed  ftates  of  Europe, 
had  not  hitherto  been  very  effectual  in  banifhing  their  ig- 
norance, or  foftening  their  barbarous  manners.  As  they 
received  that  doctrine  through  the  corrupted  channels  of 
Rome,  it  carried  along  with  it  a  great  mixture  of  credulity 
and  fuperftition,  equally  deftruclive  to  the  underftanding 
and  to  morals.  The  reverence  towards  faints  and  reliques 
feems  to  have  almoft  fupplanted  the  adoration  of  the  Su- 
preme Being.  Monafiic  obfervances  were  efteemed  more 
meritorious  than  the  active  virtues  :  The  knowledge  of 
natural  caufes  was  neglected  from  the  univerlal  belief  of 
miraculous  interpofitions  and  judgments  :  Bounty  to  the 
church  atoned  for  every  violence  againfl  lociety  :  And  the 
remorfes  for  cruelty,  murder,  treachery,  affaffination,  and 
the  more  robuft  vices,  were  appeafed,  not  by  amendment 
of  life,  but  by  penances,  fervility  to  the  monks,  and  an 
abject  and  illiberal  devotion^.     The  reverence  for  the 

*   Chron.  Sax.  p.  71.  f  Ibid. 

X  I  hefc  abufes  were  common  to  all  the  European  churches;  but  the  priefts 
in  Italy,  Spain,  and  Gaul,  made  feme  atonement  for  them  by  other  advai 
which  they  rendered  lociety.  For  icveral  aires  they  were  almoft  all  Romans, 
or,  in  other  want-;,  the  ancient  natives  \  and  they  preserved  the  Roman  lan- 
guage and  laws,  Wit ii  feme  remains  of  the  former  civility.  But  the  pr  etis  in 
the  Heptarchy,  after  the  firft  mUBonaries,  were  wholly  Saxons,  and  almoft  j> 
ignorant  ami  baibarous  a»  the  laity.  The?  contributed,  therefore,  iittle  to  the 
improvement  o;"  the  lociety  in  knowledge  01  the 


46  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

clergy  had  been  carried  to  fuch  a  height,  that,  wherever  a 
perfon  appeared  in  a  facerdotal  habit,  though  on  the  high- 
way, the  people  flocked  around  him;  and  fhowing  him 
all  marks  of  profound  relpecl,  received  every  word  he 
uttered  as  the  mofr.  faered  oracle*.  Even  the  military  vir- 
tues, fo  inherent  in  all  Saxon  tribes,  began  to  be  neglect- 
ed ;  and  the  nobility,  preferring  the  fecurity  and  lloth  cf 
the  cloifter  to  the  tumults  and  glory  of  war,  valued  them- 
lelves  chiefly  on  endowing  monafteries,  of  which  they 
aflumed  the  government'}-.  The  feverai  kings  too,  being 
extremely  impoveiifhed  by  continual  benefactions  to  the 
church,  to  which  the  dates  of  their  kingdoms  had  weakly 
alTented,  could  beftow  no  rewards  on  valour  or  military 
fervices,  and  retained  not  even  Sufficient  influence  to  fup- 
port  their  government!. 

Another  inconvenience  which  attended  this  corrupt 
fpeeies  of  Christianity,  was  the  Superftitious  attachment  to 
Rome,  and  the  gradual  Subjection  of  the  kingdom  to  a 
foreign  jurisdiction.  The  Britons,  having  never  acknow- 
ledged any  fubordination  to  the  Roman  pontiff,  had  con- 
ducted all  ecclefiaftical  government  by  their  domeftic  fy- 
nods  and  councils  ||:  But  the  Saxons,  receiving  their  reli- 
gion fnom  Roman  monks,  were  taught  at  the  fame  lime  a 
profound  reverence  for  that  fee,  and  were  naturally  led  to 
regard  it  as  the  capital  of  their  religion.  Pilgrimages  to 
Rome  were  represented  as  the  moft  meritorious  a£ts  of  de- 
votion. Not  only  noblemen  and  ladies  of  rank  undertook 
this  tedious  journey**;  but  kings  themfelves,  abdicating 
their  crowns,  fought  for  a  fecure  paiTport  to  heaven  at  the 
feet  of  the  Roman  pontiff.  New  reliques,  perpetually  fent 
from  that  endlels  mint  of  fuperflition,  and  magnified  by 
lying  miracles  invented  in  convents,  operated  on  the  afro-- 
niShed  minds  of  the  multitude.  And  every  prince  has  at- 
tained the  eulogies  of  the  monks,  the  onlv  historians  of 
thofeages,  not  in  proportion  to  his  civil  and  military  vir- 
tues, but  to  his  devoted  attachment  towards  their  order,  and 
his  Superftitious  reverence  for  Rome. 

The  Sovereign  pontiff,  encouraged  by  this  blindnefs 
and  fubmifTive  difpofition  of  the  people,  advanced  every 
day  in  his  encroachments  on  the  independence-  of  the  En- 
glifh  churches.  Wiifrid,  bilhop  of  Lindisferne,  the  fole 
prelate  of  the  Northumbrian  kingdom,  increafed  this  Sub- 
jection in  the  eighth  century,  by  his  making  an  appeal  to 
Rome   againft   the  dccifions  of  an   Engiifh  fynod,  which 

*  Bede,  lib.  3.  cap.  26.  f  Ibid.  lib.  5.  cap.  23.     Epiftola 

Beds,  ad  Egbert.  $  Bed*  Epift.  ad.  Pgbert. 

||  Append,  to  Bede,  numb.  10.  ex  edit.  1722.     Speirn.  Cone.   p.  10S,   109. 
**  Bede,  lib.  5.  cap.  7. 


THE     HEPTARCHY.  47 

had  abridged  his  diocefe  by  the  ere&ion  of  fome  new  bifh-  C  H  A  P. 
oprics*.     Agatho,  the  pope,  readily  err/braced    this    pre-  I. 

cede;  t of  an  appeal  to  his  court:  and  Wilfrid,  though  the  v «——J 

haughtieft  and  moil:  luxurious  prelate  of  hia  a<j;et,  having 
obtained  with  the  people  the  character  of  fanctitv,  was 
thus  able  to  lay  the  foundation  of  this  papal  pretenfion. 

The  great  topic  by  which  Wilfrid  confounded  the  ima- 
ginations of  men  was,  that  St.  Peter,  to  whole  cufiody  the 
keys  of  heaven  were  entrufted,  would  certainly  refufe  ad- 
mittance to  every  one  who  ihould  be  wanting  in  refpecl;  to 
his  fucceflbr.  This  conceit,  well  luited  to  vulgar  concep- 
tions, made  great  impreffion  on  the  people  during  feveral 
ages;  and  has  not  even  at  prefent  loft  all  influence  in  the 
catholic  countries. 

Had  this  abje<£t  fuperftition  produced  general  peace  and 
tranquillity,  it  had  made  fome  atonement  for  the  ills  atten- 
ding it ;  but  befides  the  ufual  avidity  of  men  for  power 
and  riches,  frivolous  controverfies  in  theology  were  engen- 
dered by  it,  which  were  fo  much  the  more  fatal,  as  they 
admitted  not,  like  the  others,  of  any  final  determination 
from  eftabliihed  polleffion.  The  difputes  excited  in  Bri- 
tain, were  of  the  moll  ridiculous  kind,  and  entirely  wor- 
thy of  thofe  ignorant  and  barbarous  ages.  There  were 
fome  intricacies,  obferved  by  all  the  Chriflian  churches,  in 
adjusting  the  day  of  keeping  Eafter ;  which  depended  on 
a  complicated  confideration  of  the  courfe  of  the  fun  and 
moon:  And  it  happened  that  the  miffionaries,  who  had 
converted  the  Scots  and  Britons,  had  followed  a  different 
calendar  from  th.it  which  was  obferved  at  Rome  in  the  age 
when  Auguftine  converted  the  Saxons.  The  priefts  alio 
of  all  the  L^hriflian  churches  were  accuftomed  to  fhavc 
part  of  their  head;  but  the  form  given  to  this  tonfure  was 
different  in  the  former  from  what  was  praitifed  in  the  lat- 
ter. The  Scots  and  Britons  pleaded  the  antiquity  of  their 
ufageb  :  The  Romans,  and  their  difciplcs,  the  Saxons,  in- 
fifted  on  the  univerfality  of  theirs.  That  Eafter  mult  ne- 
ceiTarily  be  kept  by  a  rule,  which  comprehended  both  the 
day  of  the  year  and  age  of  the  moon,  was  agreed  by  all  ; 
that  the  tonfure  of  a  prieft  could  not  be  omitted  without 
the  uttnoft  impiety,  was  a  point  undifputed  :  But  the  Ro- 
mans and  Saxons  called  their  antagonifts  fchifmatics  ;  be- 
caufe  they  celebrated  Eafter  on  the  verv  day  of  the  full 
moon  in  March,  if  that  day  fell  on  a  Sunday,  inflead  of 
waitingtill  the  Sunday  following;  and  becaufe  they  fhaved 
the  fore-part  of  their  head  from  ear  to  ear,  inflead  of  inak- 

*  See  Appendix   to  Bede,  numb.  19.     Higden,  lib.  5, 
t  Jiddiui  viia  Vilfr.   §   24.  60. 


43  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  ing  that  tonfure  on  the  crown  of  the  head,  and  in  a  circu- 
I.         larform.     In  order  to  render  their  antagonifts  odious,  they 

v v '  affirmed,  that  once  in  feven  years  they  concurred  with  the 

Jews  in  the  time  of  celebrating  that  feftival* :  And  that 
they  might  recommend  their  own  form  of  tonfure,  they 
maintained,  that  it  imitated  fymbolically  the  crown  of 
thorns  worn  by  Chrift  in  his  paffion  ;  whereas  the  other 
form  was  invented  by  Simon  Magus,  without  any  regard 
to  that  reprefentationf.  Thefe  controverfies  had,  from 
the  beginning,  excited  fuch  animofity  between  the  Britifh 
and  Romifh  priefts,  that,  inftead  of  concurring  in  their  en- 
deavours to  convert  the  idolatrous  Saxons,  they  refufed  all 
communion  together,  and  each  regarded  his  opponent  as 
no  better  than  a  PaganJ.  Thedifpute  lafted  more  than  a 
century,"  and  was  at  laft  finifhed,  not  by  men's  difcovering 
the  folly  of  it,  which  would  have  been  too  great  an  effort 
for  human  reafon  to  accomplish,  but  by  the  entire  preva- 
lence of  the  Romifh  ritual  over  the  Scotch  and  Britifh||. 
Wilfrid,  bifhop  of  Lindisferne,  acquired  great  merit,  both 
with  the  court  of  Rome  and  with  all  the  fouthern  Saxons, 
by  expelling  the  quartodeciman  fchifm,  as  it  was  called, 
from  the  Northumbrian  kingdom,  into  which  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  the  Scots  had  formerly  introduced  it**. 

Theodore,  archbifhop  of  Canterbury,  called,  in  the 
'  year  680,  afynod  at  Hatfield,  confining  of  all  the  bifhops 
in  Britain+f  ;  where  was  accepted  and  ratified  the  decree 
of  the  Lateran  council,  fummoned  by  Martin,  againft  the 
herefy  of  the  Monothelites.  The  council  and  fynod  main- 
tained, in  oppofitionto  thefe  heretics,  that,  though  the  di- 
vine and  human  nature  in  Chrift  made  but  one  perfon,  yet 
had  they  different  inclinations,  wills,  a6ls,  and  fentiments, 
and  that  the  unity  of  the  perfon  implied  not  any  unity  in 
the  confcioufnefs^  j.  This  opinion  it  feems  fomewhat  diffi- 
cult to  comprehend  ;  and  no  one,  unacquainted  with  the 
ecclefiaftical  hiftory  of  thofe  ages,  could  imagine  the  height 
of  zeal  and  violence  with  which  it  was  then  inculcated. 
The  decree  of  the  Lateran  council  calls  the  Monothelites 
impious,  execrable,  wicked,  abominable,  and  even  dia- 
bolical ;  and  curfes  and  anathematizes  them  to  all  eter- 
nityll  II.  ' 

The  Saxons,  from  the  firft  introduction  of  Chriftianaty 
among  them,  had  admitted  the  ufe  of  images;  and  per- 
haps that  religion,  without  fome  of  thofe  exterior   orna- 

*  Bede,  lib.  2.  cap.  19,  t  Bede,  lib.   5.  cap.  21.     Eddius. 

$  24.  J  Bede,  lib.  2.  cap.   2.  4.  20.      Eddius,   ^  12. 

||  Bede,  lib.  5.  cap.'  16.   22.  **  Bede,  lib.  3.  cap.  25. 

Eddius,  §   j 2.  ft  Spill.  Cone.  vol.  I.  p.  16S. 

it  Ibid.  p.   171.'  Illl  Ibid.  p.  172,   173,  J 741. 


THE    HEPTARCHY.  49 

inent3,  had  not  made  (o  quick  a  progrefs  with  thefe  idola-  c  H  A  P. 
ters:   But  they  had  not  paid  any  fpecies  of  wodhip  or  ad-        I. 

drefs  to  images ;  and  this   abule   never    prevailed  among  « y,— — ' 

Chriftians,    till    it    received    the    fanclion  of  the  fecond 
council  of  Nice. 


Vol  1.  H 


5o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


CHAP.      II. 


Egbert >Ethelwolf — —Ethelbald    and     Ethclbert- 


-Ethered— Alfred  the  Great Edward  the  Elder 

•Atheljlan Edmund Edred Edwy^      ■   ■- 

-Edgar Edward  the  Martyr* 


63; 


EGBERT. 


C  II  A  P.  r~p  H  E  Kingdoms  of  the  Hdptarchy,  though  united  by 
II.  A     f0  recent  a  conqueft,  feemed  to  be   firmly  cemented 

into  one  ftate  under  Egbert ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  the 
feveral  provinces  had  loft  all  defne  of  revolting  from  that 
monarch,  or  of  refioring  their  former  independent  govern- 
ments. Their  language  was  everywhere  nearly  the  farne^ 
their  cuftoms,  laws,  inltitutions  civil  and  religious  ;  and  as 
the  race  of  the  ancient  kings  was  totally  extin6t  in  all  the 
Subjected  ftates,  the  people  readily  transferred  their  alle- 
giance to  a  prince,  who  feemed  to  merit  it,  by  the  fplen- 
dour  of  his  victories,  the  vigour  of  hisadminiftration,  and 
the  fuperior  nobility  of  his  birth.  A  union  alfo  in  govern- 
ment opened  to  them  the  agreeable  profpecYof  future  tran- 
quillity; and  it  appeared  more  probable,  that  they  would 
henceforth  become  formidable  to  their  neighbours,  than 
be  expoied  to  their  inroads,  and  devaluations.  But  thefe 
flattering  views  were  foon  overcaft  by  the  appearance  of 
the  Danes,  who,  during  feme  centuries,  kept  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  in  perpetual  inquietude,  committed  the  moft  barba- 
rous ravages  upon  them,  and  at  lafl  reduced  them  to  griev- 
ous fervitude. 

The  emperor  Charlemagne,  though  naturally  generous 
and  humane,  had  been  induced  by  bigotry  to  exercife  great 
leverities  upon  the  Pagan  Saxons  in  Germany,  whom  he 
fubdued;  and  befides often  ravaging  their  country  with  fire 
and  fword,  he  had  in  cool  blood  decimated  all  the  inhabi- 
tants for  their  revolts,  and  had  obliged  them,  by  the  moft 
rigorous  edicts,  to  make  a  teeming  compliance  with  the 
Chriftian  doctrine.  That  religion,  which  had  eafily  made 
its  way  among  the   Britifh  Saxons  by  infinuation  and  ad- 


EGBERT.  5« 

drefs,  appeared  (hocking to  their  Gerrran brethren,  when  CHAP, 
impofed  on  them  by  the  violence  of  Charlemagne;  and  the        II. 

more  generous  and  warlike  of  thefe  Pagans  had  fled  north-  * C ' 

ward  into  Jutland,  in  order  to  efcape  the  fury  of  his  perfe- 
ctions.    Meeting  there  with  a  people  of  fimilar  manners, 
thev  were  readily  received   among  them;  and  they   foon 
ftimulated  the  natives  to  concur  in  enterpiifes,  which  both 
promifed  revenge  on  the  haughty  conqueror,  and  afforded 
fubfiftence    to  thofe  numerous  inhabitants  with  which  the 
northern    countries  were  now  overburdened*.     They  in- 
vaded   the    provinces  of  France,  which  were  expoled  by 
the  degeneracy  and  diffenfions  of  Charlemagne's  pofteri- 
ty  ;  and   being  there   known  under  the  general    name  of 
Normans,  which  they  received  from  their  northern  fituati- 
on,  they  became  the  terror  of  all  the  maritime  and   even 
of  the  inland  countries.     They  were  alfo  tempted  to  vifit 
England  in  their  frequent  excurfions;  and  being  able,  by 
fudden  inroads,  to  make  great  progrefs  over  a  people  who 
were  not  defended  by  any  naval  force,  who  had  relaxed 
their  military  inftifutions,  and  who  were  funk  into  a  fuper- 
ftition  which  had  become  odious  to  the  Danes  and  ancient 
Saxons,  they  made  no  diftin&ion  in   their   hoflilities  be- 
tween the  French  and  Englifh  kingdoms.     Their  fnft  ap- 
pearance in  this  ifland  was  in  the  year  787+,  when  Brith- 
ric  reigned  in  We  flex.     A  fmall  body  of  them  lcinded  in 
that  kingdom,  with  a  view  of  learning  the  ftate  of  the 
country;  and  when  the  magi  (Irate  of  the  place  queftiqned 
them  concerning  their  enterprise,  and  fumrnoned  them  to 
appear  before  the  king,  and  account  for   their  intentions, 
they  killed  him,  and  flying  to  the  (hips,  efcaped  into  their 
own  country.     The  next  alarm  was  given  to  Northumber- 
land in  the  year  794!  ;   when  a  body  of  thefe   pirates  pil- 
laged a  monaftery  ;   but  their  (hips  being  much  damaged 
by  a  ftorm,  and  their  leader  (lain  in  a  fkirmifh,  they  were 
at   lad  defeated  by  the   inhabitants,  and   the  remainder  of 
them  put  to    the  ("word.     Five  years  after  Egbert  had  efla-         832, 
blilhed  his  monarchy  over  England,  the  Danes  landed  in 
the  Ifje  of  Shepey,  and  having  pillaged  it,  efcaped  with 
impunity ||.  They  were  not  fo  fortunate  in  their  next  year's 
interprife,  when  they  difembarked  from  thirty-five  (hips, 
snd  were  encountered  by  Egbert,  at  Charmouth  in  Dor- 
fetlhire.     The  battle  wasbloodv;  but  though  the  Danes 
loft  great  numbers,  they   maintained  the   poll  which   thev 
had    taken,  and  thence  made  good   their  retreat  to  their 

*  Vpod.   NeuftiJa,  p.   414.  f  Chron.  Sax.  p.  (  \, 

%  Chrai.  ■      Aiur.  Bcve:!.  p.    1  |», 


52  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

ftnps*.  Having  learned  by  experience,  that  they  muft 
expe£t  a  vigorous  refiftance  from  this  warlike  prince,  they 
entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  Britons  of  Cornwal ;  and 
landing  two  years  after  in  that  country,  made  an  inroad 
with  their  confederates  into  the  county  of  Devon  ;  but  were 
met  at  Hcngeldown  by  Egbert,  and  totally  defeatedf. 
While  England  remained  in  thisfiateof  anxiety,  and  de- 
fended itfelf  more  by  temporary  expedients  than  by 
any  regular  plan  of  adminifiration,  Egbert,  who  alone 
was  able  to  provide  effectually  againft  this  new  evil,  un«- 
fortunately  died;  and  left  the  government  to  his  fon  Ethel- 
wolf. 


ETHELWOLF. 


THIS  prince  had  neither  the  abilities  nor  the  vigour 
of  his  father ;  and  was  better  qualified  for  governing 
a  convent  than  a  kingdom.^  He  began  his  reign  with 
making  a  partition  of  his  dominions,  and  delivering  over 
to  his  eldeft  fon,  Athelftan,  the  new-conquered  provinces 
of  ElTcx,  Kent,  and  Suffex.  But  no  inconveniencies  feem 
to  have  arifen  from  this  partition  ;  as  the  continual  terror 
of  the  Danifli  invafions  prevented  all  domeftic  diflenfion. 
A  fleet  of  thefe  ravagers,  confiding  of  thirty-three  fail,  ap- 
peared at  Southampton  ;  but  were  repulfed  with  lofs  by 
Wolf  here,  governor  of  the  neighbouring  county||.  The 
fame  year,  iEthelhelm,  governor  of  Dorfetmire,  routed 
another  band  which  had  difembarked  at  Portfmouth  ;  but 
he  obtained  the  victory  after  a  furious  engagement,  and  he 
bought  it  with  the  lofs  of  his  life**.  Next  year  the  Danes 
made  feveral  inroads  into  England  ;  and  fought  battles,  or 
rather  fkirmifhes,  in  Eall-Anglia  and  Lindefey  and  Kent; 
where,  though  they  were  fometimes  repulfed  and  defeated, 
they  always  obtained  their  end,  of  committing  fpoil  upon 
the  country,  and  carrying  off  their  booty.  They  avoided 
coming  to  a  general  engagement,  which  was  not  fuited  to 
their  plan  of  operations.  Their  veflels  were  fmall,  and 
ran  eafily  up  the  creeks  and  rivers;  where  they  drew  them 
afhore,  and  having  formed  an  entrenchment  round  them, 
which  they  guarded  with  part  of  their  number,  the  remain- 
der fcattered  themfelves  every  where,  and,  carrying  off  the 

*  Chron-  ?&<»  p.  7'?.  ItV-'vcrd,  lib,  3.  cap.  2.  f  Chron.  Sax.  p.  72. 

*  Wm.  Malroef.  lib.  2.  cap.  2.  (  hron.  Sax.  p.  73. 
Ethelwerd,  lib.  3.  cap.  3.  **  Chron.  Sax.  p.  73.  H.  Hui.tmg. 
lib.  5- 


ETHELWOLF.  53 

inhabitants  and  cattle  and   goods,    they  haftened  to  their  *-  r* 

(hips,  and  quickly  difappeared.  If  the  military  force  of  the  t  *  _, 
county  were  affembled  (for  there  was  no  time  for  troops  to 
march  from  a  diftance),  the  Danes  either  were  able  to  re- 
pulfe  them,  and  to  continue  their  ravages  witb  impunity, 
or  thev  betook  themfelves  to  their  vefJTels;  and  fettingfail, 
fuddenly  invaded  fome  diftant  quarter,  which  was  not  pre- 
pared for  their  reception.  Every  part  of  England  was  held 
in  continual  alarm ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  one  county 
durft  not  give  aflifiance  to  thofe  of  another,  left  their  own 
families  and  property  fhouldin  the  mean  time  be  expofed 
by  their  abience  to  the  fury  of  thefe  barbarous  ravagers*. 
AH  orders  of  men  were  involved  in  this  calamity  ;  and 
the  priefts  and  monks,  who  had  been  commonly  fpared  in 
the  domeflic  quarrels  of  the  Heptarchy,  were  the  chief 
objects  on  which  the  Danilh  idolaters  exercifed  their  rage 
and  animofity.  Every  feafon  of  the  year  was  dangerous; 
and  the  abience  of  the  enemy  was  no  reafon  why  any  man 
could  efteem  himfelf  a  moment  in  fafety. 

These  incurfions  had  now  become  a lmoft annual;  when 
the  Danes,  encouraged  by  their  fuccelles  againll  France 
as  well  as  England  (for  both  kingdoms  were  alike  expofed 
to  this  dreadful  calamity),  invaded  the  lafl  in  fo  numerous 
a  body,  as  feemed  to  threaten  it  with  universal  fubjeclion. 
But  the  Englifh,  more  military  than  the  Britons,  whom,  a 
few  centuries  before,  they  had  treated  with  like  violence, 
roufed  themfelves  with  a  vigour  proportioned  to  the  exigen- 
cy. Ceorle,  governor  of  Devonfbire,  fought  a  battle  with 
one  body  of  the  Danes  at  Wiganburghf,  and  put  them 
to  rout  with  great  (laughter.  King  Athelftan  attacked 
another  at  fea  near  Sandwich,  funk  nine  of  their  fhips, 
ar.d  put  the  reft  to  flight.-}:.  A  bedv  of  them,  however, 
ventured,  for  the  firft  time,  to  take  up  winter-quarters  in 
England  ;  and  receiving  in  the  fpiing  a  ftrong  reinforce- 
ment of  their  countrymen  in  350  veiTels,  they  advanced 
from  thelile  of  Thanet,  where  they  had  ftationed  them- 
felves ;  burnt  the  cities  of  London  and  Canterbury  ;  and 
having  put  t'o  flight  Brichtric,  who  now  governed  Mercia 
under  the  title  of  King,  they  marched  into  the  heart  of 
Surrey,  and  laid  every  place  waftc  around  them.  Ethel- 
wolf,  impelled  by  the  urgency  ot  the  danger,  marched 
againft  them  at  the  head  of  the  Weft-Saxons  ;  and  carry- 
ing with  him  his  fecond  ton,  Ethelbald,  gave  them  battle 
at  Okely,  and  gained  a  bloody  victory  over  them.     This 

■erl.  p.  10^.  .  f  H,  Hum     .lib.  ;■ 

Ethehverd,   lib.  3*  cap.  3.     S'meon  Dunelm.  p.    120.  X  Cluoit. 

srius,  p.  2. 


Si  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  advantage  procured  but  a  fhort  refpite  to  the  Englifh.  The 
II.        Danes  ftill  maintained  their  feft'ement  in  the  Ifle  of  Tha- 

f+hZi '  net;  and  being  attacked  by  Ealher  and  Huda,  governors 

of  Kent  and  Surrey,  though  defeated  in  the  beginning  of 
8j3-  the  adion,  they  finally  repulfed  fhe  aflailants,  and  killed 
both  the  governors.  They  removed  thence  to  the  Iile 
of  Shepey  ;  where  they  took  up  their  winter-quarters, 
that  they  might  farther  extend  their  devaluation  and  rava- 
ges. 

This  unfettled  ftate  of  England  hindered  not  Ethel- 
wolf  from  making  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome ;  whither  he  car- 
ried his  fourth,  and  favourite  fon,  Alfred,  then  only  fix 
years  of  age*.  He  paffed  there  a  twelvemonth  in  exer- 
cifesof  devotion  ;  and  failed  not  inthatmoft  effential  part 
of  devotion,  liberality  to  the  church  of  Rome.  Befides 
giving  prefents  to  the  more  diftinguifhed  ecclefiaflics,  he 
made  a  perpetual  grant  of  three  hundred  mancufesf  a  year 
to  that  fee  ;  one  third  to  fuppoit  the  lamps  of  St.  Peter's, 
another  thofe  of  St.  Paul's,  a  third  to  the  pope  himieif|. 
In  his  return  home,  he  married  Judith,  daughter  of  the 
emperor  Charles  the  Bald;  but  on  his  landing  in  Eng- 
land, he  met  with  an  oppofition  which  he  little  looked 
for. 

His  elded  fon,  Athelfian,  being  dead  ;  Ethelbald,  his 
fecond,  who  had  affumed  the  government,  formed,  in  con- 
cert with  many  of  the  nobles,  the  project  of  excluding  his 
father  from  the  throne,  which  his  weaknefs  and  fuperfti- 
tion  feem  to  have  rendered  him  fo  ill-qualified  to  fill.  The 
people  were  divided  between  the  two  princes;  and  a  bloo- 
dy civil  war,  joined  to  all  the  other  calamities  under  which 
the  Englifh  laboured,  appeared  inevitable;  when  Ethel- 
wolf  had  the  facility  to  yield  to  the  greater  part  of  his  fon's 
pretention?.  He  made  with  him  a  partition  of  the  king- 
dom ;  and  taking  to  himfelf  the  eafiern  part,  which  was 
always  at  that  time  efteemed  the  lean  considerable,  as  well 
as  the  moft  expolcd||,  he  delivered  over  to  Ethelbald  the 
Sovereignty  of  the  wefiern.  Immediately  after,  he  fum- 
moned  the  dates  of  the  whole  kingdom,  and  with  the  fame 
facility  conferred  a  perpetual  and  important  donation  on 
the  church. 

The  ecclcfiaftics,  in  thofe  davs  of  ignorance,  made 
rapid  advances  in  the  ncquifition  of  power  and  grandeur  ; 
and  inculcating  the  molt  abfurd  and  moft  interefted  doc- 
trines, though  they  fomctimes  met,  from  the  contrary  in- 

*   Aflerins.p.  3.     Chron.  Sax.  76.     Hunt.  lib.  5.  ■}■  A  mmrc 

was  about  the  weight  of  our  pre  lent  halt"  ctown  :  See  Spe:man's  Gljfiary,  in 
veibo  Mancus.  +   W.   Malmef.  lib.  s.  rap.  '?. 

||  Ali'erius,  p.  J.     W.  Malm.  lib.  2.  cap.  2.      Maith.  Weft.  p.  1.  6. 


E    T    H    E    L    W    O    L    F,  55 

terefts  of  the  laity,  with  an  oppofition,  which  it  required  CHAP, 
time  and  addrefe  to  overcome,  they  found  no  obftacle  in        11. 

their  reafon  or  underflanding.     Not  content  with  the  do-  < * — — ' 

nations  of  land  made  them  by  the  Saxon  princes  and  no- 
bles, and  with  temporary  oblations  from  the  devotion  of 
the  people,  they  hadcait  a  wifhtul  eye  on  a  vaft  revenue, 
which  they  claimed  as  belonging  to  them,  by  a  i'acred  and 
indefeasible  title.  However  little  verfed  in  the  fcripturcsr 
they  had  been  able  todifcover,  that,  under  the  Jewiih  law, 
a  tenth  of  all  the  produce  of  land  was  conferred  on  the 
priefthood;  and  forgetting  what  they  themfelves  taught, 
that  the  moral  part  only  of  that  law  was  obligatory  on 
Chriftians,  they  infilled,  that  this  donation  conveyed  a 
perpetual  property,  inherent  by  divine  right  in  thofe  who 
officiated  at  the  altar.  During  tome  centuries*  the  whole 
fcope  of  iermons  and  homilies  was  directed  to  this  purpofe; 
and  one  would  have  imagined,  from  the  general  tenor  of 
thefe  dilco.urfes,  that  all  the  practical  parts  of  Chriftianity 
Were  comprifed  in  the  exacl  and  faithful  payment  of  tithes 
to  the  clergy*.  Encouraged  by  their  luccefs  in  inculcating 
thefe  doctrines,  they  ventured  farther  than  they  were  war- 
ranted even  by  the  Levitical  law,  and  pretended  to  draw 
the  tenth  of  all  induftry,  merchandife,  wages  of  labou- 
rers, and  pay  of  foldiersf  ;  nay,  fome  canonifts  went  fo 
far  as  to  affirm,  that  the  clergy  were  entitled  to  the  tithe  of 
the  profits  made  by  courtezans  in  the  exercife  of  their 
profeffion^.  Though  parifheshad  been  inflituted  in  Eng- 
land by  Honorius,  archbiihop  of  Canterbury,  near  two 
centuries  beforell,  the  ecclefiaAics  had  never  yet  been  able 
to  get  poffeflion  of  the  tithes:  They  therefore  feized  the 
prefent  favourable  opportunity  of  making  that  acquifition  ; 
when  a  weak,  fuperfiitious  prince  filled  the  throne,  and 
when  the  people,  difcouraged  by  their  lofles  from  the 
Danes,  and  terrified  with  the  fear  of  future  invafions,  were 
fufceptible  of  any  impreffion  which  bore  the  appearance  of 
religion**.  So  meritorious  was  this  conceffion  deemed  by 
the  Engliih,  that,  trufting  entirely  to  fupcrnaturalafliftance, 
they  neglected  the  ordinary  means  of  fafety  ;  and  agreed, 
even  in  the  prefent  defperate  extremity,  that  the  revenues 
of  the  church  fhould  be  exempted  from  all  burthens, 
though  impoled  for  national  defence  and  fecurityff. 


*  Padre  Paolo,  Copra  bene.lcii  ecclelialtici,  p.  51,  52.  edit.  Co'.on.  1675. 
f  Spell.  ConC.  vol.  1.  p. -j68.  *   Padre  Paolo,  p.  132. 

!|   Parker,  p.  77.  **  Ingulf,  p.  S62.     Selden's  hiti.  of  Tithes,  c.  S. 

ft  Aileiius,  p.  2.     Chum.  Sax.  p.  76.     W.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  2.     tthel- 
v.erd,  lib.  3.   cap.  j.     .M.  Welt.  p.  15S.     Ingulf.  p»  17.  Alur.  Beverl.  p.  95. 


56  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


ETHELBALD     and     ETHELBERL 


s57-  L|  THELWOLF  lived  only  two  years  after  making 
-^  this  grant ;  and  by  his  will  he  fhared  England  be- 
tween his  two  eldeft  fons,  Ethelbald  and  Ethelbert ;  the 
weft  being  affigned  to  the  former  ;  the  eaft  to  the  latter. 
Ethelbald  was  a  profligate  prince;  and  marrying  Judith, 
his  mother-in-law,,  gave  great  offence  to  the  people  ;  but 
moved  by  the  remonftrances  of  Swithun,  bifhop  of  Win- 
chefter,   he  was  at  laft  prevailed  on    to  divorce  her.     His 

860.  reign  was  fhort;  and  Ethelbert,  his  brother,  fucceeding  to 
the  government,  behaved  himfelf,  during  a  reign  of  five 
years,  in  a  manner  more  worthy  of  hisbirthand  ftation.  The 
kingdom,  however,  was  ftill  infefled  by  the  Danes,  who 
made  an  inroad  and  facked  Winchefler  ;  but  were  there 
defeated.  A  body  alfo  of  thefe  pirates,  who  were  quarter- 
ed in  the  Hie  of  Thanet,  having  deceived  the  Englifh  by 
a  treaty,  unexpectedly  broke  into  Kent,  and  committed 
great  outrages. 


E    T    H    E    R    E     D, 


T^  THELBERT  was  fucceededby  his  brother  Ethe- 
866.  -*— '  red,  who,  though  he  defended  himfelf  with  bravery, 
enjoyed,  during  his  whole  reign,  no  tranquillity  from 
thofe  Danifh  irruptions.  His  younger  brother,  Alfred 
feconded  him  in  all  his  enterprifes  ;  and  generoufly  facri- 
ficedtothe  public  good  all  refentment  which  he  might  en- 
tertain on  account  of  his  being  excluded  by  Ethered  from 
a  large  pattimony  which  had  been  left  him  by  his  fa- 
ther. 

The  firfl  landing  of  the  Danes  in  the  reign  of  Ethered 
was  among  the  Eaft-Angles,  who,  more  anxious  for  their 
prefent  fafety  than  for  the  common  intereft,  entered  into 
a  feparate  treaty  with  the  enemy ;  and  furnifhed  them  with 
horfes,  which  enabled  them  to  make  an  irruption  by  land 
into  the  kingdom  of  Northumberland.  They  there  feized 
the  city  of  York ;  and  defended  it  againft  Ofbricht  and 
-/Ella,  two  Northumbrian  princes,  who  perifhed  in  the 
atlault*.  Encouraged  by  thefe  fucceffes,  and  by  the  fupe- 
riority  which  they  had  acquired  in  arms,  they  now  ventur- 
ed, under  the  command  of  Hinguar  and  Hubba,  to  leave 
the  fea-coaft,  and  penetrating  into   Mercia,  they  took  up 

*  Afler.  p.  6.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  79. 


E    T    H    E    R    E    D.  57 

their  winter-quarters  at  Nottingham,  where  they  threaten-  C 
ed  the  kingdom  with  a  final  Subjection.  The  Mercians 
in  this  extremity,  applied  to  Ethered  for  fuccour  ;  and 
that  prince,  with  his  brother,  Alfred,  conducting  a  great 
army  to  Nottingham,  obliged  the  enemy  to  dillodge,  and 
to  retreat  into  Northumberland.  Their  reftlefs  difpofition  870. 
and  their  avidity  for  plunder,  allowed  them  not  to  remain 
long  in  thole  quarters:  They  broke  into  Eaft-Anglia,  de- 
feated and  took  prifoner  Edmund,  the  king  of  that  coun- 
try, whom  they  afterwards  murdered  in  cool  blood  ;  and 
committing  the  moft  barbarous  ravages  on  the  people,  par- 
ticularly on  the  monasteries,  they  gave  the  Eaft-Angles 
caufe  to  regret  the  temporary  relief  which  they  had  obtain- 
ed, by  a  flitting  the  common  enemy. 

The  next  Ration  of  the  Danes  was  at  Reading;  whence  871. 
they  infefted  the  neighbouring  country  by  their  incurfi- 
ons.  The  Mercians,  defirousof  making  off  their  depen- 
dence on  Ethered,  refufed  to  join  him  with  their  forces  ; 
and  that  prince,  attended  by  Alfred,  was  obliged  to  march 
againft  the  enemy,  with  the  Weft-Saxons  alone,  his  here* 
ditary  Subjects.  The  Danes,  being  defeated  in  an  action, 
fliut  themfelves  up  in  their  garrifon:  but  quickly  making 
thence  an  irruption,  they  routed  the  Welt-Saxons,  and 
obliged  them  to  raife  the  Siege.  An  aclion  Soon  after  enfued 
at  Alton  in  Berkfhire,  where  the  Englifh,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  day,  were  in  danger  of  a  total  defeat.  Alfred,  ad- 
vancing with  one  divifion  of  the  army,  wasfurrounded  by 
the  enemy  in  disadvantageous  ground;  and  Ethered,  who 
was  at  that  time  hearing  mafs,  refufed  to  march  to  his 
affiftance,  till  prayers  fhould  be  finilhed*  :  But  as  he  af- 
terwards obtained  the  victory,  this  fuccefs,  not  the  danger 
of  Alfred,  was  afcribed  by  the  monks  to  the  piety  of  that 
monarch.  This  battle  of  ASton  did  not  terminate  the  war: 
Another  battle  was  a  little  after  fought  at  Bafing  ;  where 
the  Danes  were  more  fuccefsful ;  and  being  reinforced  by  a 
new  army  from  their  own  country,  they  became  every  day 
more  terrible  to  the  Englilh.  Amidlt  thefe  confufions, 
Ethered  died  of  a  wound  which  he  had  received  in  an 
aclion  with  the  Danes ;  and  left  the  inheritance  of  his 
cares  and  misfortunes.,  rather  than  of  his  grandeur,  to 
his  brother,  Alfred,  who  was  now  twenty-two  years  of 
age. 

Vol.  I.  1 

*  AfTer.  p.  7.     W.  Malm.  lib.  2.  cap.  3.  Simeon  Dunelm.  p.  125.     Angl'a 
Sacra,  vol.  i.  p.  205. 


CHAP. 
II. 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


ALFRED. 


"^HIS  prince  gave  very  early  marks  of  thofe  great 
$71.  X  virtues  and  fhining  talents,  by  which,  during  the  moft 
difhcult  times,  he  faved  his  country  from  utter  ruin  and 
fubverfion.  Ethelwolf,  his  father,  the  year  after  his  re- 
turn with  Alfred  from  Rome,  had  again  fent  {he  young 
prince  thither  with  a  numerous  retinue;  and  a  repoit  being 
fpread  of  the  king's  death,  the  pope,  Leo  111.  gave  Alfred 
the  royal  unction*;  whether  prognosticating  his  future 
greatnefs  from  the  appearances  of  his  pregnant  genius,  or 
willing  to  pretend,  even  in  that  age,  to  the  right  of  confer- 
ring kingdoms.  Alfred,  on  his  return  home,  became  eve- 
ry day  more  the  object  of  his  father's  affections  ;  but  being 
fndulged  in  all  youthful  pleafure's,  he  was  much  neglected 
in  his  education ;  and  he  had  already  reached  his  twelfth 
year,  when  he  was  yet  totally  ignorant  of  the  loweft  ele- 
ments of  literature.  Kis  genius  was  firft  roufed  by  the 
recital  of  Saxon  poems,  in  which  the  queen  took  delight; 
and  this  fpecies  of  erudition,  which  is  fometimes  able  to 
make  a  confiderable  progrels  even  among  barbarians,  ex- 
panded thofe  noble  and  elevated  fentiments  which  he  had 
received  from  naturef .  Encouraged  by  the  queen,  and 
Simulated  by  his  own  ardent  inclination,  he  foon  learned 
to  read  thofe  compofitions;  and  proceeded  thence  to  acquire 
the  knowledge  of  the  Latin  tongue,  in  which  he  met  with 
authors  that  better  prompted  his  heroic  fpirit,and  directed 
his  generous  views.  Abforbed  in  thefe  elegant  purfuits, 
he  regarded  his  acceffion  to  royalty  rather  as  an  object  of 
regret  than  of  triumph| ;  but  being  called  to  the  throne,  in 
preference  to  his  brother's  children,  as  well  by  the  will  of 
his  father,  a  circumftance  which  had  great  authority  with 
the  Anglo-Saxons,!,  as  by  the  vows  of  the  whole  nation, 
and  the  urgency  of  public  affairs,  he  Ihook  ofF  his  literary 
indolence,  and  exerted  himfelf  in  the  defence  of  his  peo- 
ple. He  had  fcarcelv  buried  his  brother,  when  he  was 
obliged  to  take  the  field,  in  order  to  oppofe  the  Danes, 
who  had  feized  Wilton,  and  were  exercifing  their  ufual 
ravages  on  the  countries  around.  He  marched  againft  them 
v.'ith  the  few  troops  which  he  could  affembleon  a  fudden  ; 
and  giving  them  battle,  gained  at  firft  an  advantage,  but 
by  his  purfuing  the  victory  too  far,  the  fuperiority  of  the 

*   Afibr.  p.  2.  W.  Malm.  lib.  2.   cap.  2.       Ingulf,  p.    S69.       Simeon  Du- 
■    p.  1  !o.   139.  f  After,  p.  5.    M.  Weft.  p.  1G7.         J  Afier.  p.  7. 

I.  p.  it*     Siawon  Duneiin.  p.  121. 


ALFRED.  59 

enemy's  numbers  prevailed,  and  recovered  them  the  day.  C  II  A  P. 
Their  lofs,  however,  in  the  action  was  fo  confiderable,  II. 
that,  fearing  Alfred  would  receive  daily  reinforcement  "^-^y^^/ 
from  his  fubjecls,  they  were  content  to  ftipulate  for  a  fafe 
retreat,  and  promiled  to  depart  the  kingdom.  For  that 
purpole  they  were  conducted  to  London,  and  allowed  to 
take  up  winter  quarters  there;  but  carelefs  of  their  en- 
gagements, they  immediately  let  themfelves  to  the  com- 
mitting of  fpoil  on  the  neighbouring  country.  Burrhed, 
king  of  Mercia,  in  whofe  territories  London  was  fituated, 
made  a  new  ftipulation  with  them,  and  engaged  them,  by 
prefents  of  monev,  to  remove  to  Lindefey  in  Lincolnfhiie; 
a  country  which  they  had  already  reduced  to  ruin  and  de- 
foliation. Finding  therefore  no  object  in  that  place,  either 
for  their  rapine  or  violence,  they  fuddenly  turned  back 
upon  Mercia,  in  a  quarter  where  they  expected  to  find  it 
without  defence  ;  and  fixing  their  flation  at  Repton  in 
Der'ovfhire,  they  laid  the  whole  country  defolate  with  fire 
and  fword.  Burrhed,  defpairing  of  fuccefs  againft  an 
eneinv,  whom  no  force  could  refill,  and  no  treaties  bind, 
abandoned  his  kingdom,  and  Hying  to  Rome,  took  (belter 
in  a  cloifter*.  lie  was  brother-in-law  to  Alfred,  and  the 
lafl    who  bore  the   title  of  king  in  P/iercia. 

The  Weft-Saxons  were  now  the  only  remaining  power 
in  England;  and  though  fupported  by  the  vigour  and  abi- 
lities of  Alfred,  they  were  unable  to  fuitain  the  efforts  of 
thofe  ravagers,  who  from  all  quarters  invaded  them.  A 
new  fwarm  of  Danes  came  over  this  year  under  three  g.% 
princes,  Guthrum,  Qfcital,  and  Around  ;  and  having  firft 
joined  their  countrymen  at  Repton,  they  foon  found  the 
neceiTity  of  feparating,  in  order  to  provide  for  their  fub- 
fiftence.  Part  of  them,  under  the  command  of  Iialdene, 
their  chieftainf,  marched  into  Northumberland,  where 
they  fixed  their  quarters  ;  part  of  them  took  quarters  at 
Cambridge,  whence  they  diilodged  in  the  enfuing  fummer 
and  feized  Wereham,  in  the  county  of  Dorfet,  the  very 
centre  of  Alfred's  dominions.  That  prince  fo  ftraitened 
them  in  tbefe  quarters,  that  thev  were  content  to  come  to 
a  treaty  with  biro,  and  ftipulated  to  depait  Ins  country. 
Alfred,  well  acquainted  with  their  ufua!  perfidy,  obliged 
them  to  (wear  upon  the  holy  reliqucs  to  the  oblcrvancc  of 
the  treaty |  ;  not  that  he  expected  they  would  pay  any  ve- 
neration to  (h  I  he  hoped,  that,  if  they  now 
violated  this  oath,  their  impiety  would  infallibly  draw 
do.vn    upon  them  the   vci^eance   of  heaven.       But    . 

r.  p.  S.      C  lib.    .j.    0»j 

f  Chrojl.  Sax.  p.  Sj. 


60  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP   Danes>  little  apprehenfive  of  the  danger,  fuddenly,  with-? 
H#        out  feeking  any  pretence,  fell  upon  Alfred's  army  ;  and 

-  y  >  having  put  it  to  rout,  marched  weftward  and  took  poffeffion 
of  Exeter.  The  prince  collected  new  forces;  and  exert- 
ed iuch  vigour,  that  he  fought  in  one  year  eight  battles 
with  the  enemy*,  and  reduced  them  to  the  utmoft  extremi- 
ty. He  hearkened  however  to  new  propofals  of  peace ; 
and  was  fatisfied  to  ftipulate  with  them,  that  they  would 
fettle  fomewhere  in  Englandf,  and  would  not  permit  the 
entrance  of  more  ravagers  into  the  kingdom.  But  while 
he  was  expecting  the  execution  of  this  treaty,  which  it 
feemed  the  intereft  of  the  Danes  themfelves  to  fulfil,  lie 
heard  that  another  body  had  landed,  and  having  collected 
all  the  fcattered  troops  of  their  countrymen,  had  furprifed 
Chippenham,  then  a  conliderable  town,  and  were  exer- 
cifing  their  ufual  ravages  all  around  them. 

This  laft  incident  quite  broke  the  fpirit  of  the  Saxons, 
and  reduced  them  to  defpair.  Finding  that,  after  ail  the 
miferable  havoc  wh-ch  they  had  undergone  in  their  perfons 
and  in  their  property  ;  after  all  the  vigorous  actions  which 
they  had  exerted  in  their  own  defence  ;  a  new  band,  equal- 
ly greedy  of  fpoil  and  flaughter,  had  difembarked  among 
them  ;  they  believed  themfelves  abandoned  bv  heaven  to 
deilruction,  and  delivered  over  to  thofe  fwarms  of  robbers, 
which  the  fertile  north  thus  inceflantly  poured  forth  againft 
them.  Some  left  their  country,  and  retired  into  Wales, 
or  fled  beyond  fea  :  Others  Submitted  to  the  conquerors, 
in  hopes  of  appealing  their  fury  by  a  fervile  obedience^  : 
And  every  man's  attention  being  now  engrofled  In  concern 
for  his  own  preservation,  no  one  would  hearken  to  the 
exhortations  of  the  king,  who  fummoned  them  to  make, 
under  his  conduct,  one  effort  more  in  defence  of  their 
prince,  their  country,  and  their  liberties.  Alfred  him- 
fclf  was  obliged  to  relinquilh  the  enfigns  of  his  dignity, 
to  difmifs  his  fcrvants,  and  to  feek  fhelter,  in  the  meaneft 
difguifes,  from  the  purluit  and  fury  of  his  enemies.  He 
concealed  himfelf  under  a  peafant's  habit,  and  lived  fome 
time  in  the  houfe  of  a  neat-herd,  who  had  been  entrufted 
with  the  care  of  fome  of  his  cows)!.  There  paffed  here  an  in- 
cident, which  has  been  recorded  by  all  the  hiuorians,  and 
w^s  long  preferved  by  popular  tradition  ;  though  it  contains 
nothing  memorable  in  itfelf,  except  fo  far  as  every  circum- 
ftance  is  interefting,  which  attends  fo  much  virtue  and  dig- 
nity, reduced  to  Inch  diitrefs.  The  wife  of  the  neat-herd  was 
ignorant  of  the  condition  of  her  royal  gueft;  and  obferving 

•   Afler.  p.  8.  The  Saxon  Chron.  p.  82.  fays  nine  battles.  f  Afer.  p.  o- 

Aim.  Eevcrl.  p.  10,;.  ■■£  Chron.  Sax.  p.84.     Alured  Bevcrl. p.   ioj. 

||  Affer.  p.  9. 


ALFRED.  6i 

him  one  dav  bufy  by  the  fire-fide  in  trimming  his  bow  and  CHAP* 
arrows,  lbe  defired  him  to  take  care  of  Tome    cakes,  which        II. 

were  toafting,  while  lhe  was  employed  elfewhere  in  other  ' •— — ' 

domeftic  affairs.  But  Alfred,  whofe  thoughts  were  others- 
wife  engaged,  neglected  this  injunction  ;  and  the  good 
woman,  on  her  return,  finding  her  cakes  all  burnt,  rated 
the  king  very  fevert^v,  and  upbraided  him,  that  he  al- 
ways feemed  very  well  pleafed  to  eat  her  warm  cakes, 
though  he  was  thus  negligent  in  toafting  them*. 

By  degrees,  Alfred,  as  he  found  the  fearch  of  the  enemy 
become  more  remils,  collected  fume  of  his  retainers,  and 
retired  into  the  centre  of  a  bog,  formed  by  the  ftagnaling 
waters  of  the  Thone  and  Parret,  in  Somerfetfhire.  He 
here  found  two  acres  of  firm  ground  ;  and  building  a  ha- 
bitation on  them,  rendered  himfelf  fecure  by  its  fortifica- 
tions, and  ftill  more  by  the  unknown  and  inacceffible  roads 
which  led  to  it,  and  by  the  forefts  and  morafies  with  which 
it  was  every  way  invironed.  This  place  he  called  iEthe- 
lingay,  or  the  lfle  of  Noblest ;  and  it  now  bears  the  name 
of  Atheluev.  He  thence  made  frequent  and  unexpected 
fallies  upon  the  Danes,  who  often  felt  the  vigour  of  his 
arm,  but  knew  not  from  what  quarter  the  blow  came. 
He  fub  lilted  himfelf  and  his  followers  by  the  plunder 
which  he  acquired;  he  procured  them  confolation  by  re- 
venge ;  and  from  fmall  fucceffes,  he  opened  their  minds 
to  hope,  that,  notwithftanding  his  preient  low  condition, 
more  important  victories  might  at  length  attend  his  va- 
lour. 

Alfred  lay  here  concealed,  but  not  unactive,  during  a 
twelvemonth;  when  the  news  of  a  profperous  event  reached 
his  ears,  and  called  him  to  the  field.  Hubba,  the  Pane, 
having  fpread  devaluation,  fire,  and  flaughter,  over  Wales, 
had  landed  in  Devonfhire  from  twenty-three  veifels,  and 
laid  fiege  to  the  caftle  of  Kinwith,  a  place  fiiuated  near 
the  mouth  of  the  imail  river  Tau.  Oddune,  earl  of  Devon- 
fhire, with  his  followers,  had  taken  Ihelter  there;  and 
being  ill  fupplied  with  provifions,  and  even  with  water,  he 
determined,  by  fome  vigorous  blow,  to  prevent  the  neceffi- 
ty  of  fubmitting  to  the  barbarous  enemy.  He  made  a 
fudden  fally  on  the  Danes  before  fun-riling;  and  taking 
them  unprepared,  he  put  tliem  to  rout,  purfued  them  with 
great  flaughter,  killed  Hubba  himfelf,  and  got  pofieflion 
of  the  famous  Rmfen,  or  enchanted  ftandard,  in  which 
the  Danes  put  great  confidence*.  It  contained  the  figure 
of  ara.cn,  which  had   been   inwoven  by  the  three  fitters 

*  Afler.  p.  9.  M.  Weft.  p.  170.  t  Ghnm.  Sat.  p.  85.  W.  Malm* 

lib.  2.  Cap.   \.      I  ■  .  j  Aficr,  p. 

10.     t  .  ■  .  ,     .. 


62  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  of  Hinguar  and   Hubba  with  many  magical  Incantations 
II.        and  which,  by   its  different   movements,    prognosticated, 

t » — ■*  as  the    Danes  believed,  the   good  or  bad    fuccefs  of  any 

enterprifef. 

When  Alfred  obferved  this  fymptom  of  fuccefsful  refin- 
ance in  his  fubjects,  he  left  his  retreat;  but  before  he  would 
aiTemble  them  in  arms,  or   urge    them    to  any    attempt, 
which,  if  unfortunate,  might,  in  their  prefent  defponden- 
cy,  prove  fatal,  he  refolved  to  infpeel,  himfelf,  the  fixa- 
tion of  the  enemy,  and  to  judge  of  the  probability  of  fuc- 
cefs.    For  this  purpofe  he  entered  their  camp  under  the 
difguifeof  a  harper,  and  paflfed  unfufpecled  through  every 
quarfer.     He  fo  entertained  them  with  hismufic  and  face- 
tious humours,  that  he  met  with  a  welcome  reception  ;  and 
was  even  introduced  to  the  tent  of  Guthrum,  their  prince, 
where  he  remained  fome  days+.     He  remarked  the  fupine 
fecurity  of  the  Danes,  their  contempt  of  the  Englifh,  their 
negligence  in  foraging  and  plundering,  and  their  dirlolute 
waiting  of  what  they  gained  by  rapine  and  violence.   En- 
couraged by  thefeYavourable  appearances  he  fecretly  fent 
emillaries  to  the  moft  confiderable  of  his  fubjects,  and  fum- 
moned  them  to  a  rendezvous,  attended   by   their  warlike 
followers,  at  Brixton,   on  the  borders  of  Selwood  forefl||. 
The  Englith,  who  had  hoped  to  put  an  end    to  their  cala- 
mities by    fervile   fubmiffion,    now  found    the    infolence 
and  rapine  of  the  conqueror  more  intolerable  than  all  part 
fatigues  and  dangers;  and,  at  the  appointed  day,  they  joy- 
fully reforted  to  their  prince.     On    his  appearance,  thev 
received  him  with  fhouts   of  applaufe  ** ;  and  could   not 
fatiate  their  eyes  with   the  fight  of  this  beloved  monarch, 
whom  they  had  long  regarded  as  dead,  and  who  now,  with 
voice  and  looks  exprefling  his  confidence  of  fuccefs,  cal- 
led them  to  liberty  and  to  vengeance.     He   inftantly  con- 
duced them  to  Eddington,  where  the  Danes  were  encamp- 
ed ;  and  taking  advantage  of  his  previous  knowledge  of  the 
place,  he  directed  his  attack  againft  the  moft   unguarded 
quarter  of   the  enemy.     The   Danes,  furprifed  to  fee  an 
army  of  Englifh,  whom  they  confidered  as  totally  fubdu- 
fd,  and  ftill  more  aftonifhed  to    hear  that  Alfred   was  at 
their  head,  made  but  a  faint  refiftance,  notwithstanding 
their  fuperiority  of  number,  and  were  foon    put  to  flight 
with  great  {laughter.   The  remainder  of  the  army,  with  their 
prince,  was  befieged  by  Alfred  in  a  fortified  camp  to  which 
,      they  fled  ;  but  being  reduced  to  extremity  by    want    and 
hunger,  they  had  recourfe   to  the  clemency  of  the  vi6tor, 

f*AiT<"r.  p.  %6,  i  W.  Malm.  lib.  2.  cap.  4.  |j  Chron. 

Rav.  p.  85.  •*   AfTc-.  p.  10.     Chron  Sax.  p.  S5,     Simeon  Duniln*, 

p.  i:S.     Aimed  Beverl.  p.   105.     Abbas  Rir.'al,  p.  >5^. 


ALFRED.  63 

and  offered  to  fubmit  on  any  conditions.  The  king,  no  C 
lefs  generous  than  brave,  gave  them  their  lives;  and  even 
formed  a  fcheme  for  converting  them,  from  mortal  enemies, 
into  faithful  fubjects  and  confederates.  He  knew,  that 
the  kingdoms  of  Eall-Anglia  and  Northumberland  were 
totally  defolated  by  the  frequent  inroads  of  the  Danes  ; 
and  he  now  purpofed  to  repeople  them,  by  fettling  there 
Guthrum  and  his  followers.  He  hoped  that  the  new  plan- 
ters would  at  kid  betake  themfelves  to  icduftry,  v.!:en, 
by  realon  of  his  refinance,  and  the  exhaufted  condition  of 
the  country,  they  could  no  longer  fubfitt  by  plunder;  and 
that  they  might  ferve  him  as  a  rampart  againft  any  future 
incurfions  of  their  countrymen.  But  before  he  ratified 
thefe  mild  conditions  with  the  Danes,  he  required,  that 
they  fhould  give  him  one  pledge  of  their  fubmitfion,  and 
of  their  inclination  to  incorporate  with  the  Englifh,  by 
declaring  their  converfion  to  Chriftianity*.  Guthrum,  and 
his  army,  had  no  averfion  to  the  propofal;  and,  without 
much  inlkuction,  or  argument,  or  conference,  rhey  were 
all  admitted  to  baptifm.  The  king  anfifcered  for  Guthrum 
at  the  font,  gave  him  the  name  of  Athelflan,  and  received 
him  as  his  adopted  fonf. 

The  fuccefsof  this  expedient  feemed  to  correfpond  to  ss3. 
Alfred's  hopes  :  The  greater  part  of  the  Danes  fettled 
peaceably  in  their  new  quarters  :  Some  (mailer  bodies  of 
the  lame  nation,  which  were  difperled  in  Mercia,  were 
diflributed  into  the  five  cities  of  Derby,  Leicefter,  Stam- 
ford, Lincoln,  and  Nottingham,  and  where  thence  called 
the  Fif  or  Fiveburgers.  The  more  turbulent  and  unquiet 
made  an  expedition  into  France  under  the  command  of 
IlafiingsJ;  and  except  by  a  ihort  incurfion  of  Danes,  who 
failed  up  the  Thames  and  landed  at  Fulham,  but  fuddenly 
retreated  to  their  ihipson  finding  the  country  in  a  polture 
of  defence,  Alfred  was  not  for  lome  years  infeftcd  by  the 
inroads  of  thofe  barbariansli. 

The  king  employed  this  interval  of  tranquillity  in  re- 
ftoring  order  to  the  flats,  which  had  been  lhaken  by  fo 
many  violent  convulsions  ;  in  efrablifhing  civil  and  milita- 
ry inftitutions;  incompofing  the  minds  of  men  to  induflry 
and  juftice;  and  in  providing  againfi1  tha  return  of  like 
calamities.  He  was,  more  properly  than  his  grandfather 
Egbert,  the  fole  monarch  of  the  Engiifh  (for  fo  the  Saxons 
were  now  univerfally  called),  becaule  the  kingdom  of 
Mercia  was  at  laft  incorporated  in  his  ftate,  and  was  go- 
verned by  Ethelbert,  his  brother-in-law,  who  bore  the  title 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  85.  t  Afljrr,  p.  n,     Cfcron.  Sax.  p.  go. 

t  W.  Maljn.Jib.  s.  cap.  4.      Ingulf,  p.  2O.  '!  Afler,  p.  11. 


64  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP-  of  Earl :  And  though  the  Danes,  who  peopled  Eaft-An-* 
II.        glia  and  Northumberland,  were  for  fome  time  ruled  im- 

* v '  mediately  by  their  own   princes,  they  all  acknowledged  a 

fubordination  to  Alfred,  and  fubmitted  to  his  fuperior  au- 
thority. As  equality  among  fubjedts  is  the  great  lource  of 
concord,  Alfred  gave  the  fame  laws  to  the  Danes  and  Eng- 
lish, and  put  them  entirely  on  a  like  footing  in  the  admi- 
niftration  both  of  civil  and  criminal  juftice.  The  fine  for 
the  murder  of  a  Dane  was  the  fame  with  that  for  the  mur- 
der of  an  Englifhman;  the  great  fymbol  of  equality  in  thofe 
ages. 

The  king,  after  rebuilding  the  ruined  cities,  particu- 
larly London*,  which  had  been  deftroyed  by  the  Danes 
in  the  reign  of  Ethclwolf,  eftablilhed  a  regular  militia  for 
the  defence  of  the  kingdom.  He  ordained  that  all  his 
people  fhould  be  armed  and  regiftered  ;  he  affigned  them 
a  regular  rotation  of  duty  ;  he  diftribut?d  part  into  the 
caftles  and  fortrevles,  which  he  built  at  proper  placesf  ; 
he  required  another  part  to  take  the  field  on  any  alarm,  and 
to  affemble  at  flared  places  of  rendezvous  ;  and  he  left  a 
fufricient  number  at  home,  who  were  employed  in  the 
cultivation  of  the  land,  and  who  afterwards  took  their 
turn  in  military  fervice^.  The  whole  kingdom  was  like 
one  great  garrifon;  and  the  Danes  could  no  fooner  appear 
in  one  piace,  than  a  fufricient  number  was  affembled  to  op- 
pofe  them,  without  leaving  the  other  quarters  defencelefs 
or  difarmed||. 

But  Alfred,  fenfible  that  the  proper  method  of  oppofing 
an  enemy,  who  made  incurfions  by  fea,  was  to  meet  them 
on  their  own  element,  took  care  to  provide  himfelf  with  a 
naval  force**,  which,  though  the  moft  natural  defence  of 
an  ifland,  had  hitherto  been  totally  neglected  by  the  Eng- 
lifh.  He  increafed  the  (hipping  of  his  kingdom  both  in 
number  and  ftrength,  and  trained  his  fubjedts  in  the  prac- 
ticeaswell  of  failing,  as  of  naval  action.  He  distributed 
his  armed  veiTels  in  proper  (rations  round  the  ifland,  and 
was  lure  to  meet  the  Danifh  (hips  either  before  or  after  they 
had  landed  their  troops,  and  to  pur(ue  them  in  all  their 
incurfions.  Though  the  Danes  might  fuddenly,  by  fur- 
prife,  difembark  on  the  coaft,  which  was  generally  be- 
come defolate  by  their  frequent  ravages,  they  were  encoun- 
tered by  the  Englifh  fleet  in  their  retreat;  and  efcaped  not, 
as  formerly,  by  abandoning  their  booty,  but  paid,  by  their 

*  After,  p.  15.     Chvon.  Sax.  p.  88.     M.  Weft.  p.  171.     Simeon  Dunelm. 

p.  131.     Biompton,  p.  812.     Alored  Beverl.  ex  edit.  Hearne,  p.  106. 
t  Affer.  p.  18.     Ingulf,  p.  27.  $  Chron.  Sax.  p.  92,  93* 

|J  Spelman'slifeof  Alfred,  p.   147.  edit.  1709,  *♦  AKer.  p.  9. 

M.  Weft.  p.  170. 


ALFRED.  65 

total  destruction,  the   penalty  of  the  diforders  which  they  CHAP, 
had  committed.  II. 

In  this  manner  Alfred  repelled  Several  inroads  of  thefe  * * * 

piratical  Danes,  and  maintained  his  kingdom,  during  fome 
years,  in  Safety  and  tranquillity.  A  fleet  of  a  hundred 
and  twenty  (hips  of  war  was  Stationed  upon  the  coaSi  ;  and 
being  provided  with  warlike  engines,  as  well  as  with  ex- 
pert teamen,  both  Frifians  and  Englifh  (for  Alfred  Sup- 
plied the  defects  of  his  own  Subjects  by  engaging  able 
foreigners  in  his  fervice),  maintained  a  fuperiority  over 
thofe  fmaller  bands  with  which  England  had  fo  often  been 
infefted*.  But  at  laftilaftings,  the  famous  Danifh  chief,  8g-3. 
having  ravaged  all  the  provinces  of  France,  both  along  the 
fea- coaft  and  the  Loire  and  Seine,  and  being  obliged  to 
quit  that  country,  more  by  the  defolation  which  he  him- 
fclf  had  occasioned,  than  by  the  refinance  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, appeared  off  the  coaft  of  Kent  with  a  fleet  of  33d 
fail.  The  greater  part  of  the  enemv  difembarked  in  the 
Rother,  and  Seized  the  fort  of  Apuldore.  Haftings  him- 
l'eif,  commanding  a  fleet  of  eighty  fail,  entered  the 
Thames,  and  fortifying  Milton  in  Kent,  began  to  fpread 
his  forces  oer  the  country,  and  to  commit  the  moSi  de- 
structive ravages.  But  Alfred,  on  the  firft  alarm  of  this 
defcentj  flew  to  the  defence  of  his  people,  at  the  head  of 
a  Select  band  of  Soldier^,  whom  he  always  kept  about  his 
perfonf  ;  and  gathering  to  him  the  armed  militia  from  all 
quarters,  appeared  in  the  field  with  a  force  fuperior  to  the 
enemy.  All  Straggling  parties,  whom  neceffity,  or  love  of 
plunder,  had  drawn  to  a  diftance  from  their  chief  encamp- 
ment, were  cut  offby  the  EnglifhJ  ;  and  thefe  pirates,  in- 
stead of  increafing  their  Spoil,  found  themfelves  cooped 
up  in  their  fortifications,  and  obliged  to  fubfift  by  the  plun- 
der which  they  had  brought  from  France.  Tired  of  this 
Situation,  which  muSt  in  the  end  prove  ruinous  to  them, 
the  Danes  at  Apuldore  role  Suddenly  from  their  encamp- 
ment, with  an  intention  of  marching  towards  the  Thames, 
and  pafling  over  into  EfTex  :  But  they  efcaped  not  the  vi- 
gilance of  Alfred,  who  encountered  them  at  Farnham,put 
them  to  routli,  Seized  all  their  horfes  and  baggage,  and  chaf- 
ed the  runaways  on  board  their  Ships,  which  carried  them 
up  the  Colne  to  Merfey  in  EfTex,  where  they  entrenched 
themfelves.  HaStings,  at  the  Same  time  and  probably  by 
concert,  made  alike  movement;  and  deferting  Milton, 
took  po'de (lion  of  Bamflete,  near  the  ifleof  Canvey  in  the 
Vol.  I.  K 

•  Aner.  p.  it.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  86,  S7.     M.    Weft.  p.  176.  f  Affcr. 

P-  l9-  X  Cluon.  Sax.    p.  93.  ||   Ibid.  p.  9j.  Flor. 

\Vi»orn.  p.  595. 


6$  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  fame  county*;  where  he  haftily  threw  up  fortifications  for 
II.        his  defence  againft  the  power  of  Alfred. 

* v '       Unfortunately  for  the  Englifh,    Guthrum,  prince 

of  the  Eaft-Anglian  Danes,  was  now  dead;  as  was  alfo 
Guthred,  whom  the  king  had  appointed  governor  of  the 
Northumbrians;  and  thofe  reftlefs  tribes,  being  no  longer 
retrained  by  the  authority  of  their  princes,  and  being  en- 
couraged by  the  appearance  of  fo  great  a  body  of  their 
countrymen,  broke  into  rebellion,  (hook  off  the  authority 
of  Alfred,  and  yielding  to  their  inveterate  habits  of  war 
and  depredationf,  embarked  on  board  two  hundred  and 
forty  vefl'els,  and  appeared  before  Exeter  in  the  weft  of 
England.  Alfred  loft  not  a  moment  in  oppofing  this  new 
enemy.  Having  left  fome  forces  at  London  to  make  head 
againft  Haftings  and  the  other  Danes,  he  marched  fudden- 
]y  to  the  weft| ;  and  falling  on  the  rebels  before  they  were 
aware,  purfued  them  to  their  fhips  with  great  (laughter. 
Thefe  ravagers,  failing  next  to  Suflex,  began  to  plunder  the 
country  near  Chichefter  ;  but  the  order  which  Alfred  had 
everywhere  eftablifhed,fufficed  here,  without  his  prefence, 
for  the  defence  of  the  place;  and  the  rebels,  meeting  with  a 
new  repulfe,  in  which  many  of  them  were  killed,  and 
fome  of  their  fhips  taken  ||,  were  obliged  to  put  again  to 
fea,  and  were  difcouraged  from  attempting  any  other  en- 
terprife. 

Meanwhile,  the  Danifh  invaders  in  Eflex,  having 
united  their  force  under  the  command  of  Haftings,  advan- 
,.  0  ced  into  the  inland  country,  and  made  fpoil  of  all  around 
SB  them ;  but  foon  had  reafon  to  repent  of  their  temerity.  The 
Englifh  army  left  in  London,  aftifted  by  a  body  of  the  citi- 
zens, at:acked  the  enemy's  entrenchments  at  Bamflete, 
overpowered  the  garrifon,  and  having  done  great  execution 
upon  them,  carried  off  the  wifeand  two  fons  of  Haftings**. 
Alfred  generoufly  fpared  thefe  captives;  and  even  reftored 
them  to  Hafiingstf,  on  condition  that  he  fhould  depart 
the  kingdom. 

Bur  though  the  king  had  thus  honourably  rid  himfelf 
of  this  dangerous  enemy*  he  had  not  entirely  fubdued  or 
expelled  the  invaders.  The  piratical  Danes  willingly  fol- 
lowed in  an  excurfion  any  profperous  leader  who  gave 
them  hopes  of  booty  ;  but  were  not  fo  eafily  induced  to  re- 
linquifh  their  enterprife,  or  fubmit  to  return,  baffled  and 
vvithout  plunder,  into  their  native  country.  Great  num- 
bers of  them,  after  the  departure  of  Haftings,  fcized  and 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  93.  f  Ibid.  p.  92.  *  Chron.  Sax.  p.  93. 

1|  lb  d.  p.  96.     Fior.  Wigorn.  p.  596.  **  Chron.  Sax.  p.  94.    M. 

"Weft.  p.  178.  ft  M.  Weft.  p.  179. 


ALFRED.  67 

fortified  Shobury  at  the  mouth  of  the  Thames;  and  having  CHAT, 
left  a  garrifon  there,  they    marched  along  the  river,  till        II. 

they  came  to  Boddington   in   the    county  of    Glocefter  ;  >■ v — — ' 

where,  being  reinforced  by  fome  Welfh,  they  threw  up 
entrenchments,  and  prepared  for  their  defence.  The  king 
here  furrounded  them  with  the  whole  force  of  his  domini- 
ons*; and  as  he  had  now  a  certain  profpedtof  victory,  he 
refolved  to  truft  nothing  to  chance,  but  rather  to  matter  his 
enemies  by  famine  than  aMault.  They  were  reduced  to 
iuch  extremities,  that,  having  eaten  their  own  horfes,  and 
having  many  of  them  perilhed  with  hungerf,  they  made  a 
defperate  fally  upon  the  Englilh  ;  and  though  the  greater 
number  fell  in  the  action,  a  confiderable  body  made  their 
eicape|.  Thefe  roved  about  for  fome  time  in  England, 
flill  purfued  by  the  vigilance  of  Alfred;  they  attacked 
Leicefter  with  fuccels,  defended  themlelves  in  Hartford, 
and  then  fled  to  Quatford,  where  they  were  finally  broken 
and  fubdued.  The  fmall  remains  of  them  either  difperfed 
themfelves  among  their  countrymen  in  Northumberland 
and  Eaft-Angliall,  or  had  recourfe  again  to  the  fea,  where 
they  exercifed  piracy,  under  the  command  of  Sigefert,  a 
Northumbrian.  This  freebooter,  well  acquainted  with 
Alfred's  naval  preparations,  had  framed  veiiels  of  a  new 
conltruclion,  higher,  and  longer,  and  fwifter,  than 
thoie  of  the  Englilh:  but  the  king  loon  difcovered  his  fu- 
perior  fkill,  bv  building  vefTels  ftill  higher,  and  longer, 
and  fwifter,  than  thole  of  the  Northumbrians;  and  falling 
upon  them,  while  they  were  exercifing  their  ravages  in 
tiie  weft,  he  took  twenty  of  their  lhips  ;  and  having  tried 
all  the  prifonersat  Winchefter,  he  hanged  them  as  pirates, 
the  common  enemies  of  mankind. 

The  well-timed  feverity  of  this  executron,  together  with 
the  excellent  pofture  of  defence  eftahlilhed  every  where, 
reftorcc!  full  tranquillity  in  England,  and  provided  for  the 
future  fecurity  of  the  government.  The  Ealt-Anglian  and 
Northumbrian  Danes,  on  the  firfi  appearance  of  Alfred 
upon  their  frontiers,  made  anew  the  moll  humble  fubmilfi- 
ons  to  him  ;  and  he  thought  it  prudent  to  take  them  under  * 

his  immediate  government,  without  eftabiifhing  over  them 
a  viceroy  of  their  own  nation**.  The  Welfh  alio  ac- 
knowledged his  authority  ;  and  this  great  prince  had  now, 
bv  prudence  and  juftice  and  valour,  eftahlilhed  his  fovc- 
reignty  over  all  the  fouthcrn  parts  of  the  iiland,  from  the 
Englilh  channel  to  the  frontiers  of  Scotland;  when  he  died         q«^ 

*  Ciiro,].  Sax.  p.  cm.  +  Ibid.  1'.  Weft.  p.  170.     Tier.    V.'igorn.  p, 

%  ChrOiuSax.  ||  ibid.  ;>.  9/.  **  Klor. ' 


68  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  in  the  vigour  of  his  age  and  the  full  ftrengthof  his  faculties, 
II.        after  a  glorious  reign  of  twenty-nine  years  and  a   half*  ? 

' v '  in  which  he  defervedly  attained  the  appellation   of  Alfred 

the  Great,  and  the  title  of  Founder  of  the  Engiifh  monar- 
chy. 

The  merit  of  this  prince,  both  in  piivate  and   publio 
life,  may  with  advantage    be  fet    in  oppofition  to  that  of 
any  monarch  or  citizen  which  the  annals  of  any  age  or  any 
nation  can  prefent  to  us.     He  feems  indeed  to  be  the  mo- 
del of  that  perfect    character,  which,  under    the  denomi- 
nation of  a  fage  or  wile  man,  philofophers  have  been  fond 
of  delineating,  rather   as  a  fiction   of  their   imagination, 
than  in  hopes  of  ever  feeing  it  really  exifting  :  So  happily 
were  all  his  virtues  tempered  together  ;   fo  juftly  were  they 
blended  ;  and   fo  powerfully  did  each  prevent  the  other 
from  exceeding  its  proper   boundaries?  He  knew  how  to 
reconcile  the  moll  enterprifing  fpirit  with  the  cooleft  mo- 
deration;  the  moft  obftinate  perfeverance  with  the  eafieft 
flexibility;  the  moft  fevere  jufticewith  the  gentleft  lenity; 
the  greateft  vigour  in  command  with  the  moft  perfect  affa- 
bility of  deportmentf;  the  higheft  capacity  and  inclinati- 
on for  fcience,  with  the  molt  fliining  talents  for  action.  His 
civil  and  his  military  virtues  are  almoft  equally  the  objects 
of  our  admiration;  excepting  only,  that  the  former,  being 
more  rare  among  princes,  as  well  as  more  ufeful,  feem  chief- 
ly to  challenge  our  applaufe.     Nature  alfo,    as  if  defirous 
that  fo  bright  a  produttion  of  her  (kill  fhould  be  fet  in  the 
faireft  light,  had  beftowed  on  him  every    bodily    accom- 
plifhment,  vigour  of  limbs,  dignity  of  fhape  and  air,  with 
a  pleating,  engaging,  and  open   countenance^.     Fortune 
alone,  by  throwing  him  into  that  barbarous  age,    deprived 
him  of  hiftorians  worthy  to  tranfmit  his  fame  to  pofterity  ; 
and  we  wifh  to  fee  him  delineated   in  more  lively  colour?, 
and  with  more  particular  flrokes,  that  we  may  at  leafi  per- 
ceive fome  of  thofe  fmall    fpecks    and    blemifhes,  from 
which,  as  a- man,  it  is  impoffible  he  could  be  entirely  ex- 
empted. .  .„. 

But  we  fhould  give  but  an  imperfect  idea  of  Alfred's 
merits  were  we  to  confine  our  narration  to  his  military  ex- 
ploits, and  were  not  more  particular  in  our  account  of  his 
inftituUonsfor  the  execution  of  juftice,  and  of  his  zeal  for 
the  encouragement  of  arts  and  fciences. 

Aftrr  Alfred  had  fubdued,  and  had  fettled  or  expelled 
the  Danes,  he  found  the  kingdom  in  the  moft  wretched 
condition;  defolated  by  the  ravages  of  thofe  baibarians, 

'L    Afer.  p.  31.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  99.  j  AfTer.  p.  13.  +  lb  d.  p.  «• 


ALFRED.  69 

and  thrown  into  diforders,  which  were  calculated  to   per-  CHAP, 
petuate  its  mifery.    Though  the  great  armies  cf  the  Danes        II. 

were  broken,  the  country  was  full  of  draggling  troops   of  v \ ' 

that  nation,  who,  being  arcuftomed  to  live  by  plunder, 
were  become  incapable  of  induftry  ;  and  who,  from  the 
natural  ferocity  of  their  manners,  indulged  themfelvcs  in 
committing  violence,  even  beyond  what  was  requifite  to 
fupply  their  neceffities.  The  Englifh  themfelves,  reduced 
to  the  moft  extreme  indigence  by  thefe continued  depreda- 
tions, had  fhaken  off  all  bands  of  government;  and 
thole  who  had  been  plundered  to-day,  betook  themfelves 
next  dav  to  a  like  disorderly  life,  and,  from  defpair,  joined 
the  robbers  in  pillaging  and  ruining  their  fellow-citizens. 
Thefe  were  the  evils  for  which  it  was  neceflary  that  the 
vigilance  and  activity  of  Alfred  mould  provide  a  remedy.  . 

That  he  might  render  the  execution  of  juftice  ftridl 
and  regular,  he  divided  all  England  into  counties;  thefe 
counties  he  fubdivided  into  hundreds;  and  the  hundreds  « 
intotithings.  Every  houfeholder  was  anfwerable  for  the 
behaviour  of  his  family  and  Haves,  and  even  of  his  guefls, 
if  they  lived  above  three  days  in  his  houfe.  Ten  neigh- 
bouring houfeholders  were  formed  into  one  corporation, 
who,  under  the  name  of  a  tithing,  decennary,  or  fribourg, 
were  anfwerable  for  each  other's  conduct,  and  over  whom 
one  perfon, called  atithingman,  headbourg,  or  borfholder, 
was  appointed  to  prcfide.  Every  man  was  punifhed  as  an 
outlaw,  who  did  not  regifter  himfelf  in  foine  tithing.  And 
no  man  could  change  his  habitation,  without  a  warrant  or 
ceitificate  from  the  borfholder  of  the  tithing  to  which  he 
formerly  belonged. 

When  any  perfon  in  anv  tithing  or  decennary  was 
guilty  of  a  crime,  the  borfholder  was  fummoned  to  anfwer 
for  him;  and  if  he  were  not  willing  to  be  furety  for  his 
appearance,  and  his  clearing  himfelf,  the  criminal  was 
committed  to  prifon,  and  there  detained  till  his  trial.  If 
he  fled,  either  before  or  after  finding  fureties,  the  borfhol- 
der and  decennary  became  liable  to  enquiry,  and  were  ex- 
pofed  to  the  penalties  of  law.  Thirty- one  days  were  al- 
lowed them  for  producing  the  criminal  ;  and  if  th§t  time 
elapicd  without  their  being  able  to  find  him,  the  borfholder, 
with  two  other  members  of  the  decennary,  was  obliged  to 
appear,  and,  together  with  three  chief  members  of  the 
three  neighbouring  decennaries  (making  twelve  in  all), 
to  fwear  that  his  decennary  was  free  from  all  privity 
both  of  the  crime  committed,  and  of  the  efcape  of  the  cri- 
minal. If  the  borfholder  could  not  find  fuel,  a  number  to 
anfwer  for  their  innocence,  the  decennary  was  compelled 
by  fine  to  make  fafisfac^ion  to  the  king,  according  fo 


7o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  degree  of  the  offence*.    By  this  inftitution  every  man  was 
II.        obliged  from  his  own  intereft  (o  keep  a  watchful  eye  over 

v — -v '  the  conduct  of  his  neighbours;  and  was  in  amannei  furety 

for  the  behaviour  of  thofe  who  were  placed  under  the  di- 
vifion  to  which  he  belonged  :  Whence  thefe  decennaries  re- 
ceived the  name  of  frank-pledges. 

Such  a  regular  diftribution  of  the  people,  with  fuch  a 
ftric\  confinement  in  their  habitation,  may  not  be  necefta- 
ry  in  times  when  men  are  more  enured  to  obedience  and 
juftice;  and  it  might  perhaps  be  regarded  as  deftrudtive  of 
liberty  and  commerce  in  a  polilhed  ftate;  but  it  was  well 
calculated  to  reduce  that  fierce  and  licentious  people  under 
the  falutary  reftrjint  of  law  and  government.  But  Alfred 
took  care  to  temper  thefe  rigours  by  other  inftitutions  favou- 
rable to  the  freedom  of  the  citizens;  and  nothing  could  be 
more  popular  and  liberal  than  his  plan  for  the  adminiftra- 
tion  of  juftice.  The  borfholdcr  fummoned  together  his 
whole  decennary  to  afiift  him  in  deciding  any  lefler  diffe- 
rence which  occurred  among  the  members  of  this  fmall 
community.  In  affairs  of  greater  moment,  in  appeals  from 
the  decennary,  or  in  controverfies  arifing  between  mem- 
bers of  different  decennaries,  the  caufe  was  brought  before 
the  hundred,  which  confiited  often  decennaries,  or  a  hun- 
dred families  of  freemen,  and  which  was  regularly  aflem- 
bled  once  in  four  weeks,  for  the  deciding  of  caufesf.  Their 
method  of  deciuon  defervesto  be  noted,  as  being  the  origin 
of  juries;  an  inftitution,  admirable  in  itfelf,  and  the  bed 
calculated  for  the  preiervation  of  liberty  and  the  admini- 
ftration  of  juftice,  that  ever  wasdevifed  by  the  wit  of  man. 
Twelve  freeholders  were  chofen;  who,  having  fworn,  to- 
gether with  the  hundreder,  or  prcfiding  magiftrate  of  that 
divifion,  to  adminifter  impartial  juftice!,  proceeded 
to  the  examinaton  of  that  caule  which  was  fubmitted  to 
their  jurifdiclion.  And  befide  thefe  monthly  meetings  of 
the  hundred,  there  was  an  annual  meeting,  appointed  for 
a  more  general  infpeciion  of  the  police  of  the  diftri£t ;  for 
the  enquiry  into  crimes,  the  correction  of  abufes  in  mat^i- 
ftrates,  and  the  obliging  of  every  perfon  to  (hew  the  de- 
cennary in  which  he  was  regiftered.  The  people,  in  imi- 
tation of  their  anceftors,  the  ancient  Germans,  aiiembled 
there  in  arms;  whence  a  hundred  was  fometimes  called  a 
wapentake,  and  its  rourt  ferved  both  for  the  fupport  of 
military  difcipiine,  and  for  the  adminiftration  of  civil 
jufticelL 

*  LegesSt.  Edw.    op.   4o»  apud  Wilkins,  p.  202.  f  L<:z.  T.dvr. 

cap.   2.  J  fetxdus  Alfred,  ind  Gothuro,  apud  Wilkins,  cap.  3.  p.  4;. 

Leg.  Ethelftaro,  cap.    2.  aputl  Wilkin-;,  p.    58.     LL.  Ethclr.    5  .j.   W 
p,   117.  j,  i>i>c.u;4P.,  in  Wvt  V4  .1,'wiial.e. 


ALFRED.  71 

The  next  fuperior  court  to  that  of  the  hundred  was  the  CHAP. 
countv-court,  which  met  twice  a  year,   after  Michaelmas        II. 

and  Eafter,  and  confifled  of  the  freeholders  of  the  county,  * « ' 

who  poffeffed  an  equal  vote  in  the  decifion  of  caufes.  1  he 
bilhop  prefided  in  this  court,  together  with  the  alderman  ; 
and  the  proper  object  of  the  court  was  the  receiving  of  ap- 
peals from  the  hundreds  and  decennaries,  and  the  decid- 
ing of  fuch  controversies  as  arofe  between  men  of  different 
hundreds.  Formerly,  the  alderman  poffeffed  both  the 
civil  and  military  authority  ;  but  Alfred,  fenfible  that  this 
conjunction  of  powers  rendered  the  nobility  dangerous  and 
independent,  appointed  alfo  a  fhcriffin  each  county,  who 
enjoyed  a  co-ordinate  authority  with  the  former  in  the  ju- 
dicial funCtionf.  His  office  alfo  impowered  him  to  guard 
the  rights  of  the  crown  in  the  county,  and  to  levy  the  fines 
impoied ;  which  in  that  age  formed  no  contemptible  part 
of  the  public  revenue. 

There  lay  an  appeal,  in  default  of  juftice,  from  all  thefe 
courts  to  the  king  himlelf  in  council  ;  and  as  the  people, 
fenfible  of  the  equity  and  great  talents  of  Alfred,  placed 
their  chief  confidence  in  him,  he  was  foon  overwhelmed 
with  appeals  from  all  parts  of  England.  He  was  indefati- 
gable in  the  difpatch  of  thefe  caufesj  ;  but  finding  that  his 
time  muft  be  entirely  engroffed  by  this  branch  of  duty,  he 
rcfolved  to  obviate  the  inconvenience,  by  correcting  the 
ignorance  or  corruption  of  the  inferior  magiftrates,  from 
which  it  arofe!!.  He  took  care  to  have  his  nobility  inftruc- 
ted  in  letters  and  the  laws** :  He  chofe  the  earls  and  fherifFs 
from  among  the  men  moft  celebrated  for  probity  and  know- 
ledge :  He  punifhed  feverely  all  malversation  inofficeff  : 
And  he  removed  all  the  earls,  whom  he  found  unequal  to 
the  trufl^l  ;  allowing  only  fome  of  the  more  elderly  to 
ferve  by  a  deputy,  till  their  death  fhould  make  room  for 
more  worthy  fucceflbrs. 

The  better  to  guide  the  magiftrates  in  the  adminiftration 
of  juftice,  Alfred  framed  a  body  of  laws  ;  which,  though 
now  loft,  ferved  long  as  the  bafis  of  Englifh  jurifprudence, 
and  is  generally  deemed  the  origin  of  what  is  denominated 
the  common  law.  He  appointed  regular  meetings  of 
the  ftates  of  England  twice  a  year  in  London  ||||  ;  a  citv 
which  he  himfelf  had  repaired  and  beautified,  and  which 
he  thus  rendered  the  capital  of  the  kingdom.  The  fimila- 
rity  of  thefe  inftitutions  to  the  cuftoms  of  the  ancient  Ger- 
mans, to  the  prattiae  of  the  other  northern  conquerors, 

t  Ingulf,  p.  S70.  t  AfTer.  p.  20. 

||  Ibid.  p.  13.  at,     Flor.  Wieorn.p.  594.     Abbas  P.ieval,  p.  355. 
**  Flor.    VVigcrn.  p.   594.     Brcmpton,  p.   fj4.  ft  Le  Mrroir 

ie  Juftice,  chap.  a.  %%  Alter,  p.  39.  .  Miroir  <Jc  Jufiice. 


72  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND., 

C  H  A  P.  and  to  the  Saxon  laws  during  the  Heptarchy,  prevents  us 
II.        from  regarding  Alfred  as  the  fole  author   of  this  plan  of 

* „ '  government  ;  and  leads  us  rather  to  think,  that,  like  a  wife 

man,  he  contented  himfelf  with  reforming,  extending, 
and  executing  the  inftitutions  which  he  found  previoufly 
eftablifhed.  But,  on  the  whole,  fuch  fuccefs  attended  his 
legiflation,  that  every  thing  bore  fuddenly  a  new  face  in 
England:  Robberies  and  iniquities  of  ail  kinds  were  re- 
preffed  by  the  punifhment  or  reformation  of  the  criminals*: 
And  fo  exa£t  was  the  general  poiice,  that  Alfred,  it  is  faid, 
hung  up,  by  way  of  bravado,  golden  bracelets  near  the 
highways;  and  no  man  dared  to  touch  themf.  Yet,  a- 
midft  thefe  rigours  of  jufiice,  this  great  prince  preferved 
the  moft  facred  regard  to  the  liberty  of  his  people  ;  and  it 
is  a  memorable  fentiment  preferved  in  his  will,  that  it  was 
juft  the  Engliih  ihould  for  ever  remain  as  free  as  their  own 
thoughts^. 

As  good  morals  and  knowledge  are  almoft  infeparable, 
in  every  age,  though  not  in  every  individual ;  the  care  of 
Alfred  for  the  encouragement  of  learning  among  his  fub- 
jedts,  was  another  ufeful  branch  of  his  legiflation,  and  ten- 
ded to  reclaim  the  Engliih  from  their  former  diffolute  and 
ferocious  manners  :  But  the  king  was  guided  in  this  pur- 
fuit,  lefs  by  political  views,  than  by  his  natural  bent  and 

Eropenfity  towards  letters.  When  he  came  to  the  throne, 
e  found  the  nation  funk  into  the  groffeft  ignorance  and 
barbarifm,  proceeding  from  the  continued  diforders  in  the 
government,  and  from  the  ravages  of  the  Danes:  The 
monafieries  were  deftroyed,  the  monks  butchered  or  dif- 
perfed,  their  libraries  burnt ;  and  thus  the  only  feats  of  eru- 
dition in  thofe  ages  were  totally  fubverted.  Alfred  him- 
felf complains,  that  on  his  acceffion  he  knew  not  one  per- 
fon,fouthof  the  Thames,  who  could  fo  much  as  interpret  the 
Latin  fervice  ;  and  very  few  in  the  northern  parts,  who 
had  even  reached  that  pitch  of  erudition.  But  this  prince 
invited  over  the  moft  celebrated  fcholars  from  all  parts  of 
Europe;  he  eftablifhed  fehools  every  where  for  the  inftruc- 
tion  of  his  people  ;  he  founded,  at  leaft  repaired,  the  uni- 
verfity  of  Oxford,  and  endowed  it  with  many  privileges, 
revenues,  and  immunities;  he  enjoined  by  law  all  free- 
holders potlelTed  of  two  hydesll  of  land  or  more  to  fend 
their  children  to  fchool  for  their  inftruttion  ;  he  gave  pre- 
ferment both  in  church  and  flate  to  fuch  only  as  had  made 
fome  proficiency  in  knowledge  :  And  by  all  thefe  expedi- 

*  Ingulf,  p.  27.  \  W.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  4.  £  Afier.  p.  24. 

||  A  hyde  contained  land  fufficient  to  employ  one  plough.  See  H.  Hunt.  lib. 
6.  in  A.  D.  100S.  Annal.  WaverL  in  A.  D.  io8j.  Gervafe  of  Tilbury 
fays,  it  commonly  contained  about  too  acres. 


ALFRED.  73 

ents  he  had  the  fatisfaction,  before  his  death,  to  fee  a  great  CHAP, 
change  in  the  face  of  affairs ;  and  in  a  work  of  his,  which        II. 
is  ftill  extant,  he  congratulates  himiclf   on  the    progrefs  <- — ,/— - ' 
which  learning,  under  his  patronage,  had  already  made  in 
England. 

But  the  mofl  effectual  expedient,  employed  by  Alfred, 
for  the  encouragement  of  learning,  was  his  own  example, 
and  the  conftant  affiduity  with  which,  notwithffanding  the 
multiplicity  and  urgency  of  his  affairs,  he  employed  him- 
felf  in  the  purfuitsof  knowledge.  He  ufually  divided  his 
time  into  three  equal  portions:  One  Was  employed  in  fleep, 
and  the  refection  of  his  body  by  diet  and  exercife  ;  another 
in  the  difpatch  of  bufmefs:  a  third  in  ftudy  and  devotion  ; 
and  that  he  might  more  exactly  meafure  the  hours,  he 
made  ufe  of  burning  tapers  of  equal  length,  which  he  fix- 
ed in  lanthorns*  ;  an  expedient  fuited  to  that  rude  age, 
when  the  geometry  of  diallings  and  the  mechanifm  of 
clocks  and  watches,  were  totally  unknown.  And  by  fuch 
a  regular  diflribution  of  his  time,  though  he  often  laboured 
under  great  bodily  infirmities  f,  this  martial  hero,  who 
fought  in  perfon  fiftv-fix  battles  by  fea  and  land|,  was  able 
during  a  life  of  no  extraordinary  length,  to  acquire  more 
knowledge,  and  even  to  compoie  more  books,  than  molt 
ftudious  men,  though  bleft  with  the  greatcft  leifure  and 
application,  have,  in  more  fortunate  ages,  made  the  object 
of  their  uninterrupted  induftry. 

Sensible  that  the  people,  at  all  times,  efpecially  when 
their  understandings  are  obffructedby  ignorance  and  bad 
education,  are  not  much  fufceptible  of  fpeculative  ini'»uc- 
tion,  Altred  endeavoured  to  convey  his  morality  by  apo- 
logues, parables,  (lories,  apophthegms,  couched  in  poetry  ; 
and  befides  propagating,  among  his  fubjects,  former  com- 
pofitions  of  that  kind,  which  he  found  in  the  Saxon 
tonguell,  he  exercifed  his  genius  in  inventing  works  of  a 
like  nature**,  as  well  as  in  tranflating  from  the  Greek  the 
elegant  fables  of  ^fop.  He  alio  gave  Saxon  tranflations 
of  Orofius's  and  Bede's  hiftories;  and  of  Boethius  concern- 
ing the  confolation  of  philofophyff.  And  he  deemed  it 
nowife  derogatory  from  his  other  great  characters  of  fove- 
reign,  legillator,  warrior,  and  politician,  thus  to  lead  the 
way  to  his  people  in  the  purfuits  of  literature. 

Meanwhile,  this  prince  was  not  negligent  in  encou- 
raging the  vulgar  and  mechanical  arts,  which  have  a  more 

Vol  1.  L 

*  Affer.  p.  20.     W.  Malm.  lib.  i.  C3p.  4.     Ir.fulf.  p.  S70. 

f  Affer.  p.  4.  12,  ij.  17.  +  W.  Malm.  lib.  4.  cap.  4. 

|j  Alter,  p.  ij.  *•  Spe'min,  p.  124.     Abbas  Kieval,  p.  ;5j. 

ft  W.  Malm.  lib.  ii.  sap.  4.     Exompton.  p.  8:4.  f*. 


74  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

fenfible,  though  not  a  clofer,  connexion  with  the  interefts 
of  fociety.  He  invited,  from  all  quarters,  induftrious  fo- 
reigners to  repeople  his  country*  which  had  been  defolated 
by  the  ravages  of  the  Danes*.  He  introduced  and  en- 
couraged manufactures  of  all  kinds;  and  no  inventor  or 
improver  of  any  ingenious  art  did  he  fuffer  to  go  unre- 
wardedf.  He  prompted  men  of  activity  to  betake  them- 
ielves  to  navigation,  to  pufh  commerce  into  the  moll  remote 
■  tries,  and  to  acquire  riches  by  propagating  induftry 
imong  their  fellow-citizens.  He  fet  apart  a  feventh  por- 
tion of  his  own  revenue  for  maintaining  a  number  of  work- 
men, whom  he  conftantly  employed  in  rebuilding  the 
ruined  cities,  caftles,  palaces,  and  monafleriesj.  Even 
the  elegancies  of  life  were  brought  to  him  from  the  Medi- 
terranean and  the  lndies|| ;  and  his  fubje&s,  by  feeing  thofe 
productions  of  the  peaceful  arts,  were  taught  to  refpe6t  the 
virtues  of  juftice  and  induftry,  from  which  alone  they 
could  arife.  Both  living  and  dead,  Alfred  was  regarded 
by  foreigners,  no  lefs  than  by  his  ow'n  fubje<Sts,  as  the  grea- 
teft  prince  after  Charlemagne  that  had  appeared  in  Europe 
during  feveral  ages,  and  as  one  of  the  wiieft  and  beft  that 
had  ever  adorned  the  annals  of  any  nation. 

Alfred  had,  by  his  wife,  Ethelfwitha,  daughter  of  a 
Mercian  carl,  three  fons  and  three  daughters.  The  eldeft 
{on,  Edmund,  died  without  iflue,  in  his  father's  lifetime. 
The  third,  Ethel  ward,  inherited  his  father's  paflion  for 
letters,  and  lived  a  private  life.  The  fecond,  Edward, 
fucceeded  to  his  power  ;  and  paffes  by  the  appellation  of 
Edward  the  Elder,  being  the  firft  of  that  name  who  iat  on 
the  Englim  throne. 


EDWARD    the    Elder. 


THIS  prince,  who  equalled  his  father  in  military  ta- 
lents, though  inferior  to  him  in  knowledge  and  eru- 
dition**, found  immediately  on  his  acceffion,  a  fpecimen 
of  that  turbulent  life  to  which  all  princes,  and  even  all  in- 
dividuals, wereexpofed,  in  an  age  when  meri,  lefs  reftrain- 
ed  by  law  or  juftice,  and  lefs  occupied  by  induftry,  had  no 
aliment  for  their  inquietude,  but  wars,jinfurreclions,  con- 
vulfions,  rapine,  and  depredation.     Ethelwald,  hiscoufin- 

*   After,  p.  13.     Flor.  Wigorn.  p.  588.  f  Afier.  p.  20. 

i  Aller.  p.  20.     W.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  4.  J|  W.  Malmef.  lib.  2. 

cap.  4.  **  \V.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  5.     Hoveden,  p.  421. 


901. 


EDWARD    THE    ELDER.  75 

german,  Ion  of  king  Ethelbert,  the  elder  brother  of  Al-  CHAP- 
fred,  infifted  on  his  preferable  title*;  and  arming  his  par-        li. 

tizans,  took  poflellion  of  Winburne,  where  he  feemed  de-  * /— ^ 

termined  to  defend  himfelf  to  the  laft  extremity,  and  to 
await  the  ifTue  of  his  pretenfionsf.  But  when  the  king 
approached  the  town  with  a  great  army,  Ethelwald,  having 
the  prolpect  of  certain  deftru&ion,  made  his  efcape,  and 
fled  firft  into  Normandy,  thence  into  Northumberland  ; 
where  he  hoped  that  the  people,  who  had  been  recently  fub- 
dued  by  Alfred,  and  who  were  impatient  of  peace,  would, 
on  the  intelligence  of  that  great  prince's  death,  feize  the 
firft  pretence  or  oppbrtunitv  of  rebellion.  The  event  did 
not  difappoint  his  expectations:  The  Northumbrians  de-  % 
clared  for  \\\m%  ;  and  Ethelwald,  having  thus  connected 
his  interefts  with  the  Danifli  tribes,  went  beyond  fea,  and 
colle£ting  a  body  of  thefe  freebooters,  he  excited  the  hopes 
of  all  thole  who  had  been  accuftomed  to  fubfift  by  rapine 
and  violence  II .  The  Eaft-Anglian  Danes  joined  his  par- 
tv  :  The  Five-burgers,  who  were  fcated  in  the  heart  of 
Mercia,  began  to  put  themfelves  in  motion;  and  the  Eng- 
lish found  that  they  were  again  menaced  with  thofe  convul- 
fions,  from  which  the  valour  and  policy  of  Alfred  had  fo 
lately  refcued  them.  The  rebels,  headed  by  Ethelwald, 
made  an  incurfion  into  the  counties  of  Glocefter,  Oxford, 
and  Wilts;  and  having  exerciled  their  rayages  in  thefe 
places,  they  retired  with  their  booty,  before  the  king,  who 
had  affembled  an  army,  was  able  to  approach  them.  Ed- 
ward, however,  who  was  determined  that  his  preparations 
(hould  not  be  fruitlefs,  conducted  his  forces  into  Eaft-An- 
glia,  and  retaliated  the  injuries  which  the  inhabitants  had 
committed,  by  fpreading  the  like  devaluation  among  them. 
Satiated  with  revenge,  and  loaded  with  booty,  he  gave 
orders  to  retire:  But  the  authority  of  thofe  ancient  kings, 
which  was  feeble  in  peace,  was  not  much  better  eftablilhed 
in  the  field;  and  the  Kentifh  men,  greedy  oi  more  fpoil, 
ventured,  contrary  to  repeated  orders,  to  flay  behind  him, 
and  to  take  up  their  quarters  in  Bury.  This  dilobed'tence 
proved  in  the  iffue  fortunate  to  Edward.  The  Danes  af- 
laulted  the  Kentifh  men  ;  but  met  with  fo  vigorous  a  refin- 
ance, that,  though  they  gained  the  field  of  battle,  they 
bought  that  advantage  by  the  lofs  of  their  braveft  leader?, 
and  among  the  reft,  bv  that  of  Ethelwald,  who  perilhed  in 
the  action**.     The  king,- freed    from  the  fear  of  fo  dan- 

*  Chron.Sax.  p.  99,   100.  f  Ibl  H.   Hunting,  li'i. 

5.  p« 352.  %  Chron.  v.ix.  \i.  100.      H.  Hunting,  lib.  5.  p.  j^»< 

I  Chron,  Sax.  p,  roo.     Chro  1.  Abb.  St.  1 

*"  Chroq.  ..     Biompton,  [u  S32. 


76  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP-  gerous  a  competitor,  made  peace  on  advantageous    terms 

II.  with  the  Eaft-Angles.* 
I b '  In  order  to  reftore  England  to  fuch  a  (late  of  tranquil- 
lity as  it  was  then  capable  of  attaining,  nought  was  want- 
ing but  the  fubjection  of  the  Northumbrians,  who,  afiifted 
by  the  fcattered  Danes  in  Mercia,  continually  infefted  the 
bowel  of  the  kingdom.  Edward,  in  order  to  divert  the 
force  of  thefe  enemies,  prepared  a  fleet  to  attack  them  by 
lea;  hoping  that  when  his  fhips  appeared  on  their  coaft, 
they  mud  at  lqaft  remain  at  home,  and  provide  for  their 
defence.  But  the  Northumbrians  were  lefs  anxious  to  fe- 
cure  their  own  property,  than  greedy  to  commit  fpoil  on 
their  enemy;  and  concluding,  that  the  chief  ftrength  of 
the  Englifh  was  embarked  on  board  the  fleet,  they  thought 
the  opportunity  favourable,  and  entered  Edward's  territo- 
ries with  all  their  forces.  The  king  who  was  prepared 
againfl  this  event,  attacked  them  on  their  return  at  Teten- 
hall  in  the  county  of  Stafford,  put  them  to  rout,  recovered 
all  the  booty,  and  purlued  them  with  great  ilaughter  into 
their  own  country. 

All  the  reft  of  Edward's  reign  was  a  fcene  of  continued 
and  fuccefsful  action  againfl  the  Northumbrians,  the  Eaft- 
Angles,the  Five-burgers,  and  the  foreign  Danes,  who  in- 
vaded him  from  Normandy  and.Britanny.  Nor  was  he  lefs 
provident  in  putting  his  kingdom  in  a  poflure  of  defence, 
than  vigorous  in  atlaulting  the  enemy.  He  fortified  the 
towns  of  Chefler,  Eddefbury,  Warwic,  Cherbury,  Buck- 
ingham, Towcefler,  Maldon,  Huntingdon,  and  Colchef- 
ter.  He  fought  two  fignal  battles  at  Temsford  and  Mal- 
donf .  He  vanquilhed  Thurketill,  a  great  Danifn  chief, 
and  obliged  him  to  retire  with  his  followers  into  France, 
in  queft  of  fpoil  and  adventures.  He  fubdued  the  Eaft-  An- 
gles, and  forced  them  tp  fwear  allegiance  to  him  :  He  ex- 
pelled the  two  rival  princes  of  Northumberland,  Reginald 
and  Sidroc,  and  acquired,  for  the  prefent,  the  dominions 
of  that  province:  Several  tribes  of  the  Britons  were  fub- 
jecled  by  him  ;  and  even  the  Scots,  who,  during  the  reign 
of  Egbert,  had,  under  the  conducl  of  Kenneth,  their  king, 
increafed  their  power  by  the  final  fubje<Siion  of  the  Pifts, 
were  neverthelefs  obliged  to  give  him  marks  of  lubmilTion|. 
In  all  thefe  fortunate  achievements  he  was  affifled  by  the 
activity  and  prudence  of  his  filler  Ethelfleda,  who  was  wi- 
dow of  Etheibert,  earl  of  Mercia,  and  who,  after  her  huf- 
band's  death,  retained   the  government  of  that   province. 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  102.     Brompton,  p.  8j2.     Matth.  Weft.  p.    181. 
t  Chron.  Sax.  p.  108.     Flor.  Wigain.  p.  6oi.  J  Chron.  Sax.  p. 

1 10.     Hovcden.  p.  42 1. 


ATHELSTAN.  77 

This  princcfs,  who  had  been  reduced  to  extremity  in  child-  CHAP, 
bed,  refuted  afterwards  all  commerce  with   her  hufband  ;        II. 
not  from  any    weak  fuperftition,  as  was  common  in  that  v-*-v-«^^ 
age,  but    becaufe  fhe  deemed  all  domeftic  operations  un- 
worthy of  her  mafculine  and  ambitious  fpirit*.     She  died 
before  her  brother ;  and  Edward,  during  the  remainder  of 
his  reign,  took  upon  himfelf  the  immediate  government  of 
Mercia,  which  before  had  been  entrufled  to  the  authority 
of  a  governorf.     The  Saxon  Chronicle  fixes  the  death  of 
this  piince  in  925J:  His  kingdom  devolved  to  Athelftan, 
his  natural  fon. 


ATHELSTAN, 


THE  (tain  in  this  prince's  birth  was  not,  in  thofe  times, 
deemed  lb  confiderable  as  to  exclude  him  from  the  9*5- 
throne;  and  Athelftan,  being  of  an  age,  a*,  well  as  of  a 
capacity,  fitted  for  government,  obtained  the  preference 
to  Edward's  younger  children,  who,  though  legitimate, 
were  of  too  tender  years  to  rule  a  nation  fo  much  expofed 
both  to  foreign  invafion  and  to  domeftic  convulfions.  Some 
difcontents,  however,  prevailed  on  his  acceffion  ;  and  Al- 
fred a  nobleman  of  confiderable  power,  was  thence 
encouraged  to  enter  into  a  confpiracy  againft  him.  This 
incident  is  related  by  hiflorians  with  circumftances  which 
the  reader,  according  to  the  degree  of  credit  he  is  difpofed 
to  give  them,  may  impute  either  to  the  invention  of  monks 
who  forged  them,  or  to  their  artifice,  who  found  means  of 
making  them  real.  Alfred,  it  is  laid,  being  feized  upon 
ftrong  fufpicions,  but  without  anv  certain  proof,  firmly  de- 
nied the  conlpiracy  imputed  to  him;  and  in  order  to  jufti fy 
himlelf,  he  offered  to  (wear  to  his  innocence  before  the  pope, 
whofe  perfon,  it  was  fuppoled,  contained  fuch  fuperior 
ianciity,  that  noonecould  piefume  to  iiive  a  falfeoath  in 
his  pre!ence,and  vet  hope  to  el'cape  the  immediate  venge- 
ance of  heaven.  The  king  accepted  of  the  condition,  and 
Alfred  was  conducted  to  Rome  ;  where,  either  conlcious 
of  his  innocence,  or  neglecting  the  fuoerftitlon  o  which 
he  appealed,  he  ventured  to  make  the  oath  required  of  him, 
before  John,  who  th  :n  filled  the  papal  chair.  But  no  fooner 
had  he  pronounced  the  fatal  words,  than  he  fell  into  con- 
vulfions, of  which,  three  days   after,    he   expired.     The 

*  W.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  5.     Ma:th.  Weft   p.  183.     Ingulf,  p.  aS.    Hid- 
den, p.  261.         f  cluon.  6<u.    p.  no.     Broiiipton,  p.  Sji.         %  Page  110.    k 


73  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  king,  as  if  the  guilt  of  the  confpirator  were  now  fully  af- 
II.        certained,  confifcated  his  eftate,  and  made  a  prefent  of  it 

*— -^ >  to  the  monaftery  of  Malmefbury*;  fecure  that  no  doubts 

would  ever  thenceforth  be  entertained  concerning  the  juf- 
tice  of  his  proceedings. 

The  dominion  of  Athelflan  was  no  fooner  efiablifhed 
over  his  Englifh  fubje<5ts,  than  he  endeavoured  to  give  fe- 
curity  to  the  government,  by  providing  againft  the  infur- 
redtions  of  the  Danes,  which  had  created  fo  much  diftur- 
bance  to  his  predeceffors.  He  marched  into  Northumber- 
land ;  and  finiing  that  the  inhabitants  bore  with  impati- 
ence the  Englilh  yoke,  he  thought  it  prudent  to  confer  on 
Sithric,  a  Danifh  nobleman,  the  title  of  King,  and  to  at- 
tach him  to  his  interefls,  by  giving  him  his  lifter,  Editha, 
in  marriage.  But  this  policy  proved  by  accident  the  fource 
of  dangerous  confequences.  Sithric  died  in  a  twelvemonth 
after;  and  his  two  Ions  by  a  former  marriage,  Anlaf  and 
Godfrid,  founding  pretentions  on  their  father's  election, 
aflumed  the  ibvereignty  without  waiting  for  Athelftan's 
confent.  They  were  toon  expelled  by  the  power  of  that 
monarch ;  and  the  former  took  lhelter  in  Ireland,  as  the  lat- 
ter did  in  Scotland  ;.  where  he  received,  during  fome  time, 
protection  from  Confiantine,  who  then  enjoyed  the  crown 
of  that  kingdom.  The  Scottifh -prince,  however,  continu- 
ally folicited,  and  even  menaced  by  x^thelftan,  at  laft  pro- 
mifed  to  deliver  up  his  gueft ;  but  fecretly  detefting  this 
treachery,  he  gave  Godfrid  warning  to  make  his  elcapef  ; 
and  that  fugitive,  after  fubfifiing  by  piracy  for  fome  years, 
freed  the  king,  by  his  deatl^  from  any  farther  anxiety. 
Athelflan,  relenting  ConftanKne's  behaviour,  entered  Scot- 
land with  an,  army ;  and  ravaging  the  country  with  impu- 
nity X,  he  reduced  the  Scots  to.  fuch  diftrefs,  that  their  king 
was  content  to  preferve  his  crown,  by  making  fubmiffions 
to  the  enemy.  The  Englifh  hiftorians  afJTert||,  that  Con- 
fiantine did  homage  to  Afhelftan  for  his  kingdom  ;  and 
they  add,  that  the  latter  prince,  being  urged  by  his  courti- 
'ersto  pufhf  the  prefent  favourable  opportunity,  and  entire- 
ly fubdue  Scotland,  replied,  that  it  was  more  glorious  to 
confer  than  conquer  kingdoms**.  But  thofe  annals,  fo 
uncertain  and  imperfect  in  themfelves,  lofe  all  credit,  when 
national  prepoffeffions  and  animofities  have  place  :  And  on 
that  account,  the  Scotch  hiflorians,  who,  without  having 
any  more  knowledge  of  the  matter,  ftrenuoufly  deny  the 
fa&,  feem  more  worthy  of  belief. 

*  W.  Malm.  lib.  2.  cap.  6.  Spell.  Cone.  p.  407.  t  W.  Malm. 

lib.  2.  cap.  6.                           %  Chron.  .Sax.  p.  in.  Hoveden,  p.  422.     H. 

Hunting,  lib.  5.  p.  3-4.                I,  Hoveden,  p.  422.  **  W.  Ma 
lib.  2.  cap.  6.     Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  1.  p.  212. 


ATHELSTAN.  79 

Constantine,  whether  he  owed  the  retaining  of  his  CHAP. 
crown  to  the  moderation  of  Athenian,  who  was  unwilling       II. 

to  employ  all  his  advantages  againft  him,  or  to  the  policy  ' « — J 

of  that  piince,  who  efteemed  the  humiliation  of  an  enemy 
a  greater  acquisition  than  the  iubjeCtion  of  a  difcontented 
and  mutinous  people,  thought  the  behaviour  of  the  Englilh 
monarch  more  an  object  of  refentment  than  of  gratitude. 
He  entered  into  a  confederacy  with  Anlaf,  who  had  col- 
lected a  great  body  of  Danifh  pirates,  whom  he  found 
hovering  in  the  Irifh  feas  ;  and  with  fome  Welfh  princes, 
who  were  terrified  at  the  growing  power  of  Athelftan  : 
And  all  thefe  allies  made  by  concert  an  irruption  with  a 
great  army  into  England.  Athelftan,  collecting  his  forces, 
met  the  enemy  near  Brunfbury  in  Norlhumberland,  and 
defeated  them  in  a  general  engagement.  This  victory  was 
chiefly  afcribed  to  the  valour  of  Turketul,  the  Englifh 
chancellor  :  For  in  thofe  turbulent  ages,  no  one  was  fo 
much  occupied  in  civil  employments,  as  wholly  to  lay  afide 
the  military  character*. 

There  is  a  circumftance,  not  unworthy  of  notice,  which 
hiftorians  relate  with  regard  to  the  tranfaclions  of  this  war. 
Anlaf,  on  the  approach  of  the  Englifh  army,  thought  that 
he  could  not  venture  too  much  to  enfure  a  fortunate  event  ; 
and  employing  the  artifice  formerly  pra6tifed  by  Alfred 
againft  the  Danes,  he  entered  the  enemy's  camp  in  the  ha- 
bit of  a  minftrel.  The  flratagem  was  for  the  prefent  at- 
tended with  like  f'uecefs.  He  gave  fuch  fatisfa&ion  to  the 
foldiers,  who  flocked  about  him,  that  they  introduced  him 
to  the  king's  tent ;  and  Anlaf,  having  played  before  that 
prince  and  his  nobles  during  their  repaft,  was  difmifled 
with  a  hand  fome  reward.  His  prudence  kept  him  from  re- 
fufing  the  prefent ;  but  his  pride  determined  him,  on  his 
departure,  to  bury  it,  while  he  fancied  that  he  was  unefpi- 
ed  by  all  the  world.  But  a  foldier  in  Athelflan's  camp, 
who  had  formerly  ferved  under  Anlaf,  had  been  (truck 
with  fome  fufpicion  on  the  firft  appearance  of  the  minftrel; 
and  was  engaged  by  curiofity  to  obferve  all  his  motions. 
He  regarded  this  lafta£tion  a*  a  full  proof  of  Anlafs  dif- 
guife  ;  and  he  immediately  carried  the  intelligence  to 
Athelftan,  who  blamed  him  for  not  fooner  giving  him  in- 
formation, that  he  might  have  feized  his  enemy.  But  the 
foldier  told  him,  that,  as  he  had  formerly  fworn  fealty  to 
Anlaf,  he  could  never  have  pardoned  himfelf  thetreacherv 
of  betraying   and   ruining  his    ancient    mafter ;  and  that 

*  The  office  of  chancellor  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  refembled  more  that  of 
a  fecretary  of  ftate,  than  that  of  our  prefent  chancellor.  See  Spellm.m  in  voce 
Concilia 


8o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Athelftan  himfelf,  after  fuch  an  inftance  of  his  criminal 
II.        conduct,  would  have  had  equal  reafon  to  diftruft  his  alle- 

[ v 1  giance.     Athelftan,  having  praiied  the  generofity  of  the 

foldier's  principles,  reflected  on  the  incident,  which  he 
forefaw  might  be  attended  with  important  confequences. 
He  removed  his  ftation  in  the  camp  ;  and  as  a  biihop  ar- 
rived that  evening  with  a  reinforcement  of  troops  (for  the 
ecclefiaftics  were  then  no  lei's  warlike  than  the  civil  magif- 
trates),  he  occupied  with  his  train  that  very  place  which 
had  been  left  vacant  by  the  king's  removal.  The  precau- 
tion of  Athelftan  was  found  prudent :  For  no  fooner  had 
darknefs  fallen,  than  Anlaf  broke  into  the  camp,  and  haf- 
tening  directly  to  the  place  where  he  had  left  the  king's 
tent,  put  the  biihop  to  death,  before  he  had  time  to  prepare 
for  his  defence.* 

There  fell  feveral  Danifh  and  Welfh  prince  <  in  the 
action  of  Brunfburyf  ;  and  Conftantine  and  Anlaf  made 
their  efcape  with  difficulty,  leaving  the  greater  part  of  their 
army  on  the  field  of  battle.  After  rhis  fuccefs,  Athelftan 
enjoyed  his  crown  in  tranquillity  ;  and  he  is  regarded  as 
one  of  the  ableft  and  moft  active  of  thofe  ancient  princes. 
He  pafled  a  remarkable  law,  which  was  calculated  for  the 
encouragement  of  commerce,  and  which  it  required  fome 
liberality  of  mind  in  that  age  to  have  deviled :  That  a 
merchant,  who  had  made  three  long  fea-voyages  on  his 
own  account,  mould  be  admitted  to  the  rank  of  a  thane  or 
gentleman.  This  prince  died  at  Glocefter  in  the  year 
94  it,  after  a  reign  of  fixteen  years;  and  was  fueceeded  by 
Edmund,  his  legitimate  brother. 


EDMUND. 


EDMUND,  on  his  acceffion,  met  with  difturbanee 
from  the  reftlefs  Northumbrians,  who  lay  in  wait  for 
every  opportunity  of  breaking  into  rebellion.  But  march- 
ing fuddenly  with  his  forces  into  their  country,  he  fo  over- 
awed the  rebels,  that  they  endeavoured  to  appeafe  him  by 
the  moft  humble  fubmiflionsil.  In  order  to  give  him  the 
furer  pledge  of  their  obedience,  they  offered  to  embrace 
Chriftianity  ;  a  religion  which  the  Englilh  Danes  had  fre- 
quently profefled,  when  reduced  to  difficulties,  but  which, 

*  W.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  6.     Higden,  p.  263.  f  Brompton, 

p.  839.     Ingulf,  p.  29.  J  Chron.  Sax.  p.  114.  |j  W.  Malmef. 

lib.  2.  cap.  7.     Brompton,  p.  857. 


0  E    D    R    E    0.  81 

for  that  very  reafon,  they  regarded  as  a  badge  of  fervitude,  CHAP, 
and  (hook  off  as  foon  as  a  favourable  opportunity  offered.        II. 

Edmund,  trailing  little  to  their  fincerity  in  this  forced  fub-  * I ' 

mi  (lion,  ufed  the  precaution  of  removing  the  Five  burgers 
from  the  towns  of  Mercia,  in  which  they  had  been  allowed 
to  fettle;  becauie  it  was  always  found,  that  they  took  ad- 
vantage of  every  commotion,  and  introduced  the  rebelli- 
ous or  foreign  Danes  into  the  heart  of  the  Kingdom.  He 
alfo  conquered  Cumberland  from  the  Britons;  and  confer- 
red that  territory  on  Malcolm  king  of  Scotland,  on  condi- 
tion that  he  mould  do  him  homage  for  it,  and  protect  the 
north  from  all  future  incurfions  of  the  Danes. 

Edmund  wasyoungwhen  he  came  to  the  crown;  yet 
was  his  reign  lhort,  as  his  death  was  violent.  One  day  as 
he  was  folemnizing  a  fefHval  in  the  county  of  Glocefter, 
he  remarked,  that  Leolf,  a  notorious  robber,  whom  he 
had  fentenced  to  banifhment,  had  yet  the  boldnefs  to  enter 
the  hall  where  he  himlelf  dined,  and  to  fit  at  table  with  his 
attendants.  Enraged  at  thisinfolence,  he  ordered  him  to 
leave  the  room  ;  but  on  his  refuting  to  obey,  the  king, 
whole  temper,  naturally  choleric,  was  inflamed  by  this  ad- 
ditional infult,  leaped  on  him  himlelf,  and  feized  him  by 
the  hair :  But  the  ruffian,  puftied  to  extremity,  drew  his 
dagger,  and  gave  Edmund  a  wound,  of  which  he  imme- 
diately expired.  This  evenf  happened  in  the  year  946, 
and  in  the  fixth  year  of  the  king's  reign.  Edmund  left 
male-iffue,  but  fo  young,  that  they  were  incapable  of  go- 
verning the  kingdom;  and  his  brother,  Edred,  was  promot- 
ed to  the  throne. 


EDRED. 


HP  H  E  reign  of  this  prince,  as  thofe  of  his  predecelTors, 
A  was  difturbed  by  the  rebellions  and  incurfions  of  the 
Northumbrian  Danes,  who,  though  frequently  quelled,  946' 
were  never  entirely  fubdued,  nor  had  ever  paid  a 
fincere  allegiance  to  the  crown  of  England.  The  accef- 
fion  of  a  new  king  feerned  to  them  a  favourable  opportunity 
for  making  ofF  the  yoke;  but  on  Elred's  appearance  with 
an  army,  they  made  him  their  wonted  fubmiffions ;  and 
the  king,  having  wafted  the  country  with  fire  and  (word, 
as  a  punimment  of  their  rebellion,  obliged  them  to  renew 
their  oaths  of  allegiance  :  and  he  ftraight  retired  with  his 
forces.  The  obedience  of  the  Danes  lafted  no  lonecr 
Vol.  I.  M  * 


82  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND.        » 

than  the  prefent  terror.  Provoked  at  the  devaluations  of 
Edred,  and  even  reduced  by  neceffity  to  iubfrft  on  plun- 
der, they  broke  into  a  new  rebeliion,  and  were  again  fub- 
dued:  But  the  king,  now  inftrucled  by  experience,  took 
greater  precautions  againft  their  future  revolt.  He  fixed 
Englifh  garrifons  in  their  mod  confiderable  towns  ;  and 
placed  over  them  an  Englifh  governor,  who  might  watch 
all  their  motions,  and  fupprefs  any  infurre£tion  on  its  firft 
appearance.  He  obliged  alio  Malcolm,  king  of  Scotland, 
to  renew  his  homage  for  the  lands  which  he  held  in  Eng- 
land. 

Edred,  though  not  unwarlike,  nor  unfit  for  adtive  life, 
lav  under  the  influence  of  the  loweft  fupeiftition,  and  had 
blindlv  delivered  over  his  confeience  to  the  guidance  of 
Dunftan,  commonly  called  St.  Dunftan,  abbot  of  Glaften- 
bury,  whom  he  advanced  to  the  higheft  offices,  and  who 
covered,  under  the  appearance  of  fan£tity,  the  moft  violent 
and  moft  infolent  ambition.  Taking  advantage  of  the 
implicit  confidence  repofed  in  him  by  the  king,  this 
churchman  imported  into  England  a  new  order  of  monks, 
who  much  changed  the  ftate  of  ecclefiaftical  affairs,  and 
excited,  on  their  firft  eftablifhment,  the  moft  violent  com- 
motions. 

From  the  introduction  of  Chriftianity  among  the  Sax- 
ons, there  had  been  monafteries  in  England ;  and  thefe 
eftablifhments  had  extremely  multiplied,  by  the  donations 
of  the  princes  and  nobles;  whofe  fuperftition,  derived 
from  their  ignorance  and  precarious  life,  and  increafed  by 
remorfes  for  the  crimes  into  which  they  were  fo  frequently 
betrayed,  knew  no  other  expedient  for  appearing  the  Dei- 
ty than  a  profufe  liberality  towards  the  eccJefiaftics.  But 
the  monks  had  hitherto  been  a  fpecies  of  fecular  priefts, 
who  li^ed  after  the  manner  of  the  prefent  canons  or  pre- 
bendaries, and  were  both  intermingled,  in  fome  degree, 
with  the  world,  and  endeavoured  to  render  themfelves 
ufeful  to  it.  They  were  employed  in  the  education  of 
youth*  :  They  had  thedifpofal  of  their  own  time  and  in- 
duftry  :  They  were  not  fubjecled  to  the  rigid  rules  of  an 
order  :  They  had  made  no  vows  of  implicit  obedience  to 
their  fuperiorsf :  And  they  ftill  retained  the  choice,  with- 
out quitting  the  convent,  either  of  a  married  or  a  fingle 
lifeif.  But  amiftaken  piety  had  produced  in  Italy  a  new 
fpecies  of  monks,  called  Benedictines  ;  who,  carrying 
farther  the  plaufible  principles   of  mortification,  fecluded 

*  Ofberne  in  Anglia  Sacra,  torn.  2.  p.  22.  f  Ofberne,  p.  9*. 

*  See  Wharton's  notes  to  Anglia  Sacra,  torn,  2.  p.  91.  Gervafe,  p.  1645. 
Chion.  Wint.  MS.  apud   Spell.  Cone.  p.  4,34. 


E    D    R    E    D.  83 

thcmfelves  entirely  from  the  world,  renounced  all  claim  to  c  II  A  P. 
liberty,  and  made  a  merit  of  the  molt   inviolable   chaftity.         II. 

Thefe  practices  and  principles,  which  iuperftition  at  fir  It  ^ , — ***. 

engendered,  were  greedily  embraced  and  promoted  by 
the  policy  of  the  court  of  Rome.  The  Roman  pontiff",  who 
was  making  everv  day  great  advances  towards  an  ab/olute 
fovereignty  over  the  ecclefiaftics,  perceived  that  the  celi- 
bacy of  the  clergv  alone  could  break  off  entirely  their 
connection  with  the  civil  power,  and  depriving  them  of 
every  other  object  of  ambition,  engage  them  to  promote, 
with  unceafing  induftry,  the  grandeur  of  their  own  order. 
He  was  fenfibie,  that  to  long  as  the  monks  were  indulged 
in  marriage,  and  were  permitted  to  rear  families,  they 
never  could  be  fubjecled  to  ftrict  discipline,  or  reduced  to 
that  flavery  under  their  fuperiors,  which  was  requifite  to 
procure  to  the  mandates,  ilfued  from  Rome,  a  ready  and 
zealous  obedience.  Celibacy,  therefore,  began  to  be  ex- 
tolled, as  the  indifpenlable  duty  of  priefts  ;  and  the  pope 
undertook  to  make  all  the  clergy  throughout  the  weltern 
world  renounce  at  once  the  privilege  of  marriage  :  A  for- 
tunate policy  ;  but  at  the  fame  time  an  undertaking  the 
moft  difficult  of  any,  fince  he  had  the  ltrongefi  propensi- 
ties of  human  nature  to  encounter,  and  found,  that  the 
fame  connections  with  the  female  fex,  which  generally 
encourage  devotion,  were  here  unfavourable  to  the  fuccefs 
of  his  project.  It  is  no  wonder,  therefore,  that  this  mafier- 
ftroke  of  art  fhould  have  met  with  violent  contradiction, 
and  that  the  interefts  of  the  hierarchy,  and  the  inclinati- 
ons of  the  priefts,  being  now  placed  in  this  singular  op- 
position, fhould,  notwithftanding  the  continued  efforts  of 
Rome,  have  retarded  the  execution  of  that  hold  fcheme 
during  the  courfe  of  near  three  centuries. 

As  the  bithops  and  parochial  clergy  lived  apart  with 
their  families,  and  were  more  connected  with  the  world, 
the  hopes  of  fuccefs  with  them  were  fainter,  and  the  pre- 
tence for  making  them  renounce  marriage  was  much  lefs 
plaufible.  But  the  pope,  having  caft  his  eye  on  the  monks 
as  the  bafis  of  his  authority,  was  determined  to  reduce 
them  under  i'trict  rules  of  obedience,  to  procure  them  the 
credit  of  ianctity  by  an  appearance  of  the  moft  rigid  mor- 
tification, and  to  break  oit'ail  their  other  ties  which  might 
interfere  vviih  his  Ipirituai  policy.  Under  pretence,  there- 
fore, of  reforming  abuses,  which  were,  in  loiuc  degree, 
unavoidable  in  the  ancient  eftabiiihments,  he  had  already 
fpread  over  the  foufhern  countries  c(  Europe  the  fever  e 
1  iws  of  the  monaftic  life,  and  began  to  form  attempts  to^ 
wards  a  like  innovation  in  England.  The  favourable  op- 
portunity offered  itCeli"  (and  it  was  greedily  feized),  aufing 


84  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  HAP.  from  the  weak  fuperfHtion  of  Edred,  and  the  vielent  im- 
II.        petuous  character  of  Dunfian. 

'  *  v  •*  Dunstan  was  born  of  noble  parents  in  the  weft  of  Eng- 
land; and  being;  educated  under  his  uncle  Aldbelm,  then 
archbimop  of  Canterbury,  had  betaken  himfelf  to  the  ec- 
clefiafiical  life,  and  had  acquired  forne  character  in  the 
court  of  Edmund.  He  was  however,  represented  to  that 
prince  as  a  man  of  licentious  manners*  ;  and  finding  his 
fortune  blafted  by  thefe  fufpicions,  his  ardent  ambition 
prompted  him  to  repair  his  indifcretions,  by  running  into 
an  oppofite  extreme.  He  fecluded  himfelf  entirely  from 
the  world  ;  he  framed  a  cell  fo  fmall,  that  he  could  neither 
ftand  erect  in  it,  norflretch  out  his  limbs  during  his  re- 
pofe;  and  he  here  employed  himfelf  perpetual Iv  either  in 
devotion  or  in  manual  labourf.  It  is  probable,  that  his 
brain  became  gradually  crazed  by  thefe  folitary  occupati- 
ons, and  that  his  head  was  filled  with  chimeras,  which, 
being  believed  by  himfelf  and  his  ffupid  votaries,  procured 
him  the  general  character  of  fanclity  among  the  people. 
He  fancied  that  the  devil,  among  the  frequent  vifits  which 
he  paid  him,  was  one  day  more  earned  than  ufual  in  his 
temptations;  till  Dunfian,  provoked  at  his  importunity, 
feize,d  him  by  the  nofe  with  a  pair  of  red  hot  pincers,  as 
he-put  his  head  into  the  cell  ;  and  he  held  him  there,  till 
that  malignant  fpirit  made  the  whole  neighbourhood  re- 
found  with  his  bellowings.  This  notable  exploit  was  feri- 
oufly  credited  and  extolled  by  the  public;  it  is  tranfmitted 
to  pofterity  by  one  who,  confidering  the  age  in  which  he 
lived,  may  pafs  for  a  writer  of  fome  elegance^;  and  it 
infured  to  Dunftan  a  reputation  which  no  real  piety,  much 
Jefs  virtue,  could,  even  in  the  mod  enlightened  period, 
have  ever  procured  him  with  the  people. 

Supported  by  the  character  obtained  in  his  retreat, 
Dunfian  appeared  again  in  the  world  ;  and  gained  fuch 
an  afcendant  over  Edred,  who  had  fucceeded  to  the  crown, 
as  made  him,  not  only  the  director  of  that  prince's  con- 
fcience,  but  his  counfellor  in  the  moft  momentous  affairs 
of  government.  He  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the  treaiu- 
ry||,  and  being  thus  poiTefled  both  of  power  at  court,  and 
of  credit  with  the  populace,  he  was  enabled  to  attempt  with 
fuccefs  the  moft  arduous  enterprifes.  Finding  that  his 
advancement  had  been  owing  to  the  opinion  of  his  aufle- 
rity,  he  profeffed  himfelf  a  partizan  of  the  rigid  monadic 
rules;  and  after  introducing  that  reformation  into  the  con- 

«  Ofberne,  p.  95.     Matt.  Weft.  p.  1^7.  t  Otberne,  p.  96. 

$.  GiLerne,  p.  97.  ||  Oiberne,  p.  102.     V  a  liajford,  p.  541, 


E    D    R    E    D  85 

vents  of  Glaftenbury  and  Abingdon,  he  endeavoured  to  C  H  A  P. 
render  it  univcrfal  in  the  kingdom.  H. 

The  minds  of  men  were  already  well  prepared  for  this  v /- — ' 

innovation.     The  praifesof  an  inviolable  chaftity  had  been 
carried   to    the   higheft  extravagance  by    fome  of  the  firft 
preachers  of  Chriltianity  among  the  Saxons  :  The  pleafures 
of  love  had  been  reprefented  as  incompatible  with  Chrif- 
tian  perfection:   And  a  total  abftinence  from  all  commerce 
with  the  fex  was  deemed  fuch  a  meritorious  penance,  as 
was  tufficient  to  atone  for  the  greateft  enormities.     The 
Confequence  feemed  natural,  that  thofe,  at  leaft,  who  offi- 
ciated   at  the  altar  mould  be  clear  of  this  pollution  :  and 
when  the  doctrine  of  tranfubftantiation,  which  was  now 
creeping  in*,  was  once  fully  eftablifhed,  the  reverence  to 
the  real  body  of  Chrift  in   the  eucharift  bellowed  on    this 
argument  an  additional  force  and  influence.     The  monks 
knew  how  to  avail  themfelves  of  all  thefe  popular  topics, 
and  to  let  off  their  own  character    to  the   beft  advantage. 
They  affected  the   greateft  aufterityof  life  and  manners: 
They  indulged  themfelves  in  the  higheft  drains  of  devoti- 
on :   They  inveighed  bitterly  againft  the  vices  and  preten- 
ded luxury  of  the  age  :  They  were  particularly  vehement 
againft  the  diffolute  lives  of  the  fecular  clergy,  their  rivals: 
E  ery  inftance  of  libertinifm  in  any  individual  of  that  or- 
der was  reprefented  as  a  general  corruption  :  And  where       <" 
other  topics  of  defamation  were  wanting,    their  marriage 
became  a  fure  fubject  of  inventive,  and  their  wives  received 
the  name  of  concubine,  or  other  more  opprobrious  appella- 
tion.    The  fecular  clergy,  on  the  other  hand,  who  were 
numerous  and  rich,  and  pofTefTed  of  the  ecclefiaftical  dig- 
nities, defended  themfelves  with  vigour,  and  endeavoured 
to    retaliate  upon   their  adverfaries.     The    people    were 
thrown  into  agitation  ;  and  few  inftances  occur  of  more  vio- 
lent diifenfions,  excited  by  the  moft  material  differences 
in  religion  ;  or  rather  by  the  moft  frivolous  :  Since  it   is  a 
juft  remark,  that  the  more  affinity  there  is  between  theolo- 
gical parties,  the  greater  commonlyjs  their  animofity. 

The  progrefs  of  the  monks,  which  was  become  confi- 
derable,  was  fomewhat  retarded  by  the  death  of  Edred, 
their  partifan,  who  expired  after  a  reign  of  nine  yearsf. 
He  left  children  ;  but  as  they  were  infants,  his  nephew 
Edwy,  fon  of  Edmund,  was  placed  on  the  throne. 


f  Ch\on.  Sax.  ?.  1 15. 


955- 


86  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND, 


D      W      Y. 


ED  W  Y,  at  the  time  of  his  acceffion,  was  not  above 
fixteen  or  feventeen  years  of  age,  was  poffeffed  of 
the  mod  amiable  figure,  and  was  even  endowed,  according 
to  authentic  accounts,  with  the  moll  promifing  virtues*. 
He  would  have  been  the  favourite  of  his  people,  had  he 
not  unhappily,  at  the  commencement  of  his  reign,  been 
engaged  in  a  controverfy  with  the  monks,  whofe  rage 
neither  the  graces  of  the  body  nor  virtues  of  the  mind 
could  mitigate,  and  who  have  purfued  his  memory  with 
the  fame  unrelenting  vengeance,  which  they  exercifed 
againft  his  perfon  and  dignity  during  his  fhort  and  unfor- 
tunate reign.  There  was  a  beautiful  princefs  of  the  royal 
blood,  called  Elgiva,  who  had  made  impreffion  on  the 
tender  heart  of  Edwy ;  and  as  he  was  of  an  age  when  the 
force  of  the  paffionsfirti  begins  to  be  felt,  he  had  ventured, 
contrary  to  the  advice  of  his  graveft  counfellors,  and  the 
remonftrances  of  the  more  dignified  ecclefiaftics  f,  to 
efpoufe  her  ;  though  fhe  was  within  the  degrees  of  affinity 
prohibited  by  the  canon-law$.  As  the  aufterity,  affected 
by  the  monks,  made  them  particularly  violent  on  this  oc- 
cafion,  Edwy  entertained  a  ftrong  prepoiTefilon  againft 
them;  and  feemed,  on  that  account,  determined  not  to 
fecond  their  projecl,  of  expelling  the  feculars  from  all  the 
convents,  and  of  poireffing  themlelves  of  thofe  rich  efta- 
blifhments.  War  was  therefore  declared  between  the  king 
and  the  monks  ;  and  the  former  foon  found  reafon  to  re- 
pent his  provoking  fuch  dangerous  enemies.  On  the  day 
of  his  coronation,  his  nobility  were  affembled  in  a  great 
hall,  and  were  indulging  themfelves  in  that  riot  and  dif- 
order,  which,  from  the  example  of  their  German  ancef- 
tors,  had  become  habitual  to  the  Engli(h||  ;  when  Edwy, 
attracted  by  fofter  pleafures,  retired  into  the  queen's  apart- 
ment, and  in  that  privacy  gave  reins  to  hisfondnefs  towards 
his  wife,  which  was  only  moderately  checked  by  the  pre- 
sence of  her  mother.  Dunftan  conjeclured  the  reafon  of 
the  king's  retreat  ;  and  carrying  along  with  him  Odo, 
archbifhop  of  Canterbury,  over  whom  he  had  gained  rn 
abfolute  afcendant,  he  burft  into  the  apartment,  upbiaided 
Edwy  with  his  lalcivioutnefs,  probably  beftowed  on  the 
queen  the  moft  opprobrious. epithet  that  can  be  applied  to. 

*  H.  Hunting,  lib.  5.  p.  356.  f  W.  Malmef.  lib,  c.  cap.  7. 

+  Ibid.  ||  Wailingford,  p.  542. 


E      D      W      Y.  8-; 

her  fex,  and  tearing  him  from  her  arms,  pufhed  him  hack,  CHAP* 
in  a  difgraceful  manner,  into  the  banquet  of  the  nobles*.        II. 

Edvvy,  though  young,  and  oppofed  by  the  prejudices  of  the  ' * — •* 

people,  found  an  opportunity  of  taking  revenge  for  this 
public  infult.  He  queftioned  Dunftan  concerning  the  ad- 
miniltration  of  the  treafury  during  the  reign  of  his  prede- 
cellbrf  ;  and  when  that  minifter  refuted  to  give  any  ac- 
count of  money  expended,  as  he  affirmed,  by  orders  of  the 
late  king,  he  accufed  him  of  malverfation  in  his  office* 
and  baniihed  him  the  kingdom.  But  Dunftan's  cabal  was 
not  una£tive  during  his  abfence:  They  filled  the  public 
with  high  panegyrics  on  his  fandlity  :  The*y  exclaimed 
againit  the  impiety  of  the  king  and  queen  :  And  having 
poil'onedthemindsof  the  people  by  thele declamations,  they 
proceeded  to  ltill  more  outrageous  acls  of  violence  againft 
the  royal  authority.  Archbifhop  Odo  lent  into  the  palace 
a  party  of  foldiers,  who  feized  the  queen ;  and  having  bur- 
ned her  lace  with  a  red-hot  iron,  in  order  to  deftroy  that 
fatal  beauty  which  had  feduccd  Edwy,  they  carried  her  by 
force  into  Ireland,  .there  to  reniain  in  perpetual  exiled* 
Edwy,  finding  it  in  vain  to  refill,  was  obliged  to  confenf  to 
his  divorce,  which  was  pronounced  by  Odo||;  and  a  cataf- 
trophe,  Hill  more  dilinal,  awaited  the  unhappy  Elgiva* 
That  amiable  princefs,  being  cured  of  her  wounds,  and 
having  even  obliterated  the  fcarswith  which  Odo  had  hoped 
to  deface  her  beauty,  returned  into  England, and  was  flying 
to  the  embraces  of  the  king,  whom  fhe  fiill  regarded  as  her 
huiband  ;  when  (he  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  party,  whom 
the  primate  hid  lent  to  intercept  her.  Nothing  but  her 
death  could  now  give  fecurity  to  Odo  and  the  monks  ;  and 
the  moft  cruel  death  was  requifite  to  fatiate  their  venge- 
ance. She  was  hamflringed  ;  and  expired  a  few  days  after 
at  Glocefter  in  the  moft  acute  torments**. 

The  Englilh,  blinded  with  fuperflition,  inftead  of  being 
(hocked  with  his  inhumanity,  exclaimed  that  the  misfor- 
tunes of  Edwy  and  his  confort  were  a  juft  judgment  for 
their  dilTolute  contempt  of  the  ecclefiafiical  ftatutes.  They 
even  proceeded  to  rebellion  againft  their  fovereign  ;  and 
having  placed  Edgar  at  their  head,  the  younger  brother 
of  Edwy,  a  boy  of  thirteen  years  of  age,  they  foon  put 
him  in  poflefhon  of  Mercia,  Northumberland,  Eafl-An- 
glia  ;  and  chafed  Edwy  into  the  fouthern  counties.  That 
it  might  not  be  doubtful  at  whofe  infligation  this  revolt  was 
undertaken,  Dunftan  returned  into  England,  and  took  upon 

*  W.  Malinef.  l'.b.   2.  cap.  7.     Ofberne,    p.   S3.  105.     M.  Weft.  p.  103, 
'96«  t  Wallingford,  p.  542.     Alur.  Beverl.  p.  112.  %  Oiberne, 

p.  84.  Gervafo,  p.  1644.  II  Hoveden,  p.  425.        ,    **  Olbe.ne,  p.  S4. 

Gervulc,  p.   1G45,   1646. 


83  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  him  the  government  of  Edgar  and  his  party.  He  was  firft 
11.        iriftalled  in  the  fee  ofWorcefter,  then  in  that  of  London*, 

i v '  and,  on  Odo's  death,  and  the  violent  expulfion  of  Brithelm, 

his  fucceffor,  in  that  of  Canterburyf  ;  of  all  which  he 
Jong  kept  pofleffion.  Odo  is  tranfmitted  to  us  by  the 
monkr,  under  the  character  cf  a  man  of  piety  ;  Dunftan 
was  even  canonized;  and  is  one  of  thofe  numerous  faints 
of  the  fame  (lamp  who  difgrace  the  Romifh  calendar. 
Meanwhile  the  unhappy  Edwy  was  excommunicated^:, 
and  purfued  with  unrelenting  vengeance;  but  hh  death, 
which  happened  foon  after,  freed  his  enemies  from  all 
farther  inquietude,  and  gave  Edgar  peaceable  porleflion  of 
the  government.**  , 


EDGAR. 


THIS  prince,  who  mounted  the  throne  in  fuch  early 
youth,  foon  difcovered  an  excellent  capacity  irr  the 
adminiftration  of  affairs  ;  and  his  reign  is  one  of  the  moft 
fortunate  that  we  meet  with  in  the  ancient  Englifh  hiftory. 
He  fhowed  no  averfion  to  war;  he  made  the  wifefi  nrepa- 
ra>ions  againft  invaders:  And  by  this  vigour  and  forefight 
he  was  enabled,  without  any  danger  of  fufFering  infults, 
to  indulge  his  inclination  towards  peace,  and  to  employ 
himfelf  in  fupporting  and  improving  the  internal  govern- 
ment of  his  kingdom.  He  maintained  a  body  of  difciplin- 
ed troops;  which  he  quartered  in  the  north,  in  order  to 
keep  the  mutinous  Northumbrians  in  fubje&ion,  and  tore- 
pel  the  inroads  of  the  Scots.  He  built  and  fupported  a 
powerful  navy  ||  ;  and  that  he  might  retain  the  feamen  in 
the  practice  of  their  duty,  and  always  prefent  a  formidable 
armament  to  his  enemies,  he  (rationed  three  fquadrons  off 
tiiecoaft,  and  ordered  them  to  make,  from  time  to  time, 
the  circuit  of  his  dominionsff.  The  foreign  Da*nes  dared 
not  to  approach  a  country  which  appeared  in  fuch  a  pofture 
of  defence:  The  domeftic  Danes  faw  inevitable  defiruclion 
to  be  the  confequence  of  their  tumults  and  infurre£tions  : 
The  neighbouring  fovereigns,  the  king  of  Scotland,  the 
princes  of  Wales,  of  the  Ifle  of  Man,  of  the  Orkneys,  and 


*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  117.     Flor.  Wigorn,  p.  605.     Wallingford,  p.  544. 
f  Ho-etien,  p.  435.     Ofberne,  p.  109.  +  Brompton,  p.  863. 

jj  Higden,  p.  265.  **  See  note   [B]  at  the  end  of  the  volume, 

■ff  See  note  fCj  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 


EDGAR.  89 

even  of  Ireland*,  were  reduced  to  pay  fubmiflion  to  (o  C  H  A  P. 
formidable  a  monarch.     He  carried    his  fuperiority    to  a        II. 

great  height,  and  might  have  excited  an  univerfal  combi-  * * ' 

nation  againft  him,  had  not  his  power  been  fo  well  eftab- 
lithcd,  as  to  deprive  his  enemies  of  all  hopes  of  making 
it.  Itisfaid,  that  refiding  once  at  Chefter,  and  having 
purpoied  to  go  by  water  to  the  abbey  of  St.  John  the  Bap- 
till,  he  obliged  eight  of  his  tributary  princes  to  row  him  in 
a  barge  upon  the  Deef.  The  Englilh  hiflorians  are  fond 
of  mentioning  the  name  of  Kenneth  III.  king  of  Scots, 
among  the  number  :  The  Scottilh  hiflorians  either  deny 
the  fact,  or  aflert  that  their  king,  if  ever  he  acknowledg- 
ed himfelf  a  vaflal  to  Edgar,  did  him  homage,  not  for  his 
crown,  but  for  the  dominions  which  he  held  in  England. 

But  the  chief  means  by  which  Edgar  maintained  his 
authority,  and  preierved  public  peace,  was  the  paying  of 
court  to  Dunftan  and  the  monks,  who  had  at  firft  placed 
him  on  the  throne,  and  who,  by  their  pretentions  to  fupe- 
rior  fanctity  and  purity  of  manners,  had  acquired  an  afcen- 
dant  over  the  people.  He  favoured  their  icheme  for  dif- 
polleHing  the  fecular  canons  of  all  the  monafteriesj;  he 
bellowed  preferment  on  none  but  their  partizans;  he  al- 
lowed Dunftan  to  refign  the  fee  of  Worcefter  into  the  hands 
of  Ofwald,one  of  his  creaturesll;  and  to  place  Ethelwoid, 
another  of  them,  in  that  of  Winchefter**  ;  he  confulted 
thefe  prelates  in  the  adminiftration  of  all  ecclefiaftical, 
and  even  in  that  of  many  civil  affairs  ;  and  though  the 
vigour  of  his  own  genius  prevented  him  from  being  impli- 
citly guided  by  them,  the  king  and  the  bifhops  found  fuch 
advantages  in  their  mutual  agreement,  that  they  always  ac- 
ted in  concert,  and  united  their  influence  in  prelerving  the 
peace  and  tranquillity  of  the  kingdom. 

In  order  to  complete  the  great  work  of  placing  the  new 
order  of  monks  in  all  the  convents,  Edgar  fummoned  a 
general  council  of  the  prelates  and  the  heads  of  the  religi- 
ous orders.  He  here  inveighed, againft  the  diflolute  lives 
of  the  fecular  clergy  ;  the  fmallnefs  of  their  tonfure,  which 
it  is  probable,  maintained  no  longer  any  refemblance  to 
the  crown  of  thorns  ;  their  negligence  in  attending  the 
exercife  of  their  function;  their  mixing  with  the  laity  in 
the  pleafures  of  gaming,  hunting,  dancing,  and  finging  ; 
and  their  openly    living  with  concubines,  by  which  it  is 

Vol.  I.  N 

*  Spell.  Cor.c.p.  432.  f  \V.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  8.     Hoveden, 

H.  Hunting,   lib.  5.  p.  356.  J  Chion.  .sax.   p.  117,  118. 

"VV.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  3.     Hoveden,  p.  425,   426.       Olberne,   p.  112. 

■:.  Malmef.  lib.   2.  cap.  8.     Hoveden,  p.  425.  ••  Gervafe,  p. 

1646.  Brompton,  p.  &C.4.  Fler.  Wijorii.  p.  606.  Chron.  Abb.  St.  Peui 
ie  Surgo,  p.  27,   2?. 


go  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

commonly  fuppofed  he  meant  their  wives.  He  then  turned 
himfelf  to  Dunftan  the  primate  ;  and  in  the  name  of  king 
Edred,  whom  he  fuppofed  to  look  down  from  heaven  with 
indignation  againft  all  thofe  enormities,  he  thus  addreffed 
him  :  "  It   is  you,  Dunftan,    by  whofe  advice  1   founded 
"  monafteries,  built  churches,  and  expended  my  treafure 
"  in  the   fupport  of  religion  and  religious  houfes.     You 
"   were    my  counfellor    and  affiftant  in  all  my  fchemes  : 
"  You   were   the  director  of  my  confeience :  To  you  I 
"  was  obedient  in  all  things.     When  did  you  call  for  fup- 
"   plies,  which  1  refufed  you?  Was    my    affiflance   ever 
*  wanting  to  the  poor?  Did  I  deny  fupport  and  eftablifh- 
"  meats  to  the  clergy  and  the  convents  ?  Did  I  not  hearken 
*  to  your  ihft  ructions,  who  told   me    that  thele  charities 
"  were,  of  all  others,  the  moft  grateful  to  my  Maker,  and 
"  fixed   a    perpetual  fund  for  the   fupport  of    religion  ? 
"   And  are  all  our  pious  endeavours  now  fruftrated  by  the 
"  diffolute  lives  of  the  priefts?  Not  that  I  throw  anv  blame 
"  on  you  :   You  have  reafoned,  befought,  inculcated,  in- 
"  veighed  :  But    it  now    behoves  you  to  ufe  fliarper  and 
"  more  vigorous  remedies;  and  conjoining  your  Spiritual 
,  authority  with   the  civil  power,  to  purge  effectually  the 
"  temple  of  God  from  thieves  and  intruders*."     It  iseafy 
to  imagine,  that  this  harangue  had  the  defired  effect;  and 
that,  when  the  king  and  prelates  thus  concurred  with  the 
popular  prejudices,  it  was  not  long  before  the  monks  pre- 
vailed,  and  eftabiifhed  their  new  discipline  in  almoft  all 
the  convents. 

We  may  remark,  that  the  declamations  againft  the  fe- 
cular  clergy  are,  both  here  and  in  all  the  hiftorians,  con- 
veyed in  general  terms;  and  as  that  order  of  men  are  com- 
monly reftrained  by  the  decency  of  their  character,  it  is 
difficult  to  believe  that  the  complaints  againft  their  diffo- 
lute manners  could  be  fo  univerfally  juft  as  is  pretended. 
It  is  more  probable  that  the  monks  paid  court  to  the  popu- 
lace by  an  affected  aufterify  of  life;  and  reprefenting  the 
moft  innocent  liberties,  taken  by  the  other  clergy,  as  great 
and  unpardonable  enormities,  thereby  prepared  the  way 
for  the  encreafe  of  their  own  power  and  influence.  Edgar, 
however,  like  a  true  politician,  concurred  with  the  prevail- 
ing party;  and  he  even  indulged  them  in  pretenfions, 
which,  though  they  might,  when  complied  with,  engage 
the  monks  to  fupport  royal  authority  during  his  own  reign, 
proved  afterwards  dangerous  to  his  fucceffors,  and  gave  dif- 
turbanre  to  the  whole  civil  power.  He  feconded  the  policy 
of  the  court  of  Rome,  in  granting  to  fome  monafteries  an 

*  Abbas  Rieval.  p.  360,  361.     Spell.  Cone.  p.   476,477,478. 


EDGAR.  9* 

exemption    from  epifcopal    jurifdiction  :  He  allowed  the  CHAP. 
convents,  even  thofe  of_  royal  foundation,    to   ufurp  the        II. 

election  of  their  own  ahbot  :   And   he  admitted  their  for-  * , ' 

series  of  ancient  charters,  by  which,  from  the  pretended 
grant  of  former  kings,  they  affumed  many  privileges  and 
immunities*. 

These  merits  of  Edgar  have  procured  him  the  higheft 
panegyrics  from  the  monks;  and  he  is  tranfmitted  to  us, 
not  only  under  the  character  of  a  confummate  ftatefmau 
and  an  active  prince,  praifes  to  which  he  feems  to  have 
been  juftlv  entitled,  but  under  that  of  a  great  faint  and  a 
man  of  virtue.  But  nothing  could  more  betray  both  his 
hypocniv  in  inveighing  againft  the  licentioufnefs  of  the 
fecular  clergy,  and  the  interefted  fpirit  of  his  partisans,  in 
beftowing  fuch  eulogies  on  his  piety,  than  the  ufual  tenour 
of  his  conduct,  which  was  licentious  to  the  higheft  degree, 
and  violated  every  law,  human  and  divine.  Yet  thofe  very 
monks,  who,  as  we  are  told  by  Ingulf,  a  very  ancient 
hiftorian,  had  no  idea  of  any  moral  or  religious  merit,  ex- 
cept chaftityand  obedience,  not  only  connived  at  his  enor- 
mities, but  loaded  him  with  the  greateft  praifes.  Hiftory, 
however,  has  preferved  fome  inftances  of  his  amours,  from 
which,  as  from  a  fpecimen,  we  may  form  a  conjecture  of 
the  reft. 

Edgar  broke  into  a  convent,  carried  ofFEditha,  a  nun, 
by  force,  and  even  committed  violence  on  her  perfonf. 
For  this  a6lof  facrilege  he  was  reprimanded  by  Dunftan  ; 
and  that  he  might  reconcile  himfelf  to  the  church,  he  was 
obliged  not  to  ieparate  from  his  miftrefs,  but  to  abftain 
from  wearing  his  crown  during  (even  years,  and  to  deprive 
himfelf  fo  long  of  that  vain  ornament:)::  A  punifhment 
very  unequal  to  that  which  had  been  inflicted  on  the  un- 
fortunate Edwy,  who,  for  a  marriage  which  in  the  ftri&eft. 
fenfe  could  only  deferve  the  name  of  irregular,  was  expel- 
led Lis  kingdom,  law  his  queen  treated  with  lingular  bar-- 
barity,  was  loaded  with  calumnies,  and  has  been  repre- 
fented  to  us  under  the  moft  odious  colours.  Such  is  the  af- 
cendant  which  may  be  attained,  by  hypocrify  and  cabal, 
over  mankind! 

There  was  another  miftrefs  of  Edgar's,  with  whom  he 
firft  formed  a  connexion  by  a  kind  of  accident.  Paffing 
one  day  by  Andover,  he  lodged  in  the  hpufe  of  a  noble- 
man, whoie  daughter,  being  endowed  with  all  the  graces 
of  perkm  and    behaviour,  enflamed  him  at  fnft  light  with 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  I  iS.  \V.  Ma'mia.  lib.  r,  csfp.  9.  Se?deni  Spicileg.  ad 
Eadm.  p.  140.  157.  f  W.  Ma'Hief.  lib.  2.  cap.  3.    Ofbeine,  p.  3, 

0,  p.  457.     Hlgden,  p.  2G5.  367,  20$.  S|)cll.  Cone.  p.  4X1, 
£  Oiben.e,  p.    in. 


92  HISTORY    OF*    ENGLAND. 

CHAF.  the  higheft  defire;  and  he  refolved  by  any  expedient  to 
II.        gratify  it.     As  he    had  not  leifure    to  employ  courtfhip 

* v '  or  addrefs    for   attaining   his    purpofe,  he  went  directly 

to  her  mother,  declared  the  violence  of  his  paffion, 
and  defired  that  the  young  lady  might  be  allowed  to  pais 
that  very  night  with  him.  The  mother  was  a  woman  of 
virtue,  and  determined  not  to  difhonour  her  daughter  and 
her  family  by  compliance;  but  being  well  acquainted  with 
the  impetuofity  of  the  king's  temper,  (he  thought  it  would 
be  eafier,  as  well  as  fafer,  to  deceive  than  refufe  him.  She 
feigned  therefore  a  fubmiflion  to  his  will ;  but  fecretly  or- 
dered a  waiting-maid,  of  no  difagreeable  figure,  to  (teal 
into  the  king's  bed,  after  all  the  company  fhould  be  retired 
to  reft.  In  the  morning,  before  day-break,  the  damfel, 
.  agreeably  to  the  injunctions  of  her  miftrefs,  offered  to  re- 
tire ;  but  Edgar,  who  had  no  referve  in  his  pleafures,  and 
whofe  love  to  his  bed- fellow  was  rather  enflamed  by  enjoy- 
ment, refufed  his  confent,and  employed  force  and  entrea- 
ties to  detain  her.  Elfleda  (for  that  was  the  name  of  the 
maid),  trufting  to  her  own  charms,  and  to  the  love  with 
which,  (he  hoped,  fhe  had  now  infpired  the  king,  made 
probably  but  a  faint  refinance;  and  the  return  of  light  dif- 
covered  the  deceit  to  Edgar.  He  had  parted  a  night  fo 
much  to  his  latisfa&ion,  that  he  exprefled  no  difpleafure 
with  the  old  lady  on  account  of  her  fraud;  his  love  was 
•  transferred  to  Elfleda  ;  fhe  became  his  favourite  miftrefs  ; 
and  maintained  her  afcendant  over  him  till  his  marriage 
with  Elfrida*. 

The  circumftances  of  his  marriage  with  this  lady  were 
more  lingular  and  more  criminal.  Elfrida  was  daughter 
and  heir  of  Olgar,  earl  of  Devonfhire  ;  and  though  fhe  had 
been  educated  in  the  country,  and  had  never  appeared  at. 
court,  fhe  had  filled  all  England  with  the  reputation  of  her 
beauty.  Edgar  himfelf,  who  was  indifferent  to  no  ac- 
counts of  this  nature,  found  his  curiofity  excited  by  the 
frequent  panegyrics  which  he  heard  of  Elfrida  ;  and  re- 
flecting on  her  noble  birth,  he  refolved,  if  he  found  her 
charms  anfwerable  to  their  fame,  to  obtain  poffeffion  of 
heron  honourable  terms.  He  communicated  his  intention  (o 
earl  Athelwold,  his  favourite  ;  but  ufed  the  precaution, 
before  he  made  any  advances  to  her  parents,  to  order  that 
nobleman,  on  fome  pretence,  tc  pay  them  a  vifit,  and  to 
bring  him  a  certain  account  of  the  beauty  of  their  daughter. 
Athelwold)  when  introduced  to  the  young  lady,  found  ge- 
neral report  to  have  fallen  fhort  of  the  truth ;  and  being  ac- 

*  W.  Malmcf.  lib.  s.  cap.  8.     Higden,  p.  268. 


EDGAR.  93 

tutted  by  the  moft  vehement  love,  he  determined  to,  facri-  Q 
fice  to  this  new  paffion  his  fidelity  to  his  mafter,  and  to 
thetruft  repofed  in  him.  He  returned  to  Edgar,  and  told 
him,  that  the  riches  alone,  and  high  quality  of  Elfrida, 
had  been  the  ground  of  the  admiration  paid  her,  and  that 
her  charms,  far  from  being  anywiie  extraordinary,  would 
have  been  overlooked  in  a  woman  of  infeiior  ftation. 
When  he  had,  by  this  deceit,  diverted  the  king  from  his 
purpofe,  he  took  an  opportunity,  after  fome  interval, 
of  turning  again  the  converfation  on  Elfrida  :  He  remark- 
ed, that  though  the  parentage  and  fortune  of  the  lady  had 
not  produced  on  him,  as  on  others,  any  illufion  with  regard 
to  her  beauty,  he  could  not  forbear  reflecting  that  (he  would, 
on  the  whole, be  an  advantageous  match  for  him, and  might, 
by  her  birth  and  riches,  make  him  fufficient  compenfation 
for  the  homelineis  of  her  perfon.  If  the  king,  therefore, 
gave  his  approbation,  he  was  determined  to  make  propofals 
in  his  own  behalf  to  the  earl  of  Devonfhire,  and  doubted 
not  to  obtain  his,  as  well  as  the  young  lady's  confent  to 
the  marriage.  Edgar,  pleafed  with  an  expedient  forefta- 
blifhing  his  favourite's  fortune,  not  only  exhorted  him  to 
execute  his  purpofe,  but  forwarded  his  fuccefs  by  his  re- 
commendations to  the  parents  of  Elfrida  ;  and  Athelwold 
was  foon  made  happy  in  the  poffeffion  of  his  miftrefs. 
Dreading  however,  the  detection  of  the  artifice,  he  em- 
ployed every  pretence  for  detaining  Elfrida  in  the  country^ 
and  for  keeping  her  at  a  diftance  from  Edgar. 

The  violent  paffion  of  Athelwold  had  rendered  him 
blind  to  the  neceflary  confequences  which  muft  attend  his 
conduct,  and  the  advantages  which  the  numerous  enemies 
that  always  purfue  a  royal  favourite,  would,  by  its  means, 
be  able  to  make  againft  him.  Edgar  was  foon  informed  of 
the  truth;  but  before  he  would  execute  vengeanceon  Athel- 
wold's  treachery,  he  refolved  to  fatisfy  himfelf  with  his 
own  eyes  of  the  certainty  and  full  extent  of  his  guilt.  He 
told  him,  that  he  intended  to  pay  him  a  vifit  in  his  caftle, 
and  be  introduced  to  the  acquaintance  of  his  new-married 
wife;  and  Athelwold,  as  he  could  not  refufe  the  honour, 
only  craved  leave  to  go  before  him  a  few  hours,  that  he 
might  the  better  prepare  every  thing  for  his  reception.  He 
then  difcovcred  the  whole  matter  to  Elfrida  ;  and  begged 
her,  if  (he  had  any  regard  either  to  her  own  honour  or  his 
life,  to  conceal  from  Edgar,  by  every  circumftance  of 
drefs  and  behaviour,  that  fatal  beauty  which  had  feduced 
him  from  fidelity  to  his  friend,  and  had  betrayed  him  into 
fo  many  falfehoods.  Elfrida  promifed  compliance,  though 
nothing  was  farther  from  her  intentions.  She  deemed  her- 
felf  little  beholden  to  Athelwold  for  a  paffion  which  had 


94  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  deprived  her  of  a  crown  ;  and  knowing  the  force  of  her 
II.        own  charms,  (he  did  not  defpair  even  yet  of  reaching  that 

i v '  dignity,  of  which  herhufband's  artifice  had  bereaved  her. 

She  appeared  before  the  king  with  all  the  advantages  which 
the  richeft  attire  and  the  moft  engaging  airs  could  beftow 
upon  her,  and  (he  excited  at  once  in  his  bofom  the  higheft 
love  towards  herfelf,  and  the  moft  furious  defire  of  revenge 
againfl  her  hufband.  He  knew,  however,  to  diffemble 
thefe  paflions;  and  feducing  Athelwold  into  a  wood,  on 
pretence  of  hunting,  he  (tabbed  him  with  his  own  hand, 
and  foon  after  publicly  efpoufed   Elfrida*.  » 

Before  we  conclude  our  account  of  this  reign,  we  mud 
mention  two  circumftances,  which  are  remarked  by  hif- 
torians.  The  reputation  of  Edgar  allured  a  great  number 
of  foreigners  to  vifit  his  court;  and  he  gave  them  encou- 
ragement to  fettle  in  Englandf.  We  are  told  that  they 
imported  all  the  vices  of  their  refpedtive  countries,  and 
contributed  to  corrupt  the  fimple  manners  of  the  natives  $  ; 
But  as  this  fimplicity  of  manners,  fo  highly  and  often  fo 
injudicioufly  extolled,  did  not  preierve  them  from  barbarity 
and  treachery,  the  greateft  of  all  vices,  and  the  moft  inci- 
dent to  a  rude  uncultivated  people,  we  ought  perhaps  -to 
deem  their  acquaintance  with  foreigners  rather  an  advan- 
tage; as  it  tended  to  enlarge  their  views,  and  to  cure  them 
of  thofe  illiberal  prejudices  and  ruftic  manners  to  which 
iflanders  are  often  fubje£t. 

Another  remarkable  incident  of  this  reign  was  the 
extirpation  of  wolves  from  England.  This  advantage  was 
attained  by  the  induftrious  policy  of  Edgar.  He  took  great 
pains  in  hunting  and  purfuing  thofe  ravenous  animals;  and 
when  he  found  that  all  that  efcaped  him  had  taken  fhelter 
in  the  mountains  and  forefts  of  Wales,  he  changed  the  tri- 
bute of  money  impofed  on  the  Welfh  princes  by  Athelftan, 
his  predecefforll,  into  an  annual  tribute  of  three  hundred 
heads  of  wolves;  which  produced  fuch  diligence  in  hunt- 
ing them,  that  the  animal  has  been  no  more  feen  in  this 
iiland. 

Edgar  died,  after  a  reign  of  fixteen  years,  and  in  the 
thirty-third  of  his  age.  He  was  fucceeded  by  Edward, 
whom  he  had  by  his  firft  marriage  with  the  daughter  of 
carl  Ordmer. 


*  \V.  Malm,  lib.  2.  cap.  8.     Hoveden,    p.  426.     Brompton.  p.   865,  866. 
Flor.  Wigorn.  p.  606.     Higden,  p.  268.  f  Chron.   Sax.  p.   116. 

H.  Hunting,  lib.  5.  p.  356.     Brompton,  p.  865.  5  W.  Malm:!',  l.b. 

2.  cap.  8.  ||  W.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  6.     Bmrenton.p.  8;^. 


(    95    ) 


EDWARD     the    Martyr. 


THE  fucceflion  of  this  prince,  who  was  only  fifteen  years 
of  age  at  his  father's  death,  did  not  take  place  without  957- 
much  difficulty  and  oppofition.  Elfrida,  his  ftep-mother, 
hadafon,  Ethelred,  feven  years  old,  whom  (he  attempted 
to  raife  to  the  throne  :  She  affirmed,  that  Edgar's  marriage 
with  the  mother  of  Edward  was  expofed  to  inluperable 
objections;  and  as  fhe  had  pofieiled  great  credit  with  her 
hufband,  the  had  found  means  to  acquire  partifans,  who 
feconded  all  her  pretentions.  But  the  title  of  Edward  was 
fupported  by  many  advantages.  He  was  appointed  fuccef- 
for  by  the  will  of  his  father*:  He  wos  approaching  toman's 
eftate,  and  might  foon  be  able  to  take  into  his  own  hands 
the  reins  of  government :  The  principal  nobility,  dread- 
ing the  imperious  temper  of  Elfrida,  were  averfe  to  her 
fon's  government,  which  mufl  enlarge  her  authority, 
and  probably  put  her  in  poffeffion  of  the  regency:  A- 
bove  all,  Dunftan,  whole  character  of  lancfity  had  giv- 
en him  the  higheft  credit  with  the  people,  had  efpoufed 
the  caufe  of  Edward,  over  whom  he  had  already  acquired 
a  great  afcendant  + ;  and  he  was  determined  to  execute 
the  will  of  Edgar  in  his  favour.  To  cut  off'  all  oppofite 
pretenfions,  Dunftan  refolutely  anointed  and  crowned  the 
young  prince  at  Kingfton;  and  the  whole  kingdom,  with- 
out farther  difpute,  fubmitted  to  him  |. 

It  was  of  great  importance  to  Dunftan  and  the  monks, 
to  place  on  the  throne  a  king  favourable  to  their  caufe  :  The 
iecular  clergy  had  ftill  partifans  in  England,  who  wifhed 
to  fupport  them  in  the  poffeffion  of  the  convents,  and  of 
the  ecclefiaftical  authority.  On  the  firft  intelligence  of  Ed- 
gar's death,  Alfere,  duke  of  Mercia,  expelled  the  new  or- 
ders of  monks  from  all  the  monafieries  which  lay  within  his 
jurildictionll;  but  Elfwin,  duke  of  Eau-Anglia,  and  Brith- 
not,  duke  of  the  Eaft-Saxons,  protected  them  within  their 
territories,  and  infifted  upon  the  execution  of  the  late  laws 
enacted  in  their  favour.  In  order  to  fettle  this  controverfy, 
there  were  fummoned  feveral  fvnods,  which,  according  to 
the  practice  of  thofe  times,  confifted  partly  of  ecclefiaflical 
members,  partly  of  the  lay  nobility.     The  monks  were 

*  Hovedcn,  p.  427.      Eadmer,  p.  3.  f  ladmer,  ex  edit.  Sel  • 

.leni,  p.  3.  +  \v.  Malm.  lib.  2.  cap.  q.     Hoveden,  p.  427.     Ofbernf, 

i'.  »«3»  j|  Chron.  Sax,  p.  123.  W.  Maltnef    lib.  2.  ca^.  9.  Hovedcn, 

p.  427.     Brompton,  p.  S70.  Flor.  Wigorn.  p.    6   7. 


96  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  a^^c  to  prevail  *n  thefe  affemblies;  though,  as  it  appears, 
1I#,       contrary  to  the  fecret  wilhes,  if  not  the  declared  inclinati- 

*  v  j  on,  of  the  leading  men  in  the  nation**  :  They  had  more 
invention  in  forging  miracles  to  fupport  their  caufe ;  or 
having  been  fo  fortunate  as  to  obtain,  by  their  pretended 
aufterities,  the  character  of  piety,  their  miracles  were  more 
credited  by  the  populace. 

In  one  fynod,  Dunftan,  finding  the  majority  of  votes 
againfthim,  rofe  up,  and  informed  the  audience,  that  he 
had  that  inftant  received  an  immediate  revelation  in  behalf 
of  the  monks  :  The  aflfembly  was  fo  aftonifhed  at  this  in- 
telligence, or  probably  io  overawed  by  the  populace,  that 
they  proceeded  no  farther  in  their  deliberations,  lnanother 
fynod,  a  voice  iffued  from  the  crucifix,  and  informed  the 
members,  that  the  eftabiilhment  of  the  monks  was  founded 
on  the  will  of  heaven,  and  could  not  be  oppofed  without 
impiety*.  But  the  miracle  performed  in  the  third  lynod 
was  ftill  more  alarming :  The  floor  of  the  hall  in  which  the 
affembly  met  funk  of  a  fudden,  and  a  great  number  of  the 
members  were  either  bruifed  or  killed  by  the  fall.  It  was 
remarked,  that  Dunftan  had  that  day  prevented  the  king 
from  attending  the  fynod,  and  that  the  beam,  on  which 
his  own  chair  flood,  was  the  only  one  that  did  not  fink  un- 
der the  weight  of  the  affembly  f  ;  But  thefe  circumftances, 
inftead  of  begetting  any  fufpicion  of  contrivance,  were 
regarded  as  the  fureft  proof  of  the  immediate  interposition 
of  Providence,  in  behalf  of  thofe  favourites  of  heaven. 

Edward  lived  four  years  after  his  acceffion  and  there 
paired  nothing  memorable  during  his  reign.  His  death 
alone  was  memorable  and  tragical^.  This  young  prince 
was  endowed  with  the  moll  amiable  innocence  of  manners: 
and  as  his  own  intentions  were  always  pure,  he  was  inca- 
pable of  entertaining  any  fufpicion  againft  others.  Though 
hisftep-mother  had  oppoffed  his  fuccefiion,and  had  raifed 
a  party  in  favour  of  her  own  Ion,  he  always  fhowed  her 
marks  of  regard,  and  even  exprefl'ed,  on  all  occafions,  the 
moft  tender  afFe&ion  towards  his  brother.  He  was  hunting 
one  day  in  Dorfetfhire;  and  being  led  by  the  chafe  near 
Corfecaftle,  where  Elfrida  refided,  he  took  the  opportunity 
of  paying  her  a  vifit,  unattended  by  any  of  hisretinue,  and 
he  thereby  prefented  her  with  the  opportunity  which  fhe 

**  W.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  9. 
*  W.  Malmef.  lib.  2.  cap.  9.     Ofberne,  p.  112.    Gervafe,  p.  1647.  Browp- 
ton,  p.  870.     Hieden,  p.  269.  f  Chron.  Sax.  p.  124.    VV.  Malmef, 

lib.  2.  cap.  9.  Hoveden,  p.  427.  H.  Hunting,  lib.  5.  p.  357.  Gervafe,  p. 
1647.  Brompton,  p.  870.  Flor.  Wigorn.  p.  607.  Higden,  p.  269.  Chron. 
Abb.  St.  Petri  de  Burgo,  p.  29.  £  Chron.  Sax.  p.  124. 


EDWARD    THE   MARTYR.  97 

had  long  wilhed  for.     After  he  had  mounted  his  horfe,  he  C  H  A  P. 

defired  lbme  liquor  to  be  brought  him :  While  he  was  hold-        JI. 

ing  the  cup  to  his  head,  a  fervant  of  Elfrida  approached 

him,  and  gave  him  a  (tab  behind.     The  prince,  finding 

himfelf  wounded,   put  fpurs  to  his  horfe;  but   becoming 

faint  by  lofs  of  blood,  he  fell  from  the  faddle,  his  foot  (luck 

in  the  ftirrup,  and   he  was  dragged  along  by  his  unruly 

horfe  till  he  expired.     Being  tracked  by  the  blood,    his 

body  was  found,  and  was  privately  interred  at  Warehamby 

his  fervants. 

The  youth  and  innocence  of  this  prince,  with  his  tragic 
cal  death,  begat  fuch  compaffion  among  (he  people,  that 
they  believed  miracles  to  be  wrought  at  his  tomb  ;  and  they 
gave  him  the  appellation  of  martyr,  though  his  murder 
had  no  connexion  with  any  religious  principle  or  opinion. 
Elfrida  built  monafteries,  and  performed  many  penances, 
in  order  to  atone  for  her  guilt;  but  could  never,  by  all  her 
hypocrify  or  remorfes,  recover  the  good  opinion  of  the  pub- 
lic; though  fo  eafily  deluded  in  thofe  ignorant  ages. 


Vol  1. 


■:, 


(    9»    ) 


CHAP.      III. 


Ethelred Settlement  of  the  Normans — 

fide Canute Harold   Harefoot— 

— Edward  the  Confejfor Harold. 


■Edmund  Iron- 
—  Hardicanute 


E    T    H    E    L     R    E    D. 


C  H  A 
111. 

o7s 


HP  H  £  freedom  which  England  had  fo  long  enjoyed 
*•  X  from  the  depredations  of  the  Danes,  feems  to  have 
proceeded,  partly  from  the  eftablifnments  which  that  pira- 
tical nation  had  obtained  in  the  north  of  France,  and 
which  employed  all  their  fuperfluous  hands  to  people  and 
maintain  them  ;  partly  from  the  vigour  and  warlike  fpirit 
of  a  long  race  of  EngHfh  princes,  who  preferved  the  king- 
dom in  a  pofture  of  defence  by  lea  and  land,  and  either 
prevented  or  repelled  every  attempt  of  the  invaders.  But  a 
new  generation  of  men  being  now  fprung  up  in  the  northern 
regions,  who  could  no  longer  difburthen  themlelves  on 
Normandy  ;  the  Englifh  had  reafon  to  dread  that  the  Danes 
would  again  vitit  an  ifland  to  which  they  were  invited,  both 
by  the  memory  of  their  part  fucceffes,  and  by  the  expecta- 
tion of  affiftance  from  their  countrymen,  who, , though  long 
efiablifhed  in  the  kingdom,  were  not  yet  thoroughly  in- 
corporated with  the  natives,  nor  had  entirely  forgotten 
their  inveterate  habits  of  war  and  depredation.  And  as 
the  reigning  prince  was  a  minor,  and  even  when  he  attain- 
ed to  man's  eftate,  never  difcovered  either  courage  or  capa- 
city fufheient  to  govern  his  own  fubje£ts,  much  lei's  to  repel 
a  formidable  enemy,  the  people  might  juftly  apprehend 
the  word  calamities  from  fo  dangerous  a  crifis. 

.The  Danes,  before  they  durft  attempt  any  important 
enterprile  againil  England;  made  an  inconfiderabledefcent 
by  way  of  trial ;  and  having  landed  from  feven  veffeis  near 
Southao  pton,  thev  ravaged  the  country,  enriched  them- 
lelves by  fpoil,  and  departed  with  impunity.  Six  years 
after,  they  made  a  like  attempt  in  the  weft,  and  met  with 


E    T    H    E    L    R    E    D.  99 

like  fuccefs.     The  invaders,  having  now  found  affair1  in  CHAP. 
1  very  different  fituation  from  that  in  which  they  formerly        III. 
appeared,  encouraged    their    country rr> en    to    aflemble   a  x— -* — *J 
greater  force,  and  to  hope  for  more  confiderable  advanta- 
ges.    They  landed  in  ElTex,  under  the  command  of  two 
leaders;  and  having  defeated  and  flain   at  Maldon,  Brith- 
not,  duke  of  that  county,  who  ventured,  with  a  fmall  body 
to  attack  them,  they  lpread  their  devaluations  over  all  the 
neighbouring  provinces.     In  this  extremity,  Lthelred,  to 
whom  hiftorians  give  the  epithet  of  the   Unready,  inilead 
of  roufing  his  people  to  defend  with  courage  their  honoux 
and  their  property,    hearkened  to    the  advice  of  Siricius, 
archbifhop  of  Canterbury?  which  was  feconded  by  manv 
of  the  degenerate  nobility;  and  paying  the  enemy  the  lum 
of  ten    thoufand  pounds,    he  bribed   them  to  depart  the 
kingdom.     This    fhameful   expedient   was  attended  with 
the  fuccefs  which  might  be    expecled.     The  Danes  next 
year  appeared  off  the   eaftern  coafl,  in  hopes  of  fubduing 
'  a  people  who  defended  themfelves  by  their  money,  which 
invited   affailants,  inilead    of   their  arms,  which  repelled 
them.     But  the  Engliih,  fenfible  of  their  folly,  had,  in  the 
interval,  affembled  in  a  great  council,  and  had  determined 
to  collect  at  London  a  fleet  able  to  give  battle   to  the  ene- 
my* ;  though    that    judicious   mealure    failed  of  fuccefs, 
from  the  treachery  of  Alfricduke  of  Mercia,  whofe  name 
is  infamous  in  the  annals  of  that  age,  by  the   calamities 
which    his    repeated    perfidy    brought    upon  his  country. 
This  nobleman  had,  in  983,  fucceeded  to  his  father,  Al- 
fere,  in  that  extenfive  command;  but  being  deprived  of  it 
two  years  after,  and  banilhed  the  kingdom,  he  was  obliged 
to  employ  all  his  intrigue,  and   all  his  power,  which  was 
too   great  for  a  fubject,  to  be  reftored   to  his  country,  and 
reinftated  in  his  authority.     Having  had  experience  of  the 
credit  and  malevolence  of  his  enemies,  he  thenceforth  truf- 
ted  for  fecurity,  not  to  his  fervices,  or  to    the  affections 
of  his  fellow-citizens,  but  to  the  influence  which   he  had 
obtained  over  his  vafTals,    and   to    the    public  calamities, 
which  he  thought  mult,  in  every  revolution,  render  his 
afliflancc  ncceflary.     Having  fixed  this  refolution,  he  de- 
termined to  prevent  all  fuch  fuccefles  as  might  eftabliih  the 
loyal  authority,  or  render  his  own  fituation  dependent  01 
precarious.     As  the  En  glim  had  formed  the  pian  of  fur- 
rounding  and  dellroying   the  Danith  fleet  in  harbour,  he 
privately  informed  the  enemy  of  their  danger  ;   and  when 
they  put  to  fea,  hi  confequence  of  this  intelligence,  he  de- 
:d  to  them,  with  the  fquadron  under  his  command,  the 

tea,  '.  ax.  p. 


loo  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  night  before  (he  engagement,   and  thereby  difappointed  a\\ 
III.        the  efforts  of  his  countrymen*.     Ethelred,  enraged  at  his 

v^— v '  perfidy,  feized    his  fon  AJfgar,  and  ordered  his  eyes  to  be 

put  outf.  But  fuch  was  the  power  of  Alfric,  that  he  again 
forced  himfelf  into  authority ;  and  though  he  had  given 
this  fpecimen  of  his  character,  and  received  this  grievous 
provocation,  it  was  found  neceflarv  to  entruft  him  anew 
with  the  government  of  Mercja.  This  conduct  of  the 
court,  which  in  all  itscircumftances  is  fo  barbarous,  weak, 
and  imprudent,  both  merited  and  prognosticated  the  moil 
grievous  calamities-. 

The  northern  invaders,  now  well  acquainted  with  the 
defencelefs condition  of  England,  madea  powerful  defcent 
under  the  command  of  Sweyn  king  of  Denmark,  and  Olave 
king  of  Norway;  and  failing  up  the  Humber,  fpread  on 
all  fides  their  deftruclive  ravages.  Lindefey  was  laid  wade; 
Banbury  Was  deftroyed ;  and  all  the  Northumbrians,  though 
rnoftly  of  Danifh  defcent,  were  conflrained  either  to  join 
the  invaders,  or  to  fufFer  under  their  depredations.  A 
powerful  army  was  afTembled  to  oppofe  the  Danes,  and  a 
/♦  general  action  enfued;  but  the  Englifh  were  deferted  in 
the  battle,  from  the  cowardice  or  treachery  of  their  three 
leaders,  all  of  them  men  of  Danifh  race,  Frena,  Frithe- 
gift,  and  Godwin,  who  gave  the  example  of  a  fhameful 
flight  to  the  troops  under  their  command. 

Encouraged  by  this  fuccefs,  and  ft  ill  more  by  the 
contempt  which  it  infpired  for  their' enemy,  the  pirates 
ventured  to  attack  the  centre  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  enter- 
ing the  Thames  in  ninety-four  veffels,  laid  fiege  to  Lon- 
don, and  threatened  it  with  total  deftru£lion.  But  the  citi- 
zens, alarmed  at  the  danger,  and  firmly  united  among 
themfelves,  madea  bolder  defence  than  the  cowardice  of 
the  nobilitv  and  gentry  gave  the  invaders  reafon  to  appre- 
hend ;  ancf  the  befiegers,  after  iufrering  the  greateft  hard- 
ihips,  were  finally  fruftrated  in  their  attempt.  In  order  to 
revenge  themfelves,  they  laid  wafte  EfTex,  SufTex,  and 
Hampthire  ;  and  having  there  procured  horfes,  they  were 
thereby  enabled  to  fpread,  through  the  more  inland  coun- 
ties, the  fury  of  their  depredations.  In  this  extremity, 
Ethelred  and  his  nobles  had  recourfe  to  the  former  expe- 
dient;  and  fending ambaffadors  to  the  two  northern  kings, 
they  promifed  them  fubfiftence  and  tribute,  on  condition 
they  would,  for  the  prefent,  put  an  end  to  their  ravages, 
■  and  foon  after  depart  the  kingdom.  Sweyn  and  Olave 
agreed  to  the  terms,  and  peaceably  took   up  their  quarters 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.   127.     W.  Malm.  p.  62.     Kiguen.  p.  270. 
f  Chion.  Sax.  p.  128.     W.  Malm.  p.  62. 


E    T    H    E    L    R    E     D.  101 

at  Southampton,  where  the  fum  of  fixteen  thoufand  pounds  C  H  AT. 
was  paid  to  them.     Olave  even  made  a  journey  to  Ando-        111. 

ver,  where  Ethelred  refided ;   and   he  received  the  rite  of  v * — -* 

confirmation  from  the  Enghfh  bifhops,as  well  as  many  rich 
prefents  from  the  king.  He  here  promifed  that  he  would 
never  more  infeft  the  Englifh  territories  ;  and  he  faithfully 
fulfilled  the  engagement.  This  prince  receives  the  appel- 
lation of  St.  Olave  from  the  church  of  Rome;  and  not- 
withstanding the  general  prefumption  which  lies  either 
againft  the  understanding  or  morals  of  every  one  who^iu 
thofe  ignorant  ages  was  dignified  with  that  title,  he  feems 
to  have  been  a  man  of  merit  and  of  virtue.  Swevn,  though 
lefsfcrupulous  than  Olave,  was  confirained,  upon  the  de- 
parture of  the  Norwegian  prince,  to  evacuate  alio  the  king- 
dom with  all  his  followers. 

This  compofition  brought  only  a  fhort  interval  to  the  997. 
rniferies  of  the  Englifh.  The  Danifh  pirates  appeared 
loon  after  in  the  Severne;  and  having  committed  fpoil  in 
Wales,  aswell  as  in  Cornwal  and  Devonfhire,  they  failed 
round  the  fouth  coaft,  and  entering  the  Tamar,  completed 
the  devaluation  of  thefe  two  counties.  They  then  returned 
to  the  Briftol-channel ;  and  penetrating  into  the  country  by 
the  Avon,  fpread  themfelves  over  all  that  neighbourhood, 
and  carried  fire  and  fword  even  into  Dorfetfhire.  They 
next  changed  the  feat  of  war;  and  after  ravaging  the  Ifle 
of  Wight,  they  entered  the  Thames  and  Medway,  and 
laid  fiege  to  Rochefter,  where  they  defeated  the  Kentifh- 
rnen  in  a  pitched  battle.  After  this  victory,  the  whole 
province  of  Kent  was  made  a  fcene  of  {laughter,  fire,  and 
devaluation.  The  extremity  of  thefe  rniferies  forced  the 
Englifh  into  counfels  for  common  defence  by  fea  and  land; 
but  the  weaknefsof  the  king,  the  divifions  among  the  no- 
bility, the  treachery  of  lame,  the  cowardice  of  others,  the 
want  of  concert  in  all,  ft^rated  every  endeavour  :  Their 
fleets  and  armies  either  came  too  nlfe  to  attack  the  enemv, 
or  were  repulfed  with  difhonour ;  and  the  people  were  thus 
equally  juined  by  refiftance  or  by  fubmiffion.  The  Eng- 
lifh, therefore,  dcflitute  both  of  prudence  and  unanimity 
in  council,  of  courage  and  conduct  in  the  field,  had  re- 
course to  'the  weak  expedient  which  by  experience  they 
had  already  found  fo  ineffectual :  They  offered  the  Danes 
to  buy  peace,  by  paying  them  a  large  fum  of  money. 
Thefe  ravagers  role  continually  in  their  demands;  and 
now  required  the  payment  of  24,000  pounds,  to  which  the 
Englifh  were  fo  mean  and  imprudent  as  to  fubmit*.  The 
departure  of  the  Da^es  procured  them  another  fhort  intcr- 

*  Kovcden,  p.  429.     Chron.  Mji'r.  p.  253. 


mans. 


102  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAN  D. 

CHAP,  val  of  repofc,  which  they  enjoyed  as  if  it  were  to  be  per- 
III.       petual,  without   making  any  effectual  preparations  for   a 

\ v '  more    vigorous  refinance  upon    the    next    return  of  the 

enemy. 

Besides  receiving  this  fum,  the  Danes  were  engaged 
by  another  motive  to  depart  a  kingdom  which  appeared  fo 
little  in  a  fituation  to  refill  their  efforts :  They  were  invited 
over  by  their  countrymen  in  Normandy,  who  at  this  time 
were  hard  preffed  by  the  arms  of  Robert  king  of  France, 
and  who  found  it  difficult  to  defend  the  fettlement  which, 
with  fo  much  advantage  to  thcmfclves  and  glory  to  their 
nation,  they  had  made  in  that  country.  It  is  probable  alfo, 
that  Ethelred,  obferving  the  clofe  connexions  thus  main- 
tained among  all  the  Danes,  however  divided  in  govern- 
ment or  fituation,  was  defirous  of  forming  an  alliance  with 
that  formidable  people :  For  this  purpofe,  being  now  a 
widower,  he  made  his  addreffes  to  Emma,  fifter  to  Richard 
II.  duke  of  Normandy,  and  he  foon  fucceeded  in  his  ne- 
iooi.  gociation.  The  princefs  came  over  this  year  to  England, 
and  was  married  to  Ethelred*. 

Settlement        In  the  end  of  the  ninth,   and  beginning  of  the    tenth 

of  the  Nor-  century,  when  the  north,  not  yet  exhaufted  by  that  multi- 
tude of  people,  or  rather  nations,  which  fhe  had  fucceffive- 
ly  emitted,  fent  forth  a  new  race,  not  of  conquerors,  as 
before,  but  of  pirates  and  ravagers,  who  infefted  the  coun- 
tries poffeffed  by  her  once  warlike  fons;  lived  Rollo,  a 
petty  prince  or  chieftain  of  Denmark,  whofe  valour  and 
abilities  foon  engaged  the  attention  of  his  countrymen.  He 
was  expofed  in  his  youth  to  the  jealoufy  of  the  king  of 
Denmark,  who  attacked  his  fmall  but  independent  princi- 
pality ;  and  who,  being  foiled  in  every  aflault,  had  re- 
course at  lafl  to  perfidy  for  effecting  his  purpofe,  which 
he  had  often  attempted  in  vain  by  force  of  armsf :  He  lul- 
led Rollo  into  fecurity  by  an  infidious  peace;  and  falling 
fuddenly  upon  him,  murdered  his  brother  and  his  braveft 
officers,  and  forced  him  to  fly  for  fafety  into  Scandinavia. 
Here  many  of  his  ancient  fubjecls,  induced  partly  by  af- 
fe&ion  to  their  prince,  partly  by  the  oppreffions  of  the 
Dunifh  monarch,  ranged  themfelves  under  his  ftandard, 
and  offered  to  follow  himin  every  enterpiife.  Rollo,  inftead 
of  attempting  to  recover  his  paternal  dominions,  where  he 
muft  expedl  a  vigorous  refinance  from  the  Danes,  determin- 
ed tcpurfuean  eaficrbut  more  important  undertaking,  and 
to  make  his  fortune,  in  imitation  of  his  countrymen,  by 
pillaging  the  richer  and  more  fouthern  coafts  of  Europe. 

*  H.  Hun:,  p.  3^0.     Kieden,  p.  271.  f  Du/lo,  ex  edit.  Duthefoe, 

p.  70,  71.     Cut.  Gcmeticenls,  lib.  £.  cap.  ?,  3. 


E    T     II     E     L     R     E    D.  103 

lie  collected  a  body  of  troops,  which,  like  that  of  all  thofe  CHAP. 
ravagers,  was  com po fed  of  Norwegians,  Swedes,  Frifians,        III. 

Danes,  and  adventurers  of  all  nations,  who  being  accuftom-  ' * — -J 

ed  to  a  roving  urifettled  life,  took  delight  in  nothing  but 
war  and  plunder.  His  reputation  brought  him  alTociates 
from  all  quarters;  and  a  virion,  which  he  pretended  to 
have  appeared  to  him  in  his  fleep,  and  which,  according 
to  his  interpretation  of  it,  prognofticated  the  greateft  fuc- 
cefles,  proved  alfo  a  powerful  incentive  with  thofe  igno- 
rant and  fuperftitious  people*. 

The  firft  attempt  made  by  Rollo  was  on  England,  near 
the  end  of  Alfred's  reign  ;  when  tliat  great  monarch,  hav- 
ing fettled  Guthrumand  his  followers  in  Eafl-Anglia,  and 
others  of  thofe  freebooters  in  Northumberland,  and  having 
reflored  peace  to  his  haraiTed  country,  had  eftablifhed  the 
mod  excellent  military  as  well  as  civil  inflitutions  among 
the  Engliih.  The  prudent  Dane,  finding  that  no  advan- 
tages could  be  gained  over  fucha  people,  governed  by  fuch 
a  prince,  foon  turned  his  enterprifesagainlt  France,  which 
he  found  more  expoied  to  his  inroads  +  ;  and  during  the 
reigns  of  Eudes,an  ufurper,  and  of  Charles  the'Simple,  a 
weak  prince,  he  committed  the  moft  deftrudtive  ravages 
both  on  the  inland  and  maritime  provinces  of  that  king- 
dom. The  French,  having  no  means  of  defence  againft 
a  leader,  who  united  all  the  valour  of  his  countrymen  with 
the  policy  of  more  civilised  nations,  were  obliged  to  fub- 
mitto  the  expedient  pra£tifed  by  Alfred,  and  to  offer  the 
invaders  a  fettlement  in  fome  of  thofe  provinces  which  they 
had  depopulated  by  their  arms  J. 

The  reafon  why  the  Danes  for  many  years  purfued 
meafures  fo  different  from  thofe  which  had  been  embraced 
by  the  Goths,  Vandals,  Franks,  Burgundians,  Lombards, 
and  other  northern  conquerors,  was  the  great  difference  in 
the  method  of  attack  which  was  practifed  by  thefe  feveral 
nations,  and  to  which  the  nature  of  their  refpective  filia- 
tions necelTarily  confined  thern.  The  latter  tribes,  living 
in  an  inland  country,  made  incurfions  by  land  upon  the 
Roman  empire;  and  when  they  entered  far  into  the  fron- 
tiers, they  were  obliged  to  carry  along  with,  them  their 
wives  and  families,  whom  they  had  no  hopes  of  foon  re- 
vifiting,  and  who  could  not  otherwife  participate  of  their 
plunder.  This  circumftance  quickly  made  them  think  of 
forcinga  fettlement  in  the  provinces  which  they  had  over- 
run; and  thele  barbarians,  fpreading  themfelves  over  the 
country,   found  an  interert  in  protecting  the  property  and 

*  Dudo,  p.  71.     Gul.  Gem.  yi  epift.  adGul.  Conq.' 
t  Gul.  Geuist.  lib,  a.  cap,  o.  \  Dudo,  p.  Si. 


»o4  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

p  induftry  of  the  people  whom  they  had  fubdued.  But  the 
*  Danes  and  Norwegians,  invited  by  their  maritime  fituation,;- 
and  obliged  to  maintain  themfelves  in  their  uncultivated 
country  by  fifhing,  had  acquired  fome  experience  of  na- 
vigation ;  and  in  their  military  excurfions  purfued  the  me- 
thod pradtifed  againft  the  Roman  empire  by  the  more  early 
Saxons :  They  made  defcents  in  fmall  bodies  from  their 
fhips,  or  rather  boats,  and  ravaging  the  coafts,  returned 
with  the  booty  to  their  families,  whom  they  could  not  con- 
veniently carry  along  them  in  thofe  hazardous  enterprifes. 
But  when  they  encreafed  their  armaments,  made  incurfions" 
into  the  inland  countries,  and  found  it  fafe  to  remain  lon- 
ger in  the  midft  of  the  enfeebled  enemy,  they  had  been 
accuftomed  to  crowd  their  veffelswith  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren, and  having  no  longer  any  temptation  to  return  to 
their  own  country,  they  willingly  embraced  an  opportuni- 
ty of  fettling  in  the  warm  climates  and  cultivated  fields  of 
the  fouth. 

Ar  fairs  were  in  this  fituation  with  Rollo  and  his  fol- 
lowers, when  Charles  propofed  to  relinquifh  to  them  part 
of  the  province  formerly  called  Neuftria,  and  to  purchafe 
peace  on  thefe  hard  conditions.  After  all  the  terms  were 
fully  fettled,  there  appeared  only  one  circumftance  fhock- 
ing  to  the  haughty  Dane:  He  was  required  to  do  homage 
to  Charles  for  this  province,  and  to  put  himfelf  in  that 
humiliating  pofture  impofed  on  vaffals  by  the  rites  of  the 
feudal  law.  He  long  refufed  to  fubmit  to  this  indignity  ; 
but  being  unwilling  to  lofe  fuch  important  advantages  for 
a  mere  ceremony,  he  made  a  facrifice  of  his  pride  to  his 
intereft,  and  acknowledged  himfelf,  in  form,  the  vaffal  of 
the  French  monarch*.  Charles  gave  him  his  daughter 
Gifla  in  marriage;  and,  that  he  might  bind  him  fafter  to 
his  interefts,  made  him  a  donation  of  a  confiderable  terri- 
tory, befides  that  which  he  was  obliged  to  furrender  to 
him  by  his  ftipulations.  When  fome  of  the  French  no- 
bles informed  him,  that,  in  return  for  fo  generous  a  prefenf, 
it  was  expected  that  he  fhould  throw  himfelf  at  the  king's 
feet,  and  make  fuitable  acknowledgments  for  his  bounty; 
Rollo  replied,  that  he  would  rather  decline  the  prefent  ; 
and  it  was  with  fome  difficulty  they  could  perfuade  him  to 
make  that  compliment  by  one  of  his  captains.  The  Dane, 
commiffioned  for  this  purpofe,  full  of  indignation  at  the 
Order,  and  defpifing  fo  unwarlike  a  prince,  caught  Charles 
by  the  foot,  and  pretending  to  carry  it  to  his  mouth,  that 
he  might  kifs  it,    overthrew  him  before  all  his  courtiers* 

*  Ypod.  Xeaft.  p.  417. 


E    T    H    E    L    R    E    D.  105 

The  French,  fenfible  of  their  prefent  weaknefs,  found  it  C  H  A  P. 
prudent  to  overlook  this  infultf.  III. 

Rollo,  who  was  now  in  the  decline  of  life,  and  was  v-*- — •— ^ 
tired  of  wars  and  depredations,  applied  himfelf,  with  ma- 
ture counfels,  to  the  iettlement  of  his  new-acquired  terri- 
tory, which  was  thenceforth  called  Normandy;  an/1  he 
parcelled  it  out  among  his  captains  and  followers.  He 
followed,  in  this  partition,  the  cuftoms  of  the  feudal  law, 
which  was  then  univerfally  eftablifhed  in  the  fouthern 
countries  of  Europe,  and  which  fuited  the  peculiar  cir- 
cumftances  of  that  age.  He  treated  the  French  fubjetls, 
who  fubmitted  to  him,  with  mildnefs  and  juflice;  he  re- 
claimed his  ancient  followers  from  their  ferocious  violence ; 
he  eftablifhed  law  and  order  throughout  his  ftate;  and  af- 
ter a  life  lpent  in  tumults  and  ravages,  he  died  peaceably 
in  a  good  old  age,  and  left  his  dominions  to  his  pofie- 
rityj. 

William  I.  who  fucceeded  him,  governed  the  dutchy 
twenty-five  years;  and,  during  that  time,  the  Normans 
were  thoroughly  intermingled  with  the  French,  had  ac- 
quired their  language,  had  imitated  their  manners,  and  had 
made  fuch  progrefs  towards  cultivation,  that,  on  the  death 
of  William,  his  fon  Richard,  though  a  minor||,  inherited 
his  dominions:  A  fure  proof  that  the  Normans  were  alrea- 
dy fomewhat  advanced  in  civility,  and  that  their  govern- 
ment could  now  reft  fecureon  its  laws  and  civil  inftituti- 
ons,  and  was  not  wholly  fuftained  by  the  abilities  of  the 
iovereign.  Richard,  after  along  reign  of  fifty-four  years, 
was  fucceeded  by  his  fon  of  the  fame  name,  in  the  year 
996** ;  which  was  eighty-five  years  after  the  firft  eftablifli- 
ment  of  the  Normans  in  France.  This  was  the  duke  who 
gave  his  fifter  Emma  in  marriage  to  Ethelred  king  of  Eng-  - 
land,  and  who  thereby  formed  connections  with  a  coun- 
try which  his  pofterity  was  fo  foon  after  deftined  to  fub- 
due. 

The  Danes  had  been  eftablifhed  during  a  longer  period 
in  England  than  in  France ;  and  though  the  limilarity  of 
their  original  language  to  that  of  the  Saxons,  invited  them 
to  a  more  early  coalition  with  the  natives,  they  had  hitherto 
found  fo  little  example  of  civilized  manners  among  the 
Englifh,  that  they  retained  all  their  ancient  ferocity,  and 
valued  themfelves  only  on  their  national  character  of  mili- 
tary bravery.  The  recent  as  well  as  more  ancient  atchieve- 

Vol.  I.  P 

f  Gul.  Gemet.  lib.  2.  cap.    17.  J  Gul.  Gemer.  lib.  2.  cap.  19, 

20,  21.  ||  Order.  Viulis,  p.  459.     Gul.  Gemet.  lib.  4.  cap.  1. 

M  Order.  Vitalis,  p.  459. 


io6  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND, 

C  H.  A  P.  merits  of  their  countrymen,  tended  to   fupport  this  idea; 
III.       and  the  Englifh  princes,  particularly  Atheiftan  and  Edgar, 

v— v ''  fep.frble  of  that  fuperionty,  had  been  accuflcmed  to  keep  in 

pay  bodies  of  Danilh   troops,  who  weFe  quartered   about  - 
the  country,  and  committed  many  violences  upon  the  in- 
habitants.  Thefe  mercenaries  had  attained  to  inch  a  height 
of  luxury,  according  to  the  old  Englilh  writers*,  that  they 
combed    their  hair  once  a    day,  bathed  themfelves  once  a 
week;  changed  their  clothes  frequently;  and  by  all  thefe 
aits  of  effeminacy*  as  well  as  by  their  military  character, 
had  rendered  themfelves  fo  agreeable  to   the  fair  fex,  that 
they  debauched  the  wives  and  daughters  of  the  Englifh, 
and  dishonoured  many  families.     But  what  moft  provoked 
the  inhabitants  u-'as,  that  infiead  of  defending  them  againft 
invaders,  they  were  ever  ready  to  betray  them  to  the    fo- 
reign Danes,  and  toaflbciate  themfelves  with  all  ftraggling 
patties  or  that  nation.     The  animofity  between  the  inha- 
bitants cf  Englifh  and  Danifh  race  had,  from  thefe  repeat- 
ed injuries,  rifen  to  a  great  height;  when  Ethelred,  from 
a  poiicy  incident  to  weak  princes,  embraced  the  cruel refo- 
iutionof  maffacring  the  latter  throughoutall  hisdominionsf. 
Secret  orders  were  difpatched  to  commence  the  execution 
efrery  where  on  the  fame  day :  and  the  feffival  of  St.  Brice, 
Kov.  13.    which  fell  on  a  Sunday,  the  day  on  which  the  Danes  ufu- 
ally  bathed  themfelves;  was  chofen  for  that  purpofe;     It  is 
neediefs  to  repeat  the  accounts  tranfmitted  concerning  the 
b^rharitv  of  thismaffacre  :  The  rage  of  the  populace,,  ex- 
cited by  fo  many  injuries,  fanflified  by  authority,  and  fti- 
muhted  by  example,  diftinguifhed  not  between  innocence 
aiid  guilt,  fpared  neither  fex  not  age,  and  was  not  fatiated 
without  the  tortures  as  well  as  death  ©f  the    unhappy  vic- 
tims.    EvenGunilda,  filler  to  the  king  of  Denmark,  who 
had  married  earl  Paling,  and  had  embraced  Chriflianity, 
was,  by    the  advice  of  EdriCj  earl  of  Wilts,  feized  and 
condemned  to  death  by  Ethelred,  after  feeing  her  hufband 
and  children  butchered  before#.her  face.     This  unhappy 
princels  foretold,  in  the  agonies  of  defpair,  that  her  mur- 
der would  foon  be  avenged    by  the  total  ruin  of  the  Eng- 
lish nation. 
iooj.        Never  was  prophecy  better  fulfilled ;  and   never  did 
barbarous  policy  prove  more  fatal  to  the  authors.     Sweyn 
and  his  Danes,  who  wanted  but  a  pretence  for  invading  the 
E,nglifh,  appeared   off  the  weftcrn  coafr.,  and  threatened' 
(o  take  full  revenge  for  the  flaughter  of  their  countrymen. 
Exeter    fell  firft  into  their  hands,  from  the  negligence  or 
treachery  of  earl  Hugh,  a  Norman,  who  had  been  made 

*  Wallinjford,  p.  547.  -f  See  note  [D]  at -the  end  cf  the  volum:. 


E    T     H     E    L    R     £    D.  1&7 

governor  by  the  intereft  of  queen  Emma.     They  began  to  C  HAP. 
i'pread  their  devaftations  over  the  country;   when  the  Eng-        11]. 

ii in,   fenfible    what  outrages  they  mull   now    expect  from  v ^-rr/ 

their  barbarous  and  offended  enemy,  afiembied  more  ear- 
ly, and  in  greater  numbers  than  ufual,  and  made  an  ap- 
pearance of  vigorous  refrftunce.  But  all  thefe  preparati- 
ons were  frufirated  by  the  treachery  of  duke  Alfric,  who 
was  intruded  with  the  command,  and  who,  feigning  fick- 
nefs,  refufed  to  lead  the  army  againft  the  Danes,  til!  it 
vasdilpirited,  and  at  laft  diffinated,  by  his  fatal  mi  (conduct. 
Alfric  foon  after  died;  and  EdfrlC,  a  greater  traitor  than  he, 
■who  had  married  the  king's  daughter,  and  had  acquired  a 
total  afcemlant  over  him,  fucceeded  Alfric  in  the  govern- 
ment of  Men  in,  and  in  the  command  of  the  Engiifh  ar- 
mies. A  great  famine,  proceeding  partly  from  the  bad  fea- 
4bns,  partiv  from  the  decay  of  agriculture,  added  to  all  the 
other  miferies  of  the  inhabitants.  The  country,  wafted 
by  the  Danes,  haraifed  by  the  fruitlefs  expeditions  of  its 
own  forces,  was  reduced  to  the  utmoft  defolaticn ;  and  at 
Jail  fubmitted  to  the  infamy  cf  purchdfing  a  precarious 
peace  from  the  enemy,  by  the  payment  of  30,000  pounds.         locjfj 

7"he  Englifli  endeavoured  to  employ  this  interval  in 
making  preparations  againft  the  return  of  the  Panes,  which 
they  had  realbn  loon  to  expect.  A  Ijw  was  made,  order- 
ing the  proprietors  of  eight  hydes  of  land  to  ptovide  each 
a  horfeman  and  a  complete  (hit  of  armour;  and  thofe  of 
310  hydes  to  equip  a  (hip  for  the  defence  of  the  coaft. 
When  this  navy  was  afiemhled,  which  mvft  have  conhfted 
of  near  eight  hundred  ve(Ie!s*,all  hopes  of  its  fuccefs  were 
disappointed  by  the  factions,  animosities,  and  dilTenllon^ 
of  the  nobility.  Edric  had  impelled  his  brother  Brightric 
.to  prefer  an  accufation  oftieafon  againft  Wolfnotii,  gover- 
nor of  Suffex,  the  father  of  the  famous  earl  Godwin  ;  and 
(hat  nobleman,  well  acquainted  with  the  malevolence  as 
well  as  power  of  his  enemv,  found  vo  means  of  fafety  but 
in  deferting  with  twenty  (hips  to  the  Danes.  Hrightric  pt:r- 
fued  irim  with  a  fleet  of  eighly  fail;  but  his  mips  being 
(battered  in  a  tempeft,  and  ft  rinded  on  the  ccaft,  he  was 
fuddenly  attacked  by  Wolfnolh,  and  all  his  veflels  burnt 
and  deftioyed.  'I  he  imbecility  of  the  king  was  little  ca- 
pable of  repairing  \i>H  misfortune  :  Flic  treachery  of  E- 
dric  frufirated  cvtiy  plan  for  future  defence:  And  the  Eng- 
lish navy,  difi  ',  discouraged*,  and  divided,  was  at 
Jalt  Scattered  into  its  fevcral  i.«  rbours. 


fnl& 


10S  HISTORY    OF    ENGLA  ND. 

It  is  almoft  impoffible,  or  would  be  tedious,  to  relate 
particularly  all  the  miferies  to  which  the  Englifh  were 
thenceforth  expofed.  We  hear  of  nothing  but  the  facking 
and  burning  of  towns ;  the  devaluation  of  the  open  coun- 
try ;  the  appearance  of  the  enemy  in  svcry  quarter  of  the 
kingdom  ;  their  cruel  diligence  in  difcovering  any  corner 
which  had  not  been  ranfacked  by  their  former  violence. 
The  broken  and  disjointed  narration  of  the  ancient  hifto- 
rians  is  here  well  adapted  to  the  nature  of  the  war,  which 
was  conducted  by  fuch  fudden  inroads  as  would  have  been 
dangerous  even  to  an  united  and  well-governed  kingdom, 
but  proved  fatal,  where  nothing  but  a  general  confterna- 
tion  and  mutual  diffidence  and  diflenfion  prevailed.  The 
governors  of  one  province  refufed  to  march  to  the  affiftance 
of  another,  and  were  at  laft  terrified  from  aflembling 
their  forces  for  the  defence  of  their  own  province.  General 
councils  were  fummoned  ;  but  either  no  resolution  was 
taken,  or  none  was  carried  into  execution.  And  the  only 
expedient  in  which  the  Englifh  agreed,  was  the  bafe  and 
imprudent  one  of  buying  a  new  peace  from  the  Dapes,  by 
the  payment  of  48,000  pounds. 

This  meafure  did  not  bring  them  even  that  ihort  inter- 
val of  repofe  which  they  had  expected  from  it.  The 
Danes,  difregarding  all  engagements,  continued  their 
devaluations  and  hoftilities  ;  levied  a  new  contribution  of 
8000  pounds  upon  the  county  of  Kent  alone  ;  murdered 
the  archbilhop  of  Canterbury,  who  had  refufed  to  coun- 
tenance this  exaction  ;  and  the  Englifh  nobility  found  no 
other  refource  than  that  of  Submitting  every  where  to  the 
Danifh  monarch,  fwearing  allegiance  to  him,  and  deliver- 
1013.  i"g  him  hoftages  for  their  fidelity.  Ethelred,  equally 
1  *  afraid  of  the  violence  of  the  enemy  and  the  treachery  of 
his  own  Subjects,  fled  into  Normandy,  whither  he  had 
lent  before  him  queen  Emma,  and  her  two  fons  Alfred 
and  Edward.  Richard  received  his  unhappy  guefls  with 
a  generofity  that  does  honour  to  his  memory. 

The  king  had  not  been  above  fix  weeks  in  Normandy 
xol4«  when  he  heard  of  the  death  of  Sweyn,  who  expired  at 
Gainfborough,  before  he  had  time  to  efiablifh  himfelf  in 
his  new-acquired  dominions.  "The  Englifh  prelates  and 
nobility,  taking  advantage  of  this  event,  lent  over  a  de- 
putation to  Normandy  ;  invited  Ethelred  to  return  to  them, 
cxprellinga  defire  of  being  again  governed  by  their  na- 
tive prince,  and  intimating  their  hopes  that,  being  now 
tutored  by  experience,  he  would  avoid  all  thofe  errors 
which  had  been  attended  with  fuch  misfortunes  to  himfelf 
and  to  his  people.  But  the  mifconduct  of  Ethelred  was 
incurable  ;  and  on  his  reluming  the  government,  he  dif- 


ETHELRED.  109 

covered  the  fame  incapacity,  indolence,  cowardice,  and  CHAP. 
credulity,  which  had  fo  often   expo  fed   him  to  the  infults      111. 

of  his  enemies.     His  fon-in-law,  Edric,  notwithstanding  ' — — ' 

his  repeated  treafons,  retained  fuch  influence  at  court,  as 
to  inftil  into  the  king  jealoufies  of  Sigefert  and  Morcar, 
two  of  the  chief  nobles  of  Mercia  :  Edric  allured  them  in- 
to his  houfe,  where  he  murdered  them  ;  while  Ethel- 
red  participated  in  the  infamy  of  the  action,  by  confifcating 
their  eftates,  and  thruiting  into  a  convent  the  widow  of 
Sigefert.  She  was  a  woman  of  fingular  beauty  and  merit  ; 
and  in  a  vifit  which  was  paid  her,  during  her  confinement, 
by  prince  Edmond,  the  king's  eldeft  fon,  fhe  infpired 
him  with  fo  violent  an  affection,  that  he  releafed  her  from 
the  convent,  and  foon  after  married  her  without  the  con- 
fent  of  his  father. 

Meanwhile  theEnglifh  found  in  Canute,  the  fon  and 
fucceljor  of  Sweyn,  an  enemy  no  lefs  terrible  than  the 
prince  from  whom  death  had  fo  lately  delivered  them. 
He  ravaged  the  eaftern  coaft  with  mercilefs  fury,  and 
put  afhore  all  the  Englifh  hoftages  at  Sandwich,  after 
having  cut  off  their  hands  and  noles.  He  was  obliged, 
by  the  neceffity  of  his  affairs,  to  make  a  vovage  to  Den  • 
mark  ;  but  returning  foon  after,  he  continued  his  depre- 
dations along  the  fouthern  coaft :  He  even  broke  into  the 
counties  of  Dorfet,  Wilts,  and  Somerfet ;  where  an  ar- 
my was  aiTembled  againft  him,  under  the  command  of 
prince  Edmond  and  duke  Edric.  The  latter  fli  1  con- 
tin  ted  his  perfidious  machinations  ;  and  after  endea- 
vouring in  vain  to  get  the  prince  into  his  power,  he  found 
means  to  difperfe  the  army;  and  he  then  openly  deferted  I0I5« 
to  Canute  with  forty  veffels. 

Notwithstanding  this  misfortune,  Edmond  was  not 
difconcerted  ;  but  affembling  all  the  force  of  England, 
was  in  a  condition  to  cjve  battle  to  th^  enemy.  The  king 
had  had  fuch  frequent  experience  of  perfidy  among  his 
fubjech,  that  he  had  loft  ali  confidence  in  them  :  He 
remained  at'  London,  pretending  ficknefs,  but  really 
from  apprehenfions  that  they  intended  to  buy  their  peace, 
by  delivering  him  into  th,e  hands  of  his  enemies.  The 
army  called  aloud  for  their  fovereign  to  march  at  their  head 
againftthe  Danes  ;  and,  on  his  refufai  to  take  the  field, 
they  were  fo  dilcouraged,  that  thofc  vaft  preparations  be- 
came ineffectual  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom.  Edmond, 
deprived  of  all  regular  fupplies  to  maintain  his  foldiers, 
was  obliged  to  commit  equal  ravages  with  thofe  which 
were  practffed  by  the  Danes  ;  and  after  making  foine  fruit- 
lefs  expeditions  into  the  north,  which  had  fubmitted  en- 
tirely to  Canute's  power,  he  retired  to  London,  determin- 


ho  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  ed  there  to  maintain,  to  the  iaft  extremity,  the  (mail  tc» 
III.       mains  of  Englifh  liberty.     He  here  found    every  thing  in 

v — v '  confufion  by  the  death  of  the  king,  who    expired  after  an 

joi6.  unhappy  and  inglorious  reign  of  thirty-five  years.  He 
left  two  fons  by  his  firll  marriage,  Edmond,  who  fucceed- 
ed  him,  and  E'Jvvy,  whom  Canute  afterwards  murder- 
ed. His  two  fons  by  the  fecond  marriage,  Alfred  and 
Edward,  were  immediately,  upon  Ethelred's  death,  con- 
veyed into  Normandy  by  qutcn  Emma. 


EDMOND     Iron-side. 


THIS  prince,  who  received  the  name  of  Ironfide 
from  his  hardy  valour,  poffelTed  courage  and  abilities 
fufficient  to  have  prevented  his  country  from  finking  into 
thofe  calamities,  but  not  to  raife  it  from  that  abyfs  of  mife- 
ry,  into  which  it  had  already  fallen.  Among  the  other 
misfortunes  of  the  Englifh,  treachery  and  difaffeclion  had 
creeped  in  among  the  nobility  and  prelates;  and  Edmond 
found  no  better  expedient  for  flopping  the  farther  progrefs 
of  thefe  fatal  evils,  than  to  lead  his  army  inffantly  into  the 
field,  and  to  employ  them  againft  the  common  enemy. 
After  meeting  with  fome  i'uecefs  at  Gillingham,  be  pre- 
pared himfelf  to  decide,  in  one  general  engagement,  the 
fate  of  his  crown;  and  at  Scocrfton,  in  the  county  ofGlo- 
cefler,  he  offered  battle  to  the  enemy,  who  were  com- 
manded by  Canute  and  Edric.  Fortune,  in  the  beginning 
of  the  day,  declared  for  him ;  but  Edric,  having  cut  off 
the  head  of  one  Ofmer,  whole  countenance  rcfembled  that 
of  Edmond,  fixed  it  on  a  fpear,  carried  it  through  the 
ranks  in  triumph,  and  called  aloud  to  the  Englifh,  that 
it  was  time  to  fly;  for,  behold  !  the  head  of  their  fove- 
reign.  And  though  Edmond,  obferving  the  confirmation 
of  the  frcops,  took  off  his  helmet  and  fhowed  himfelf  to 
them,  the  utinofl  he  could  gain  by  his  activity  and  valour 
was  to  leave  the  victory  undecided.  Edric  now  took  a  furcr 
method  to  ruin  him,  by  pretending  to  defert  to  him  ;  and  as 
Edmond  was  well  acquainted  with  his  power,  and  proba- 
bly knew  no  ether  of  the  chief  nobility  in  whom  he 
could  repofe  more  confidence,  he  was  obliged,  notwith- 
flanding  the  repeated  perfidy  of  the  man,  to  give  him  a 
confiderablc  command  in  the  army.  A  battle  fopn  after 
eh  fifed  at  Affington  in  ElTex;  where  Edric,  flying  in  the 
beginning  of  the  dav,  occauoned  the  total  defeat  of  the 
Engli'h,  followed    by   a  great  flaughter  cf  the    nobility. 


C    A     N     U     T    E.  in 

The  indefatigable  Edmond,  however,   had  it. Ill  rciourccs  ".  Q  \-\  a  p^ 
Atlembiing  a  new  army  at  deceit  er,  he  was  again  in  a       lil. 

condition  todifpute  the  held;   when  the   Danhh and  Eng-  * « ' 

liih  nobility,  equally  haraffed  with  thole  convulfions,  obli- 
ged their  kings  to  come  to  a  compromifc,  and  to  divide 
the  kingdom  between  them  by  treaty.  Canute  referved  to 
himfelf  the  northern  divihon,  conlifting  of  Mcrcia,  Eaft- 
Anglia,  and  Northumberland,  which,  he  had  entirely  fub- 
dued  :  The  fouthern  parts  were  left  to  Edmond.  Tins 
prince i*arrivcd  the  treaty  about  a  month:  He  was  murder- 
ed at  Oxford  by  two  of  his  chamberlains,  accomplices  of 
Edric.who  thereby  made  way  for  the  iucceilion  of  Canute 
the  Dane  to  the  crown  of  England. 


CANUTE. 


TH  E  Englilh,  who  had  been  unable  to  defend  their 
Country,  and  maintain  their  independency,  under  fo 
active  and  biave  a  prince  as  Edmond,  could,  after  his  death,, 
expect  nothing  but  total  fubjecuon  from  Canute,  who,  adtive 
and  brave  himfelf,  and  at  the  head  of  a  great  force,  was 
ready  to  take  advantage  of  the  minority  of  Edwin  and 
Edward,  t lie  two  fons  of  Edmond.  Yet  this  conqueror, 
who  was  commonly  fo  little  fcrnpulous,  fhowed  himfelf 
anxious  to  cover  his  injuftice  under  plaufible  pretences: 
Before  he  feized  the  dominions  of  the  Englilh  princes,  he 
fummoned  a  general  ailembly  of  the  ftales,  in  order  to  fix 
the  fucceffion  of  the  kingdom.  He  here  fuborned  forr.e 
nobles  to  depofe  that,  in  the  treaty  of  Gloccfter,  it  had 
been  verbally  agreed  either  to  name  Canute,  in  cafe  of 
Edmond's  death,  fucccllor  to  his  dominions,  or  tutor  to  his 
children  (for  hiftorians  vary  in  this  particular)  :  And  that 
evidence,  fupported  by  the  great  power  of  Canute,  deter- 
mined the  Hates  immediately  to  put  the  Danifh  monarch  in 
pofleffion  of  the  government.  Canute,  jealous  of  the  two 
princes,  Eat  lenfible  that  he  fhouid  render  himfelf  ex- 
tremely odious  if  he  ordered  them  to  be  difpatched  in  Eng- 
land, lent  them  abroad  to  his  ally  the  king  of  Sweden, 
whom  he  dcfired,  as  foon  as  they  arrived  at  his  court,  to 
free  him  by  their  death  from  all  farther  anxiety.  The  Swe- 
di!h  monarch  was  too  generous  to  comply  with  the  rcquefi; 
but  being  afraid  of  drawing  on  himfelf  a  quarrel  with  Ca- 
nute, by  protecting  the  young  princes,  he  lent  them  to 
Solomon,  king  of  Hungary,  to  be  educated  in  his  court. 
The  elder  Edwin  was  afterwards  married   to  the  fifter  of 


112  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  the  king  of  Hungary  ;  but  the  Englifh  prince  dying  with- 
III.       out  iflue,  Solomon  gave  his  fifter-in-law,  Agatha,  daughter 

v v '  of  the   emperor    Henry    II.  in  marriage   to    Edward  the 

younger  brother;  and  (he  bore  him  Edgar  Athellng,  Mar- 
garet, afterwards  queen  of  Scotland,  and  Lihriftina,  who 
retired  into  a  convent. 

Canute,  though  he  had  reached  the  great  point  of  his 
ambition,  in  obtaining  poffeflion  of  the  Englifh  crown,  was 
obliged  at  firft  to  make  great  facrifices  to  it;  and  to  gratify 
the  chief  of  the  nobility,  by  bellowing  on  them  the  moil 
cxtenfive  governments  and  jurisdictions.  He  created  Thur- 
kill  earl  or  duke  of  Eaft-Anglia  (for  thefe  titles  were  then 
nearly  of  the  fame  import),  Yric  of  Northumberland,  and 
Edricof  Mercia;  referving  only  to  himfelf  theadminiflra- 
tion  of  Weflex.  But  feizing  afterwards  a  favourable  op- 
portunity, he  expelled  Thurkill  and  Yric  from  their  go- 
vernments, and  banifhed  them  the  kingdom:  He  put  to 
death  many  of  the  Engliih  nobility,  on  whofe  fidelity  he 
could  not  rely,  and  whom  he  hated  on  account  of  their 
dilloyalty  to  their  native  prince.  And  even  the  traitor 
Edric,  having  had  the  affurance  to  reproach  him  with  his 
fervices,  was  condemned  to  be  executed,  and  his  body  to  be 
thrown  into  the  Thames;  a  fuitable  reward  for  his  multi- 
plied a£ls  of  perfidy  and  rebellion. 

Canute  alfo  found  himfelf  obliged,  in  the  beginning 
of  his  reign,  to  load  the  people  with  heavy  taxes,  in  order 
to  reward  his  Danifh  followers  :  He  exacted  from  them  at 
one  time  the  fum of  72,000  pounds;  befides  1 1,000  pounds 
which  he  levied  on  London  alone.  He  was  probably  wil- 
ling, from  political  motives,  to  mu!6l  feverely  that  city, 
on  account  of  the  affection  which  it  had  borne  to  Edmond, 
and  the  refinance  which  it  had  made  to  the  Danifh  power 
in  two  obftinate  fieges*.  But  thefe  rigours  were  imputed 
to  neceflity  ;  and  Canute,  like  a  wife  prince,  was  deter- 
mined that  the  Englifh,  now  deprived  of  all  their  danger- 
ous leaders,  fhould  be  reconciled  to  the  Danifh  yoke,  by 
the  juflice  and  impartiality  of  hisadminiftration.  He  fent 
back  to  Denmark  as  many  of  his  followers  as  he  could 
fafely  fpare  :  He  reflored  the  Saxon  cufloms  in  a  general 
aflembly  of  the  flates:  He  made  no  diftinction  between 
Danes  and  Englifh  in  the  diflribution  of  juftice  :  And  he 
took  care,  by  a  ftri£t  execution  of  law,  to  protect  the  lives 
and  properties  of  all  his  people.  The  Danes  were  gradu- 
ally incorporated  with  his  new  fubjecls;  and  both  were 
glad  to  obtain  a  little  refpite  from  thofe  multiplied  calami- 

*  W.'Malm.  p.  72.     In  one  of  thefe  Geges,  Canute  diverted  the  courfe  of 
the  Thames,  and  by  that  means  brought  his  fhips  above  London  bridge. 


CANUTE.  113 

ties  from  which  the  one,  no  lefs  than  the  other,  had,  in  c  H  A  P. 
their  fierce  conteft  for  power,  experienced  fuch  fatal  con-        HI. 
Sequences.  #  §  v * ' 

The  removal  of  Edmond's  children  into  fo  diflant  a 
country  as  Hungary,  was,  next  to  their  death,  regarded 
by  Canute  as  the  greateft  fecurity  to  his  government :  He 
had  no  farther  anxiety,  except  with  regard  to  Alfred  and 
Edward,  who  were  protected  and  fupported  by  their  ut.ele, 
Richard  duke  of  Normandy.  Richard  even  fitted  out  a 
great  armament,  in  order  to  reffore  the  Englifh  princes 
to  the  throne  of  their  anceftors;  and  though  the  navy  was 
difperfedby  aftorm,  Canute  faw  the  danger  to  which  he 
wasexpofed  from  the  enmity  of  fo  warlike  a  people  as  the 
Normans*  In  order  to  acquire  the  friendfhip  of  the  duke, 
he  paid  his  addrelTes  to  queen  Emma,  fifler  of  that  prince  ; 
and  promifed  that  he  would  leave  the  children,  whom  lie 
fhould  have  by  that  marriage,  in  pofTeffion  of  the  crown  of 
England.  Richard  complied  with  his  demand,  and  fent 
over  Emma  to  England,  where  fhe  was  foon  after  married 
to  Canute*.  The  Englifh,  though  they  difapproved  of  her 
efpoufing  the  mortal  enemy  of  her  former  hufband  and  his 
family,  were  pleafed  to  find  at  court  a  fovereign,  to  whom 
they  were  accuftomed,  and  who  had  already  formed  con- 
nections with  them  :  And  thus  Canute,  befides  fecuring 
by  this  marriage  the  alliance  of  Normandy,  gradually  ac- 
quired, by  the  fame  means,  the  confidence  of  his  own  iub- 
jectsf.  The  Norman  prince  did  not  long  furvive  the  mar- 
riage of  Emma;  and  he  left  the  inheritance  of  the  dutchy 
to  his  eldeft  fon  of  the  fame  name ;  who  dying  a  year  after 
him  without  children,  was  fucceeded  by  his  brother  Ro- 
bert, a  man  of  valour  and  abilities. 

Canute,  having  fettled  his  power  in  England  beyond 
all  danger  of  a  revolution,  made  a  voyage  to  Denmark,  in 
order  to  refifl  the  attacks  of  the  king  of  Sweden  ;  and  he 
carried  along  with  him  a  great  body  of  the  Englith,  under 
the  command  of  earl  Godwin.  This  nobleman  had  here 
an  opportunity  of  performing  a  ferviqe,  by  which  he  both 
reconciled  the  king's  mind  to  the  Englifh  nation,  and, 
gaining  to  himfelf  the  friendfhip  of  his  fovereign,  laid  the 
foundation  of  that  immenfe  fortune  which  he  acquired  to 
his  family.  He  was  now  ftationed  next  the  Swedifh  camp; 
and  obferving  a  favourable  opportunity,  which  he  was 
obliged  fuddenly  to  feize,  he  attacked  the  enemy  in  the 
night,  drove  them  from  their  trenches,  threw  them  into  dis- 
order, purfued  hisadvantage,  and  obtained  a  decifive  vic- 

Vol.  I.  Q 

*  Chron.Sax.  p.  151.     W.  Malinef.  p.  73.  t  W.  Malmef.  p.  73. 

Hljde-n,  p.  274. 


ii4  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  tory  over  them.     Next  morning  Canute,  feeing  the  Eng- 
III.       li!h    camp    entirely  abandoned,  imagined  that  thofe  dif- 

* v 1  affected  troops  had  delated  to  the  enemy  :  He  was  agreea- 
bly furprifed  to  find  that  they  were  at  that  time  engaged  in 
purfuitof  the  difcomfited  Swedes.  He  was  fo  pleafed  with 
his  fuccefs,  and  with  the  manner  of  obtaining  it,  that  he 
bellowed  his  daughter  in  marriage  upon  Godwin,  and 
treated  him  ever  alter  with  entire  confidence  and  regard. 
1028.  In  another  voyage,  which  he  made  afterwards  to  Den- 
mark, Canute  attacked  Norwav,  and  expelling  the  juft 
*  but  unwarlike  Olaus,  kept  poiTeffion  of  his  kingdom  till 
the  death  of  that  prince.  He  had  now.  by  his  conquefts 
and  valour,  attained  the  utrr.oft  height  of  grandeur  :  Ha- 
ving leifure  from  wars  and  intrigues,  he  felt  the  unfatis- 
factory  nature  of  all  human  enjoyments;  and,  equally 
wearv  of  the  glories  and  turmoils  of  this  life,  he  began  to 
caff  his  view  towards  that  future  exiftence,  which  it  is  fo 
natural  for  the  human  mind,  whether  fatiated  by  profperi- 
ty,  or  difgufted  with  adverfity,to  make  the  objedi  of  its 
attention.  Unfortunately,  the  fpirit  which  prevailed  in 
that  age  gave  a  wrong  direction  to  his  devotion  :  li  ftead 
of  making  compenfation  to  thofe  whom  he  had  injured  by 
his  former  a<fls  of  violence,  he  employed  himfelf  entirely 
in  thofe  exercifes  of  piety  which  the  monks  reprefenred  as 
the  moil  meritorious.  He  built  churches,  he  endowed 
monaileries,  he  enriched  the  ecclefiaftic  ■,  and  he  beftowed 
revenues  for  the  fupport  of  chantries  at  Affington  and  other 
places;  where  he  appointed  prayers  to  be  faid  for  the  fouls 
of  thole  who  had  there  fallen  in  battle  againft  him.  He 
even  undertook  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  where  he  refided 
a  considerable  time:  Befides  obtaining  from  the  pope  fomc 
privileges  for  the  Englifh  fchool  erected  there,  he  engaged 
all  the  princes,  through  whofe  dominions  he  was  obliged 
to  pafs,  to  defift  from  thofe  heavy  impofitions  and  tolls 
which  they  were  accuftomed  to  exact  from  the  Englifh 
pilgrims.  By  this  fpirit  of  devotion,  no  lefs  than  by  his 
equitable  and  politic  adminiftration,  he  gained,  in  a  good 
meafure,  the  affections  of  his  fubjecls. 

Canute,  the  greateft  and  moft  powerful  monarch  of  his 
time,  fovereign  of  Denmark  and  Norway,  as  well  as  of 
England,  could  not  fail  of  meeting  with  adulation  from 
his  courtiers;  a  tribute  which  is  liberally  paid  even  to  the 
meaner!  and  weakeft  princes.  Some  of  his  flatterers  break- 
ingoutoneday  in  admiration  of  his  grandeur,  exclaimed  that 
every  thing  was  pofhble  for  him:  Upon  which  ihe  mo- 
narch, it  is  faid,  ordered  his  chair  to  be  fet  on  the  fea-fhore, 
while  the  tide  was  rifing;  and  as  the  waters  approached, 
he  commanded  them  to  retire,  and  to  obey  the  voice   of 


CANUTE.  u5 

him  who  was  lord  of  the  ocean.     He  feigned  to  fit  fome  CHAP* 
time  in  expectation  of  their  lubmiffion  ;   but  when   the  lea       III. 

ftill  advanced  towards  him,  and   began  to  warn  him  with  <- j * 

its  billows,  he  turned  to  his  courtiers,  and  remarked  to 
them,  that  every  creature  in  the  univerfe  was  feeble  and 
impotent,  and  that  power  refided  with  one  Being  alone, 
in  whole  hands  were  all  the  elements  of  nature;  who  could 
fay  to  the  ocean,  Thus  far  (halt  thou  go,  and  no  farther', 
and  who  could  level  with  his  nod  the  moil  towering  piles 
of  human  pride  and  ambition. 

The  only  memorable  action  which  Canute  performed  feu, 
after  his  return  from  Rome,  was  an  expedition  againft 
Malcolm,  king  of  Scotland.  During  the  reign  of  Ethel- 
red,  a  tax  of  a  (hilling  a  hyde  had  been  impoleJ  on  all  the 
lands  of  England.  It  was  commonly  called  Danrgelt  ; 
becaufe  the  revenue  had  been  employed,  either  in  buying 
peace  with  the  Danes,  or  in  making  preparations  againft 
the  inro.ids  of  trut  hoftile  nation.  That  monarch  had  re- 
quired that  the  lame  tax  fhould  be  paid  by  Cumberland 
which  was  held  by  the  Scots  ;  but  Malcolm,  a  warlike 
prince,  told  him,  that  as  he  was  always  able  torepulfe  the 
Danes  bv  his  own  power,  he  would  neither  fubmit  to  buy 
peace  of  his  enemies,  nor  pay  others  for  refifting  them. 
Ethelred,  offender!  at  this  reply,  which  contained  a  fecret 
reproach  on  his  own  conduct,  undertook  an  expedition 
againft  Cumberland;  but  though  he  committed  ravages 
upon  the  country,  he  could  never  bring  Malcolm  to  a  tem- 
per more  humble  or  fubmiffive.  Canute,  after  his  accef- 
fion,  fummoned  theScottifh  king  to  acknowledge  himfelf 
a  vaffal  for  Cumberland  to  the  crown  of  England  ;  but 
Malcolm  refuled  compliance,  on  pretence  that  he  owed 
homage  to  thofe  princes  only  who  inherited  that  kingdom 
by  right  of  blood.  Canute  was  not  of  a  temper  to  bear  this 
infult;  and  the  king  of  Scotland  foon  found  that  the  Iceptre 
was  in  very  different  hands  from  thole  of  the  feeble  and  ir- 
refolute  Ethelred.  Upon  Canute's  appearing  on  the  frontiers 
with  a  formidable  army,  Malcolm  agreed  that  his  grandlbn 
and  heir,  Duncan,  whom  he  put  in  polTeffion  of  Cumber- 
land, fliould  make  the  fubrtii  (lions  required,  and  that  the 
heirs  of  Scotland  (hould  always  acknowledge  themfehes 
vaffals  to  England  for  that  province*. 

Canute  palled  four  years  in  peace  after  this  enterprife, 
and  he  died  at  Shaftfburyf  ;  leaving  three  Ions,  Sweyn, 
Harold,  and  Hardioanute.  Sweyn,  whom  he  had  by  his 
firft  marriage  with  Alfwen,  daughter  of  the  earl  of  Hamp- 

♦   Y.'  74. 


n6  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  fhire, was  crowned  in  Norway'.  Hardicanute,  whom  Em- 
III.       ma  had  born  him,  was  in  pofTeffion  of  Denmark  :  Harold, 

*— v '  who  was  of  the  fame  marriage  with  Sweyn,  was  at  that 

time  in  England. 


HAROLD    HAREFOOT. 


i°J5- 


THOUGH  Canute,  in  his  treaty  with  Richard, 
duke  of  Normandy,  had  ftipulated  that  his  children 
by  Emmafhould  fucceed  to  the  crown  of  England,  he  had 
either  confidered  himfelf  as  releafed  from  that  engagement 
by  the  d^ath  of  Richard,  or  efleemed  it  dangerous  to  leave 
an  unfettled  and  newly  conquered  kingdom  in  the  hands 
of  fo  young  a  prince  as  Hardicanute  :  He  therefore  ap- 
pointed, by  his  will,  Harold  fucceffor  to  the  crown.  This 
prince  was  befides  prefent,  to  maintain  his  claim;  he  was 
favoured  by  all  the  Danes;  and  he  got  immediately  pofTef- 
lion of  hisfather's  treafures,  which  might  be  equally  ufeful, 
whether  he  found  it  neceffary  to  proceed  by  force  or  intrigue, 
in  infuring  his  (ucceffion.  On  the  other  hand,  Hardicanute 
had  the  fuffrages  of  the  En»lifh,  who,  on  account  of  his 
being  born  among  them  of  queen  Emma,  regarded  him  as 
their  countryman  ;  he  was  favoured  by  the  articles  of  treaty 
with  the  duke  of  Normandy;  and  above  all,  his  party  was 
efpoufed  by  earl  Godwin,  the  moft  powerful  nobleman  in 
the  kingdom,  efpecially  in  the  province  of  VVeffex,  the 
chief  feat  of  the  ancient  Englifh.  .Affairs  were  likely  to 
terminate  in  a  civil  war  ;  when,  by  the  interpofifion  of  the 
nobility  cf  both  parties,  a  compromife  was  made;  and  it 
was  agreed  that  Harold  fhould  enjoy,  together  with  Lon- 
don, all  the  provinces  north  of  the  Thames,  while  the 
pofTeffion  of  the  fouth  fhould  remain  to  Hardicanute  ;  and 
.till  that  prince  Ihould  appear  and  take  pofTeffion  of  his  do- 
minions, Emma  fixed  her  refidence  at  Winchefter,  and 
eftablifhed  her  authority  over  her  fon's  fhare  of  the  par- 
tition. 

Meanwhile  Robert,  duke  of  Normandy,  died  in  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land,  and  being  fucceeded  by  a 
Ion,  yet  a  minor,  the  two  Englifh  princes,  Alfred  and 
Edward,  who  found  no  longer  any  countenance  or  protec- 
tion in  that  country,  gladly  embraced  the  opportunity  of 
paying  a  vifit,  with  a  numerous  retinue,  to  their  mother 
Emma,  who  feemed  to  be  placed  in  a  ftate  of  fo  much 
power  and  fplendorat  Winchefter.    But  the  face  of  affair.; 


HARDICANUTE.  117 

foon  wore  a  melancholy  afpecL     Earl  Godwin  had  been  CHAP, 
gained  by  the  arts  of  Harold,  who  promifed  to  efpoufe  the       III. 

daughter  of  that  nobleman  ;   and  while  the  treaty  was  yet  ' «/ ' 

a  fecret,  thefe  two  tyrants  laid  a  plan  for  the  deftruction 
of  the  En^lifh  princes.  Alfred  was  invited  to  London  by 
Harold  with  many  profeffions  of  fricndfbip;  but  when  he 
had  reached  Guilford,  he  was  fet  upon  by  Godwin's  vaffals, 
about  fix  hundred  of  his  train  were  murdered  in  the  moft 
cruel  manner,  he  himfelf  was  taken  pnfoner,  his  eyes  were 
put  out,  and  he  was  conducted  to  the  monaftery  of  Ely, 
where  he  died  foon  after*.  Edward  and  Emma,  apprifed 
of  the  fate  which  was  awaiting  them,  fled  beyond  fea,  the 
former  into  Normandy,  the  latter  into  FJanders.  While 
Harold,  triumphing  in  his  bloodv  policy,  look  poffeffion, 
without  refiftance,  of  all  the  dominions  affigned  to  his 
brother. 

Tmis  is  the  only  memorable  action  performed,  during 
a  reign  of  four  years,  by  this  prince,  who  gave  fo  bad  a 
fpecimen  of  his  character,  and  whole  bodily  accomplifh- 
ments  alone  are  known  to  us  by  his  appellation  of  Barefoot, 
which  he  acquired  from  his  agility  in  running  and  walking. 
He  died  on  the  14th  of  April,  1039;  little  regretted  or 
efteemed  by  his  fuhjecls ;  and  left  the  fucceffion  open  to 
hii  brother,  Hardtcanute. 


HARDICANUTE. 


HARDICANUTE,  or  Canute  the  Hardy,  that  Is,  the 
robuft  (for  he  too  is  chiefly  known  by  his  bodily  ac- 
complifhments),  though,  by  remaining  fo  long  in  Den- 
mark, he  had  been  deprived  of  his  (hare  in  the  partition  of 
the  kingdom,  had  not  abandoned  his  pretenfions  ;  and  he 
had  determined,  before  Harold's  death,  to  recover  by  arms 
what  he  had  loft,  either  by  his  own  negligence,  or  by  the 
necefhty  of  his  affairs.  On  pretence  of  paying  a  vifit  to 
the  queen  dowager  in  Flanders,  he  had  affembled  a  fleet 
of  fixty  fail,  and  was  prepaiing  to  make  a  defcent  on  Eng- 
land, when  intelligence  of  his  brother's  death  induced 
him  to  fail  immediately  to  London,  where  he  wasreceiv- 

*  H.  Hunt.  p.  365.  Ypod.  Xeuftr.  p.  434.  Hoveden,  p.  438.  Chron. 
Mailr.  p.  156.  Higden,  p.  277.  Chron.  St.  Petri  deBurgo,  p.  39.  Sim.  Dun. 
p.  179.  Abbas  Kieval.  p.  366.  374.  Brompton.  p.  935.  Gal.  Gem.  lib. 
7.  cap.  11.  Math.  Weft.  p.  209.  Flor.  Wigom.  p.  63?.  Alur.  Beved. 
p.  118. 


*«39« 


n8  HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  ?.  ed  in  triumph,  and  acknowledged   king  without  oppofi- 
III.        tion. 

1 » '       The  firft  act  of  Hardicanute's  government  afforded  his 

lubjects  a  bad  prognofiic  of  his  future  conduct.  He  was 
fo  enraged  at  Harold,  for  depriving  him  of  his  (hare  of  the 
kingdom,  and  for  the  cruel  treatment  of  his  brother  Alfred, 
th  it.  in  an  impotent  defire  of  revenge  againft  the  dead,  heorde- 
rcd  his  body  to  be  dugup,andto  be  thrown  into  the  Thames: 
And  when  it  was  found  by  fome  fifhermen,  and  buried  in 
London,  he  ordered  it  again  to  be  dug  up,  and  to  be 
thrown  again  into  the  river  :  But  it  was  filhed  up  a  fecond 
time,  and  then  interred  with  great  fecrecy.  Godwin, 
equally  fervile  and  infolent,  fubmitted  to  be  his  inflrument 
in  that  unnatural  and  brutal aclion. 

That  nobleman  knew  that  he  was  univerfally  believed 
to  have  been  an  accomplice  in  the  barbarity  exerciled  on 
A'fred,  and  that  he  wason  that  account  obnoxious  to  Har- 
dicanute  ;  and  perhaps  he  hoped,  by  difplaying  this  rage 
againft  Harold's  memory,  to  juftify  himlelf  from  having 
had  any  participation  in  his  counfels.  But  prince  Ed- 
ward, being  invited  over  by  the  king,  immediately  on' 
his  appearance,  preferred  an  accufation  againft  Godwin 
for  the  murder  of  Alfred,  and  demanded  juftice  for  that 
crime.  Godwin  in  order  to  appeafe  the  king,  made  him  a 
magnificent  prefent  of  a  galley  with  a  gilt  ftern,  rowed 
by  fourfcore  men,  who  wore  each  of  them  a  gold  bracelet 
on  his  arm,  weighing  fixteen  ounces,  and  were  armed 
and  clothed  in  the  moft  fumptuous  manner.  Hardicanute, 
pleafed  with  the  fplendor  of  this  fpe&acle,  quickly  for- 
got his  brother's  murder  ;  and  on  Godwin's  fwearing  that 
he  was  innocent  of  the  crime,  he  allowed  him  to  be  acquit- 
ted. 

Though  Hardicanute,  before  his  acceffion,  had  been 
called  over  by  the  vows  of  the  Englifh,  he  foon  loft  the 
affections  of  the  nation  by  his  mifconduct  ;  but  nothing 
appeared  more  grievous  to  them,  than  his  renewing  the 
impofition  of  Danegelt,  and  obliging  the  nation  to  pay  a 
great  fum  of  money  to  the  fleet  which  brought  him  from 
Denmark.  The  difcontents  ran  high  in  many  places  : 
In  Worcefter  the  populace  rofe,  and  put  to  death  two  of 
the  collectors.  The  king  enraged  at  this  oppofition, 
fwore  vengeance  againft  the  city,  and  ordered  three  no- 
blemen, Godwin,  duke  of  Weffex,  Siward,  duke  of 
Northumberland,  and  Leofric,  duke  of  Mercia,  to  exe- 
cute his  menaces  with  the  utmoft  rigour.  They  were  obli- 
ged to  let  fire  to  the  city,  and  deliver  it  up  to  be  plundered 
by  their  foldiers ;  but  they  faved  the  lives  of  the  inhabi- 
tants ;  whom  they  confined  in  a  i'mall  ifland  of  the  Severn, 


EDWARD    THE    CONFESSOR.  119 

called  Bevercy,  till,  by  their  interceffion,  they  were  able  C  H  \  I. 
to  appeafe  the    king,    and  obtain  the  pardon  of  the  tup-        III. 

plicants.  v ^ 

This  violent  government  was  of  fhort  duration.  Har- 
dicanute  died  in  two  ye  .rs  after  his  acceflion,  at  the  nup- 
tials of  a  Dan'fh  lord,  which  he  had  honoured  with  his 
prefence.  His  ufual  habits  of  intemperance  were  fo  well 
known,  that,  notwithstanding  his  robuft  conhitution  his 
Hidden  death  gave  a-s  little  furpiife  as  it  did  forrow  to  his 
fubjecls. 


EDWARD  the  Confessor. 


THE  Englifh,  on  the  death  of  Hardicanutc,  faw  a 
favourable  opportunity  for  recovering  their  liberty, 
and  for  making  off  the  Danifh  yoke,  under  which  they 
had  fo  long  laboured.  Sweyn,  king  of  Norway,  the  el- 
deft  fon  of  Canute,  was  abfent ;  and  as  the  two  laft  kings 
had  died  without  itlue,  none  of  that  race  prefented  him- 
felf,  nor  any  whom  the  Danes  could  fupport  as'  fucceffor 
to  the  throne.  Prince  Edward  was  fortunatelv  at  court 
on  his  brother's  demife  ;  and  though  the  defendants  of 
Edmond  Ironfide.were  the  true  heirs  of  the  Saxon  family, 
yet  their  abience  in  fo  remote  a  country  as  Hungary,  ap- 
peared a  fufhcient  reafon  for  their  exclufion,  to  a  peo- 
ple like  the  Englifh,  fo  little  accufiomed  to  obferve  a 
regular  order  in  the  fucceffion  of  their  mouarchs.  All 
delays  might  be  dangerous  ;  and  the  prefent  occafion 
mufl  haftily  be  embraced  ;  while  the  Danes,  without 
concert,  without  a  leader,  aftonifbed  at  the  prefent  inci- 
dent, and  anxious  only  for  their  perfonal  fafety,  durft  not 
oppofe  the  united  voice  of  the  nation. 

But  this  concurrence  of  circuuifhnces  in  favour  of  Yd- 
ward,  might  have  failed  ofits  e  freer,  had  his  fucceffion  been 
oppofed  by  Godwin,  whole  power,  alliances,  and  abilities, 
gave  him  a  great  influence  at  all  times,  efpecially  amidil 
tholeiudden  opportunities,  which  always  attended  a  revo- 
lution of  government,  and  which,  either  feized  or  ne- 
glected, commonly  prove  decifive  There  were  oppofite 
reafons  which  divided  men's  hopes  and  fears  with  regard 
to  Godwin's  conduct.  On  the  one  hand,  the  credit  of 
that  nobleman  lay  chiefly  in  Weffex,  which  was  almofr. 
entirely  inhabited  by  Englifh  :  It  was  therefore  prefumed 
that  he  would  fecond  the  wifhesof  that  people  in  reftoring 
the  Saxon  line,  and  in  humbling  the  Danes,  from  whom 


1041, 


120  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  ne»  as  we^  as  tne>">  na<*  reafon  to  dread,  as  they  hid  al-» 
Jil.       ready  felt,   the  mod  grievous   oppreffions.     On  the  other 

^.  ^  .  t  hand,  there  lubfifted  a  declared  animofity  between 
Edward  and  Godwin,  on  account  of  Alfred's  murder  ;  of 
which  the  latter  had  publicly  been  accufed  bv  the  prince, 
and  which  he  might  believe  fo  deep  an  offence  as  could 
never,  on  account  of  any  fubfequent  merits,  be  fincerely 
pardoned.  But  their  common  friends  here  interpofed  ; 
and  reprefenting  the  necceflity  of  their  good  correfpon- 
dence,  obliged  them  to  lay  alide  all  jealoufy  and  rancour* 
and  concur  in  reftoring  liberty  to  their  native  country. 
Godwin  only  ftipulated  that  Edward,  as  a  pledge  of  his 
fincere  reconciliation,  fhould  promife  to  marry  his  daugh- 
ter Editha  ;  and  having  fortified  himfelf  by  this  alliance, 
he  fummoned  a  general  council  at  Gillingham,  ana"  pre- 
pared every  meafure  for  fecuring  the  fucceilion  to  Edward. 
The  Englilh  were  unanimous  and  zealous  in  their  refo- 
lutions  ;  the  Danes  were  divided  and  difpirited  :  Any 
fmall  oppofition,  which  appeared  in  this  aiTembly,  was 
brow  beaten  and  fuppreffed  ;  and  Edward  was  crowned 
king  with  every  demonftration  of  duty  and  affection. 

The  triumph  of  the  Englifh,  upon  this  fignal  and  de- 
cifive  advantage,  was  at  firft  attended  with  fome  infult  and 
violence  againft  the  Danes;  but  the  king,  by  the  mildnefs 
of  his  character,  foon  reconciled  the  latter  to  his  adminis- 
tration, and  the  difiinclion  between  the  two  nations  gra- 
dually difappeared.  The  Danes  were  interfperfed  with 
the  Englifh  in  moft  of  the  provinces  ;  they  fpoke  nearly 
the  fame  language  ;  they  differed  little  in  their  manners 
and  laws;  domeftic  diflenfions  In  Denmark  prevented,  for 
fome  years,  any  powerful  invafion  from  thence,  which 
might  awaken  part  animofities;  and  as  the  Norman  con- 
queft,  which  enfued  foon  after,  reduced  both  nations  to 
equal  fubjedtion,  there  is  no  farther  mention  in  hiftory  of 
any  difference  between  them.  The  joy,  however,  of  their 
prefent  deliverance  made  fuch  impreffion  on  the  minds  of 
the  Englifh,  that  they  inftituted  an  annual  feftival  for  ce- 
lebrating that  great  event;  and  it  was  obferved  in  fome 
counties  even  to  the  time  of  Spcllman*. 

The  popularity  which  Edward  enjoyed  on  his  accefli- 
on,  was  not  deflroyed  by  the  firft  act  of  hisadminifiration, 
his  refuming  all  the  grants  of  his  immediate  piedeceffors; 
an  attempt  which  is  commonly  attended  with  the  moft  dan- 
gerous confequences.  The  poverty  of  the  crown  convin- 
ced the  nation  that  this  aft  of  violence  was  become  abfo- 
lutely  neceffary  ;  and  as  the  lofs  fell  chiefly  on  the  Danes, 

*  Spell.  GlOflaxy,  in  veibo  Hscdaj. 


EDWARD    THE    CONFESSOR.  121 

Who  had  obtained  large  grants  from  the  late  kings,  their  C  H  A  P. 
countrymen,  on  account  of  their  lervices  in  fubduing  the        III. 

kingdom,  the  Engliih  were  rather  pleated  to  fee  them  re-  * — -v * 

duced  to  their  primitive  poverty.  The  king's  fe Verity  alfo 
towards  his  mother,  the  queen-dowager,  though  expofed 
to  fome  more  cenfure,  met  not  with  very  general  difappro- 
bation.  He  had  hitherto  lived  on  indiffeieht  terms  with 
that  princeis:  he  accuied  her  of  neglecting  him  and  his 
brother  during  their  adverfe  fortune*  :  He  remarked,  that 
as  the  fuperior  qualities  of  Canute,  and  his  better  treat- 
ment of  her,  had  made  her  entirely  indifferent  to  the  me- 
mory of  Ethelred,  fhe  alfo  gave  the  preference  to  her 
children  of  the  fecond  bed,  and  always  regarded  Hardica- 
nute  as  her  favourite.  The  fame  reafons  had  probably 
made  her  unpopular  in  England  ;  and  though  her  bene- 
factions to  the  monks  obtained  her  the  favour  of  that  brderi 
the  nation  was  not,  in  general,  difpleafed  to  fee  her  Grip- 
ped by  Edward  of  irrtmenfe  treafures  which  fhe  had  amaf- 
fed.  He  confined  her,  during  the  remainder  of  her  life, 
in  a  monaftery  at  Winchefter  ;  but  carried  his  rigour 
againft  her  no  farther.  The  flories  of  his  accufing  her  of 
a  participation  in  her  fon  Alfred's  murder,  and  of  a  crimi- 
nal correfpondence  with  the  bifhop  of  Winchefter,  and 
alfo  of  her  juftifying  herfelf  by  treading  barefoot,  without 
receiving  any  hurt,  over  nine  burning  piough-fhares, 
were  the  inventions  of  the  monkifh  hiftorians,  and  were 
propagated  and  believed  from  the  filly  wonder  of  pbfte- 
rity.f 

The  Engliih  flattered  themfelves  that,  by  the  acceflion 
of  Edward,  they  were  delivered  for  ever  from  the  domini- 
on of  foreigners;  but  they  foon  found  that  this  evil  was 
not  yet  entirely  removed.  The  king  had  been  educated 
in  Normandy  ;  and  had  contracted  many  intimacies  with 
the  natives  of  that  country,  as  well  as  an  affection  for  their 
manners^.  The  court  of  England  was  foon  filled  with 
Normans,  who,  being  diftinguifhed  both  by  the  favour  of 
Edwardj  and  by  a  degree  of  cultivation  fupetior  to  that 
which  was  attained  by  the  Engliih  in  thofe  ages,  foon  ren- 
dered their  language,  cuftoms,  and  laws,  fafhionable  in  -he 
kingdom.  The  ftudy  of  the  French  tongue  became  gene- 
ral among  the  people.  The  courtiers  affected  to  imitate 
that  nation  in  their  drefs,  equipage,  and  entertainments : 
Even  the  lawyers  employed  a  foreign  language  in  their 
deeds  and  papers  || :   But  above  all,  the  church  felt  the  in- 

Vol  1.  R 

♦  Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  i.  p.  237.  t  Higden,  p.  577. 

f  Ingulf,  p.  62.  ||  Ingulf,  p.  io. 


ii*  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  fluence  and  dominion  of  thofeftrangers:  Ulfand  William, 
III.       two  Normans,  who  had  formerly  been  the  king's  chaplains, 

' v '  were  created  bifhops  of  Dorchefter  and  London.     Robert, 

a  Norman  alfo,  was  promoted  to  the  fee  of  Canterbury*, 
and  always  enjoyed  the  highefl  favour  of  his  mafter,  of 
which  his  abilities  rendered  him  not  unworthy.  And 
though  the  king's  prudence,  or  his  want  of  authority,  made 
him  confer  almoft  all  the  civil  and  military  employments 
on  the  natives,  the  ecclefiaftical  preferments  fell  often  to 
the  ihare  of  the  Normans  ;  and  as  the  latter  poflefled  Ed- 
ward's confidence,  they  had  fecretly  a  great  influence  on 
public  affairs,  and  excited  the  jealouiy  of  the  Englifh,  par- 
ticularly of  Earl  Godwinf. 

This  powerful  nobleman,  befides  being  duke  or  earl 
of  We  flex,  had  the  counties  of  Kent  and  Suflex  annexed 
to  his  government.  His  eldefl  ion,  Sweyn,  poflefled  the 
fame  authority  in  the  counties  of  Oxford,  Berks,  Glocefler, 
and  Hereford  :  And  Harold,  his  fecond  fon,  was  duke  of 
Eatl-Anglia,  and  at  the  fame  time  governor  of  Eflex.  The 
great  authority  of  this  family  was  fupported  by  immenfe 
poflefiionis  and  powerful  alliances  ;  and  the  abilities,  as 
well  is  ambition,  of  Godwin  himfelf  contributed  to  render 
it  (till  more  dangerous.  A  prince  of  greater  capacity  and 
vigour  than  Edward  would  have  found  it  difficult  to  fupport 
the  dignity  of  the  crown  under  fuch  circumflances  ;  and 
as  the  haughty  temper  of  Godwin  made  him  often  forget 
the  refpe£t  due  to  his  prince,  Edward  s  animofity  againft 
him  was  grounded  on  peribnal  as  well  as  political  conside- 
rations, on  recent  as  well  as  more  ancient  injuries.  The 
king,  in  purfuance  of  his  engagements,  had  indeed  married 
Editha,  the  daughter  of  Godwin^  ;  but  this  alliance  became 
a  frefh  fource  of  enmity  between  them.  Edward's  hatred 
of  the  father  was  transferred  to  that  princefs  ;  and  Editha, 
though  poflefled  of  many  amiable  accomplishments,  could 
never  acquire  the  confidence  and  affeclion  of  her  hufband. 
It  is  even  pretended  that,  during  the  whole  courfe  of  her 
life,  he  abflained  from  all  commerce  of  love  with  her  ; 
and  fuch  was  the  abfurd  admiration  paid  to  an  inviolable 
1048.  chaftity  during  thofe  ages,  that  his  conduct  in  this  parti- 
cular is  highly  celebrated  by  the  monkiih  hiftorians,  and 
greatly  contributed  10  his  acquiring  the  title  of  faint  and 
confeflbrll. 

The  mofl  popular  pretence  on  which  Godwin  could 
ground  his  difaffeclion  to  the  king  and  his  adminiltration, 
was  to  complain  of  the  influence  of  the  Normans  in  the 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  161.         f  W.  Malm.  p.  80.  J  Chron.Sax.  p.  157. 

fj  \V.  Malm.  p.  So.  Higden,  p.  277.  Abbas  Rie1  al.  p.  366.377.  Mat'h. 
Weft.  p.  221.     Chron.   Thom.  Wykes,  p.  21.     Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  1.  p.  241. 


EDWARD    THE    CONFESSOR.  123 

government;  and  a  declared  oppofition  had  thence  arifen  CHAP, 
between  him  and  thefe  favourites.     It  was  not  long  before       III. 
this  animofitv  broke  into   a£Uon.      Euftace,  count  of   Bo*  v — >rSr—r^ 
logne,  having  paid  a  vifit  to  the  king,  paffed  by  Dover  in 
his  return  :  One  of  his  train,  being  refufed  entrance  to  a 
lodging  which  had  been  affigncd  him,  attempted  to  make        ' 
his  way  by  force,  and  in  the  conteft  he  wounded  the  matter 
of  the  houfe.     The  inhabitants  revenged  thisinfult  by  the 
death  of  the  ftranger;  the  count  and  his  train  took  arms, 
and  murde.ed  the  wounded  town! man;  a  tumult  enfued  ; 
near  twenty  perfons  were  killed  on  each  fide ;  and  Euftace, 
being  overpowered  by  numbers,  was  obliged   to  fave  his 
life  by-flight  from  the  fury  of  the  populace.     He  harried 
immediately  to  court,  and  complained  of  the  ufage  he  had 
met  with  :   The  king  entered  zealoufly   into  the  quarrel, 
and  was  highly  difp'eafed  that  a  ftranger  of  fuch  diftin£ti- 
on,  whom  he  had  invited  over  to  his  court,  (hould,    with* 
out  any  juft  caufe,  as  he  believed,  have  felt  fo  fenfibly  the 
mfolence  and  animofity  of  his  people.     He  gave  orders  to 
Godwin,  in  whole  government  Dover  lay,  to  repair  imme- 
diately to  the  place,  and  to  punilh.the  inhabitants  for  the 
crime:  But  Godwin,  who  defired  rather  to  encourage  than 
reprefs  the  popular  difcontents  againfl  foreigners,  refufed 
obedience,  and  endeavoured  to  throw  the  whole  blame  of 
the  riot  on  the  count  of  Bologne,  and  his  retinue*.     Ed- 
ward, touched  in  to  feufible  a  point,  faw   the  necefiltv  of 
exerting  the  royal  authority  ;  and  he  threatened   Godwin, 
if  he  perfifted  in  his  difobedience,   to  make  him  feel  the 
utmoft  effects  of  his  refentment. 

The  earl,  perceiving  a  rupture  to  be  unavoidable,  and 
pleafed  to  embark  in  a  caufe  where  it  was  likely'  he  (hould 
be  fupported  by  his  countrymen,  made  preparations  for  his 
own  defence,  or  rather  for  an  attack  on  Edward.  Under 
pretence  of  reprelling  fome  diforders  on  the  WelOi  frontier, 
lie  fecretly  affembied  a  great  army,  and  was  approaching 
the  king,  who  refided,  without  any  military  force,  and 
without  fufpicion,  at  Glocefterf.  Edward  applied  for  pro- 
tection to  Siward,  duke  of  Northumberland,  and  Leofric, 
duke  of  Mercia,  two  powerful  noblemen,  whofe  jealoufy 
of  Godwin's  greatnefs,  as  well  as  their  duty  to  the  crown, 
engaged  them  to  defend  the  king  in  this  extremity.  They 
battened  to  him  with  fuch  of  their  followers  as  they  could 
affemble  on  a  (udden  ;  and  finding  the  danger  much  great- 
er than  they  had  at  firft  apprehended,  they  illued  orders 
for  muttering  all  the  forces  within  their  relpeclive  govern-* 

*  C'nron.  Sax.  p.  163.     W.  Ma'.m.  p.  S 1 .     1  igden,  p.  579. 
f    Chron.  bax.  p.  i6j.     W.  M«!m.  p.  Si. 


124  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  mcnts,  and  for  marching  them  without  delay  to  the  defence 
HI.       of  the  king's  perion  and  authority.     Edwaid,  meanwhile, 

v ^— — '  endeavoured  to  gain  time  by  negotiation  ;  while  Godwin, 

who  thought  the  king  entirely  in  his  power,  and  who  was. 
willing  to  fave  appearances,  fell  into  the  fnare  ;  and  not 
fenfible  that  he  ought  to  have  no  farther  referve  after  he 
had  proceeded  fo  far,  he  loft  the  favourable  opportunity  of 
rendering  himfelf  mafter  of  the  government. 

The  Engliih,  though  they  had  no  high  idea  of  Edward's, 
vigour  and  capacity,  bore  him  great  atietlion  on  account 
of  his  humanity,  jufiice,  and  piety,  as  well  as  the  long 
race  of  their  native  kings  from  whom  he  was  defcended  ; 
and  they  haftened  from  all  quarters  to  defend  him  from  the 
prefent  danger.  Hi  army  was  now  fo  confiderable,  that 
he  ventured  to  take  the  field  ;  and  marching  to  London, 
he  fummoned  a  great  council  to  judge  of  the  rebellion  of 
Godwin  and  his  fons.  Thefe  noblemen  pretended  at  firft 
that  they  were  willing  to  (land  their  trial ;  but  having  in 
vain  endeavoured  to  make  their  adherents  perfift  in  rebel- 
lion, they  offered  to  come  to  London,  provided  they  might 
receive  hofiages  for  their  fafety  :  This  propofal  being  re- 
jected, they  were  obliged  to  difband  the  remains  of  their 
forces,  and  have  recourfe  to  flight.  Baldwin,  earl  of  Flan- 
ders, gave  protection  to  Godwin  and  his  three  fons,  Gurth, 
Sweyn,  and  Tofli ;  the  latter  of  whom  had  married  the 
daughter  of  that  prince;  Harold  and  Leofwin,  two  other 
of  his  fons,  took  Ihelter  in  Ireland.  The  eftates  of  the 
father  and  fons  were  confifcated  :  Their  governments  were 
given  to  others  :  Queen  Editha  was  confined  in  a  monafte- 
ry  at  Warewel:  And  the  greatnefs  of  this  family,  once  fo 
formidable,  Teemed  now  to  be  totally  fupplanted  and  over- 
thrown.   *  • 

Bur  Godwin  had  fixed  his  authority  on  too  firm  a  bafis, 
and  he  was  too  ftrongly  fupported  by  alliances,  both  foreigri 
and  domeftic,  not  to  occafion  farther  difturbances,  and 
xos*.  rna^e  new  efforts  for  his  re-eftablifhment.  The  earl  of 
Flanders  permitted  him  to  purchafe  and  hire  fhips  within 
his  harbours  ;  and  Godwin,  having  manned  them  with  his 
followers,  and  with  free-booters  of  all  nations,  put  to  fea, 
and  attempted  to  make  a  defcent  at  Sandwich.  The  kingi 
informed  of  his  preparations,  had  equipped  a  confiderable 
fleet,  much  fuperior  to  that  of  the  enemy  ;  and  the  earl 
haflily,  before  their  appearance,  made  his  retreat  into  the 
Flemifh  harbours*.  The  Englifh  court,  allured  by  the  pre- 
fent fecurity,  and  deftitute  of  all  vigorous  counfels,  allowed 
the  feamen  to  difband,  and  the  fleet  to  go  to  decay  f ;  while 

*  Sim.  Dun.  p.   186.  f  Chron.  Sax.  p.  166. 


EDWARD    THE    CONFESSOR.  125 

Godwin,  expecting  this  event,  kept  his  men  in  readinefs  CHAP, 
for  action.     He  put  to  iea  immediately,  and  failed  to  the       III. 

iile  of  Wight,  whetrC  he  was  joined   by   Harold,  with  a  S* — « ' 

jquadron  wiiich  th-it  nobleman  had  collected  in  Ireland, 
He  was  now  mafter  of  the  iea  ;  and  entering  every  har- 
bour in  the  fouthern  coalt,  he  feized  all  the  fhips*,  and 
fummoned  his  followers  in  thpfe  countier,  which  had  fo 
long  been  fubjedt  to  his  government,  to  aflift  him  in  pro- 
curing jufiiceto  himfelf,  his  family,  and  his  country,  againft 
the  tyrannv  of  foreigners  Reinforced  by  great  numbers 
from  all  quarters,  he  entered  the  Thames;  and  appearing 
before  London,  threw  every  thing  ir.to  confnfion.  The 
king  alone  feemed  refolute  to  defend  himfelf  to  the  lafl 
extremity  ;  but  the  interpofition  of  the  Englifh  nobility, 
many  of  whom  favoured  Godwin's  pretenfions,  made  Ed- 
ward hearken  to  terms  of  accommodation  ;  and  the  feigned 
humility  of  the  earl,  who  difclaimed  all  intentions  of  of- 
fering violence  to  his  fovereign,  and  defiredonly  to  juftify 
himfelf  by  a  fair  and  open  trial,  paved  the  way  for  his 
more  eafy  admiffion.  It  was  ftipulated,  that  he  fhould  give 
hoflages  for  his  good  behaviour,  and  that  the  primate  and 
all  the  foreigners  fhould  be  banifhed  :  By  this  treaty,  the 
prefenl  danger  of  a  civil  war  was  obviated,  but  the  autho- 
rity of  the  crown  was  confiderably  impaired,  or  rather  en- 
tirely annihilated.  Edward,  fenfible  that  he  had  not 
power  fufficient  to  fecure  Godwin's  hoflages  in  England, 
fent  them  over  to  his  kinfman,  the  young  duke  of  Nor- 
mandy. 

Godwin's  death,  which  happened  foon  after,  while  he 
was  fitting  at  table  with  the  king,  prevented  him  from 
farther  eftanlifhing  the  authority  which  he  had  acquired, 
and  from  reducing  Edward  to  ftill  greater  fubjeclionf.  He 
was  fucceeded  in  the  government  of  WefTex,  SufTex,  Kent, 
and  Eflex,  and  in  the  office  of  fleward  of  the  houlehold, 
a  place  of  great  power,  by  his  fon  Harold,  who  was  actu- 
ated by  an  ambition  equal  to  that  of  his  father,  and  was  fu- 
perior  to  him  in  addrefs,  in  infinuation,  and  in  virtue.  Bv 
a  modeft  and  gentle  demeanour,  he  acquired  the  good-will 
of  Edward  ;  at  lead  foftened  that  hatred  which  the  prince 
had  fo  long  borne  his  family  tl  and  gaining  every  day  new 
partifans  by  his  bounty  and  affability,  he  proceeded  in  a 
more  filent,  and  therefore  a  more  dangerous  manner,  to 
the  increafc  of  his  authority.  The  king,  who  had  not 
fufficient  vigour  directly  to  oppofc  his  progrefs,  knew  of 
no  other  expedient  than  that  hazardous  one,  of  raifingl  im 
a  rival  in  the  family  of  Leofric,   duke  of  Mercia,  whofe 

*  Chron.  ?ax.  p.  if  6.  j  See  note  [EJ  at  the  end  of  tke  volume 

£  Brampton,  p.  94S. 


126  HISTORY    OF    ENGL  AN  D. 

CHAP,  fon  Algar  was  inverted  with  (he  government  of  Eaft-An-. 
HI.        glia,  which,  before    the  banifhment  of  Harold,  had  be- 

v- — v '  longed  to  the  latter  nobleman.  But  this  policy,  of  balan- 
cing oppofite  parties,  required  a  more  Heady  hand  to  man- 
age it  than  that  of  Edward,  and  naturally  produced  faction, 
and  even  civil  broils,  among  nobles  of  fuch  mighty  and  in- 
dependent authority.  Algar  was  foon  after  expelled  his 
government  by  the  intrigues  and  power  of  Harold  ;  but 
being  protected  by  Griffith,  prince  of  Wales,  who  had 
married  his  daughter,  as  well  as  by  the  power  of  his  father 
Leofric,  he  obliged  Harold  to  fubmit  to  an  accommodation 
and  was  reinftated  in  the  government  of  Eaft  Anglia.  This 
peace  was  not  of  long  duration  :  Harold  taking  advantage 
of  Leofric's  death,  which  happened  foon  after,  expelled 
Algar  anew,  and  baniihed  him  the  kingdom:  And  though 
that  nobleman  made  a  frefh  irruption  into  Eaft-Anglia  with 
an  army  of  Norwegians,  and  overran  the  country,  his 
death  foon  freed  Harold  from  the  pretenfions  of  fo  dange- 
rous a  rival.  Edward,  the  eldeft  fon  of  Algar,  was  in  ■ 
deed  advanced  to  the  government  of  Mercia  ;  but  the  ba- 
lance, which  the  king  defired  to  eftablilh  between  thofe 
potent  families,  was  wholly  loft,  and  the  influence  of  Ha- 
rold greatly  preponderated. 
1955-  The  death  of  Siward,  duke  of  Northumberland,  made 
the  way  (till  more  open  to  the  ambition  of  that  nobleman. 
Siward,  befides  his  other  merits,  had  acquired  honour  to 
England,  by  his  fuccefsful  conduct  in  the  only  foreign  en- 
terprife  undertaken  during  the  reign  of  Edward.  Duncan, 
king  of  Scotland,  was  a  prince  of  a  gentle  difpofition,  but 
pofleficd  not  the  genius  requifite  for  governing  a  country 
io  turbulent,  and  fo  much  infefted  by  the  intii^ues  and 
animofities  of  the  great.  Macbeth,  a  powerful  nobleman, 
and  nearly  allied  to  the  crown,  not  content  with  curbing 
the  king's  authority,  carried  ftill  farther  his  peftilent  ambi- 
tion :  He  put  his  fovereign  to  death ;  chacet  Malcolm  Ken- 
more,  his  fon  and  heir,  into  England;  and  ufurped  the  crown. 
Siward,  whofe  daughter  was  married  to  Duncan,  embraced, 
by  Edward's  orders,  the  protection  of  this  diftreffed  family: 
He  marched  an  army  into  Scotland;  and  having  defeated 
and  killed  Macbeth  in  battle,  he  rcftored  Malcolm  to  the 
throne  of  his  anceftors*.  This  fen  ice,  added  to  his  former 
connections  with  the  royal  family  of  Scotland,  brought  a 
great  acceflion  to  the  authoritv  of  Siwavd  in  the  north  ; 
but  as  he  had  loft  his  eldeft  fon,  Ofberne,  in  the  action  with 
Macbeth,  it  proved  in  the  iiiue  fatal  to   his  family.     His 

*  W.  Malm.  p.  79.     Hoveden,  p.  443.     Chron.  Mailr.  p.  158.  Buchanan, 
pf  115.  ui;t.  1715. 


EDWARD    THE    CONFESSOR.  127 

fecond  fon,  Walthoef,  appeared,  on  his  father's  death,  too  C  H  A  P. 
voung  to  be  entrufted   with  the  government  of  Northum-       III. 

berland  ;  and   Harold's  influence   obtained  that  dukedom  ' « '. 

for  his  own  brother  Tofii. 

There  are  twocircumuances  related  of  Siward,  which 
difcover  his  high  fenfe  of  honour,  and  his  martial  diipofi- 
tion.  When  intelligence  was  brought  him  of  his  fon  Ol- 
berne's  death,  he  was  inconfolable  ;  till  he  heard  that  the 
wound  was  received  in  the  bread,  and  that  he  had  behaved 
with  great  gallantry  in  the  acYion.  When  he  found  his 
own  death  approaching,  he  ordered  his  fervants  to  clothe 
him  in  a  complete  fuit  of  armour;  and  fitting erecl  on  the 
couch,  with  a  fpear  in  his  hand,  declared,  that  in  that 
pofture,  the  only  one  worthy  of  a  warrior,  he  would  pati- 
ently await  the  fatal  moment. 

The  king,  now  worn  out  with  cares  and  infirmities, 
felt  himfelf  far  advanced  in  the  decline  of  life;  and  having 
no  iflue  himfelf,  began  to  think  of  appointing  a  fucceiTor 
to  the  kingdom.  He  fent  a  deputation  to  Hungary,  to  in- 
vite over  his  nephew,  Edward,  fon  of  his  elder  brother, 
and  the  only  remaining  heir  of  the  Saxon  line.  That 
prince,  whole  fuccelfion  to  the  crown  would  have  been 
eafy  and  uodifputed,  came  to  England  with  his  children, 
Edgar,  furnamed  Atheling,  Margaret  and  Chriflina  ;  but 
his  death,  which  happened  a  few  days  after  his  arrival, 
threw  the  king  into  new  difficulties.  He  faw,  that  the 
great  power  and  ambition  of  Harold  had  tempted  him  to 
think  of  obtaining  poUeihon  of  the  throne  on  the  fir  ft 
vacancy,  and  that  Edgar,  on  account  of  his  youth  and  in- 
experience, was  very  unfit  to  oppofe  the  pretenfions  of  fo 
popular  and  enterprifing  a  rival.  The  anfmofity  which 
he  had  long  borne  to  earl  Godwin,  made  him  averfe  to  the 
iucceflion  of  hi  i  fon  ;  and  he  could  not,  without  extreme 
reluctance,  think  of  an  encreafe  of  grandeur  to  a  family 
which  had  rilen  on  the  ruins  of  roval  authority,  and 
which,  by  the  murder  of  Alfred,  his  brother,  had  contri- 
buted fo  much  to  the  weakening  of  the  Saxon  line.  In 
this  uncertainty  he  fecretly  caft  his  eye  towards  his  kinf- 
man,  William  duke  ot  Normandy,  as  the  only  perfon 
whole  power,  and  reputation,  and  capacity,  could  fupport 
any  deftination  which  he  might  make  in  his  favour,  to  the 
exclulion  of  Harold  and   his  family*. 

This   famous  prince  was  natural  fon  of  Robert  duke  of 
Normandy,  by  Harlotta,  daughter  of  a  tanner  in  Falaifef, 
and  was  very  early  eftablifhcd  in  that  grandeur  from  which  ■ 
his  birth  feemed    to  have  let  him  at    lb   great  a  diftance. 

»  Ingulf,  p.  68.  f  Brompton,  p.  910. 


128  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  While  he  was  but  nine  years  of  age,  his  father  had  refol- 
III.        ved  to  undertake  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  ;  a  falhionable 

v v '  adt  of  devotion,  which  had  taken  nlace  of  the  pilgrimages 

to  Rome,  and  which,  as  it  was  attended  with  more  diffi- 
culty and  danger,  and  carried  thole  religious  adventurers 
to  the  firft  iourcesof  Chriftianity,  appealed  to  them  more 
meritorious.  Before  his  departure,  he  affembled  the  {tares 
of  the  duichy;  and  informing  them  of  his  defign,  he  en- 
gaged them  to  fwear  allegiance  to  his  natural  fon,  Willi- 
am, whom,  as  he  had  no  legitimate  ifJTue,  he  intended,  in 
cafe  he  fhould  die  in  the  pilgrimage,  to  leave  fucceffor  to 
his  dominions*.  As  he  was  a  prudent  prince,  he  could 
not  but  forefeethe  great  inconveniencies  which  muft  attend 
this  journey,  and  this  fettlement  of  his  fucceffion ;  arifing 
from  the  perpetual  turbulency  of  the  great,  the  claims  of 
other  branches  of  the  ducal  family,  and  the  power  of  the 
French  monarch  :  But  all  thefe  confiderations  were  fur- 
mounted  by  the  prevailing  zeal  for  pilgrimages  f  ;  and, 
probably,  the  more  important  they  were,  the  more  would 
Robert  exult  in  facrificing  them  to  what  he  imagined  to  be 
his  religious  duty. 

This  prince,  as  he  had  apprehended,  died  in  his  pilgri- 
mage ;  and  the  minority  of  his  fon  was  attended  with  all 
thole  diforders  which  were  almoft  unavoidable  in  that  fitu- 
ation.  The  licentious  nobles,  freed  from  the  awe  of  fove- 
reign  authority,  broke  out  into  perfonal  animofities  againfr. 
each  other,  and  made  the  whole  country  a  fcene  of  war 
and  devaluation  %.  Roger,  count  of  Toni,  and  Alain,  count 
of  Britanny,  advanced  claims  to  the  dominion  of  theflate; 
and  Henry  I.  king  of  France,  thought  the  opportunity 
favourable  for  reducing  the  power  of  a  vaflal,  who  had 
originally  acquired  his  fettlement  in  fo  violent  and  invidi- 
ous a  manner,  and  who  had  long  appeared  formidable  to 
his  fovereign||.  The  regency  eftablifhed  by  Robert  en- 
countered great  difficulties  in  fupporting  the  government 
under  this  complication  of  dangers ;  and  the  young  prince, 
when  he  came  to  maturity,  found  himfelf  reduced  toa  very 
low  condition.  But  the  great  qualities  which  he  loon  dis- 
played in  the  field  and  in  the  cabinet,  gave  encouragement 
to  his  friends,  and  ftruck  a  terror  into  his  enemies.  He 
oppofed  himfelf  on  all  fides  againfl  his  rebellious  fubje6ts, 
and  againfl  foreign  invaders  ;  and  by  his  valour  and  con- 
duel  prevailed  in  every  a£tion.  He  obliged  the  French 
king  to  grant  him  peace  on  reafonable  terms  ;  he  expel- 
led all  pretenders  to  the  fovereignty  ;  and  he  reduced   his 

*  W.  Malm.  p.  95.  +  Ypod.  Neuft.  p.  452. 

t  W.  Malm.  p.  95.     Gul.  Gcmet.lib.  7.  cap.  1. 
||  W.  Malm.  p.  97. 


EDWARD    THE    CONFESSOR.  129 

turbulent    barons    to    fay    fubmiffion  to    his    authority,  CHAP, 
and   to  fufpend  their  mutual  animofities.       The    natural       ill. 

feverity     of  his    temper    appeared    in    a    rigorous    admi-  v ^— ^ 

niftration  of  juftice  ;  and  having  found  the  happy  ef- 
fects of  this  plan  of  government,  without  which  the  laws 
i:i  thofe  ages  became  totally  impotent,  he  regarded  it 
as  a  fixed  maxim,  that  an  inflexible  Conduct  was  the  fir  ft 
duty  of  a  ibvereign. 

The  tranquillity  which  he  had  eftablifhed  in  his  domi- 
nions, had  given  William  leiiure  to  pay  a  vifit  to  the  king 
of  England  during  the  time  of  Godwin's  banifhment ;  and 
he  was  received  in  a  manner  fuitable  to  the  great  reputation 
which  he  had  acquired,  to  the  relation  by  which  he  was 
connected  with  Edward,  and  to  the  obligations  which  that 
prince  owed  to  his  family*.  On  the  return  of  Godwin, 
and  the  expulfion  of  the  Norman  favourites,  Robert,  arch* 
bilhop  of  Canterbury,  had,  before  his  departure,  perfuad- 
ed  Edward  to  think  of  adopting  William  as  his  fucceflcr  ; 
a  counfel  which  was  favoured  by  the  king's  averfion  to 
Godwin, his  prepoiTeinons  for  the  Normans,  and  hisefteem 
of  the  duke.  That  prelate,  therefore,  received  a  commifli- 
on  to'inform  William  of  the  king's  intentions  in  his  favour; 
and  he  was  the  firft  perfon  that  opened  the  mind  of  the 
prince  to  entertain  thofe  ambitious  hopesf.  But  Edward, 
irrefolute  and  feeble  in  his  purpofe,  finding  that  the  Eng- 
liih  would  more  eafily  acquiefce  in  the  reftoration  of  the 
Saxon  line,  had,  in  the  mean  time,  invited  his  brother's 
defcendants  from  Hungary,  with  a  view  of  having  them 
recognifed  heirs  to  the  crown.  The  death  of  his  nephew, 
and  the  inexperience  and  unpromifing  qualities  of  young 
Edgar,  made  him  relume  his  former  intentions  in  favour  of 
the  duke  of  Normandy  ;  though  his  averfion  to  hazardous 
enterprifes  engaged  him  to  poftpone  the  execution,  and 
even  to  keep  his  purpofe  fecret  from  all  his  minifters. 

Harold,  meanwhile,  proceeded,  after  a  more  open 
manner,  in  encreafing  his  popularity,  in  eftablifhing  his 
power,  and  in  preparing  the  way  for  his  advancement 
on  the  firft  vacancy  ;  an  event  which,  from  the  age  and 
infirmities  of  the  king:,  appeared  not  very  diftant.  But 
there  waa  ilill  an  obftacle,  which  it  was  requifite  for  him 
previoully  to  overcome.  Earl  Godwin,  when  reftored  to 
his  power  and  fortune,  had  given  hoft ages  for  his  good  be- 
haviour; and  among  the  reft,  one  fon  and  one  grandfon, 
whom  Edward,  for  greater  fecurity,   as  has  been  related, 

Vol.  I.  S 

*  Hovcden,  p.  42?.  Inguh",  p.  65.  Chron.  Mailr.  p.  157.  Higden,  p. 
-79.  f  li.g'.ilf,  p,  f.i.     Gul.  Cemct.  lib.  7,  cay.  31.    order.  Vitalis, 


j3o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  had  configned  to  the  cuftody  of  the  duke  of  Normandy. 
Iil.  Harold,  though  not  aware  of  the  duke's  being  his  compe- 
* v — -!  tifor,  was  uneafy  that  fuch  near  relations  fhouid  be  detain- 
ed piifoners  in  a  foreign  country  ;  and  he  was  afraid  left 
William  fhouid,  in  favour  of  Edgar,  retain  thefe  pledges 
as  a  check  on  the  ambition  of  any  other  pretender.  He 
reprefented,  therefore,  to  the  king,  his  unfeigned  fubmivli- 
on  to  royal  authority,  his  fteady  duty  to  his  prince,  and 
the  little  neceflity  there  was,  after  fuch  a  uniform  trial  of 
his  obedience,  to  detain  any  longer  thoie  heftages  who  had 
been  required  on  the  firft  compofing  of  civil  diicords.  By 
thefe  topics,  enforced  by  his  great  power,  he  extorted  the 
king's  confent  to  releafe  them;  and  in  order  to  efle£t  his 
purpofe,  he  immediately  proceeded,  with  a  numerous  re- 
tinue, on  his  journey  to  Normandy.  A  tempeft  drove  him 
on  the  territory  of  Guy  count  of  Ponthieu,  who,  being 
informed  of  his  quality,  immediately  detained  him  prison- 
er, and  demanded  an  exorbitant  fum  for  hisranfom.  Ha- 
rold found  means  to  convey  intelligence  of  his  fituation 
to  the  duke  of  Normandy  ;  and  reprefented,  that  while  he 
was  proceeding  to  his  court,  in  execution  of  a  commiffion 
from  the  king  of  England,  he  had  met  with  this  harfh  treat- 
ment from  the  mercenary  dilpofition  of  the  count  of  Pon- 
thieu. 

William  was  immediately  fenfible  of  the  importance 
of  the  incident.     He  forefaw,  that  if  he  could  once  gain 
Harold,  either  by    favours  or  menaces,    his  way  to   the 
throne  of  England  would  be  open,   and    Edward    would 
meet  with  no   farther  obstacle  in  executing  the  favourable 
intentions  which  he  had  entertained  in   his  behalf.     He 
lent,  therefore,  a  meflenger  to  Guy,  in  order  to  demand 
the  liberty  of  his  prifoner  ;  and  that  nobleman,  not  daring 
to  refufe  \o  great  a  prince,  put  Harold  into  the  hands  of 
the  Norman,  whoconducted  him  to  Rouen.  William  receiv- 
ed him  with  every  demonflration  of  refpett  and  friendfhip; 
and  after  (bowing  himfelf  difpofed  to  comply  with  his  de- 
fire,  in  delivering  up  the  hollages,  he  took  an  opportunity 
of  difclofing  to  him  the  great  iecret,  of  his  pretenhons  to 
the  crown  of  England,  and  of  the  will  which  Edward  in- 
tended to  make  in  his  favour.     He  defired  the  affiitance  of 
Harold   in  perfecting  that  defign  ;  he   made  profeffions  of 
the  utmoft  gratitude  in  return  for  fo  great  an  obligation  ; 
he  promifed  that  the  prefent  grandeur  of  Hrrold's  family, 
which  fupported  itfelf  wilh  difficulty  under  the    jealoufy 
and  hatred  of  Edward,  fhouid  receive  new  encreafe  from 
a  fucceflbr,  who  would  be  fo  greatly  beholden  to  him  for 
his  advancement.    Harold  was  furpnfed  at  this  declaration 
of  the  duke;  but  being  fenfible  that  he  fhouid  never  re- 


EDWARD    THE    CONFESSOR.  131 

cover  his  own  liberty,  much  lefs  that  of  his  brother  and  CHAP, 
nephew,  if  he  refufed  the  demand,  he  feigned  a  compliance  III. 
with  William,  renounced  all  hopes  of  the  crown  for  him-  * — -v— ' ' 
felf,  and  profefTed  his  fincere  intention  of  fupporting  the 
will  of  Edward,  and  feconding  the  pretenfions  of  the  duke 
of  Normandy.  William,  to  bind  him  falter  to  his  iate* 
refts,  befides  offering  him  one  of  his  daughters  in  marri- 
age, required  him  to  take  an  oath  that  he  would  fulfil  his 
promifes  ;  and  in  order  to  render  the  oath  more  obligatory, 
he  employed  an  artifice  well-luited  to  the  ignorance  and 
fuperftition  of  the  age.  He  fecretlv  conveyed  under  the 
altar,  on  which  Harold  agreed  to  fwear,  the  reliqucs  of 
ibme  of  the  mod  revered  martyrs  ;  and  when  Harold  had 
taken  the  oath',  he  Ihowed  him  the  reliques,  and  admo- 
nilhed  him  toobfer.e  religiouflyan  engagement  which  had 
been  ratified  by  (b  tremendous  a  fanction*.  The  EnglifTi 
nobleman  was  aftonilhed  ;  but  diirembling  his  concern, 
he  renewed  the  fame  profeflions,  and  was  difmiflTed  with 
all  the  marks  of  mutual  confidence  by  the  duke  of  Nor- 
mandy. 

When  Harold  found  himfelf  at  liberty,  his  ambition 
fuggefted  cafuifiry  fufheient  to  juflify  to  him  the  violation 
of  an  oath,  which  had  been  extorted  from  him  by  fear, 
and  which,  if  fulfilled,  might  be  attended  with  the  fubjec- 
tion  of  his  native  country  to  a  foreign  power.  He  conti- 
nued fUU  to  praclife  every  art  of  popularity;  to  encreafe 
the  number  of  his  partifans  ;  to  reconcile  the  minds  of  the 
Englifti  to  the  idea  of  his  fucceffion  ;  to  revive  their  hatred 
of  the  Normans;  and,  by  an  oftentation  of  his  power  and 
influence,  to  deter  the  timorous  Edward  from  executing 
his  intended  deftination  in  favour  of  William.  Fortune, 
about  this  time,  threw  two  incidents  in  his  way,  by  which 
he  was  enabled  to  acquire  general  favour,  and  to  encreafe 
the  character  which  he  had  already  attained,  of  virtue  and 
abilities. 

The  Welfh,  though  a  lefs  formidable  enemy  than  the 
Danes,  had  long  been  accuftomed  to  infefl  the  weftern  bor» 
ders  ;  and  after  committing  fpoil  on  the  low  countries, 
they  ufually  made  a  hafty  retreat  into  their  mountains, 
where  they  were  iheltercd  from  the  purfiiit  of  their  ene- 
mies, and  were  ready  to  feize  the  firft  favoi  ble  opportu- 
nity of  renewing  their  depredations.  Griffith,  the  reigning 
prince,  had  gieatly  diftinguifhed  himfelf  in  thofe  incurfi- 
ons  ;  and  his  name  had  become  fo  terrible  to  the  Enclilh, 
that  Harold  fouqd  he  could  do  nothing  more  acceptable  to, 

*  W?ce,  p.  4;-,o,  460,  MS.  pene?  Carte,  p,  3-4.  \V.  M..h:\.  p.  03,  H, 
Hunt.  P.  366.     HuvuJcn,  p.  449.     Biumpio*.  p, 


i32  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  the  public,  and  more  honourable  for  himfelf,  than  the  fup« 
III.       preffing  of  fo  dangerous  an  enemy.     He  formed  the  plan 

v-~r-\ '  of  an   expedition   againft  Wales;  and    having  prepared 

fome  light-armed  foot  to  purfue  the  natives  into  their  faft- 
netTes,  fome  cavalry  to  feour  the  open  country,  and  a  fquad- 
ron  of  fhips  to  attack  the  fea-coaft,  he  employed  at  once 
alithefe  forces  againft  the  Welfh,  profecutcd  his  advanta- 
ges with  vigour,  made  nointermiffion  in  hisatTaults,  and  at 
laft.  reduced  the  enemy  to  fuch  diftrefs,  that,  in  order  to 
prevent  their  total  deftrudtion,  they  made  a  facrifice  of 
their  prince,  whofe  head  they  cut  off',  and  fent  to  Harold  ; 
and  they  were  content  to  receive,  as  their  fovereigns,  two 
Welfh  noblemen  appointed  by  Edward  to  rule  over 
them.  The  other  incident  was  no  lefs  honourable  to  Ha- 
rold. 

Tosti,  brother  of  this  nobleman,  who  had  been  created 
duke  cf  Northumberland,  being  of  a  violent  tyrannical 
temper,  had  acted  with  fuch  cruelty  and  injufiice,  that  the 
inhabitants  rofe  in  rebellion,  and  chafed  him  from  his  go- 
vernment. Morcar  and  Edwin,  two  brothers,  who  pofleiTed 
great  power  in  thofe  parts,  and  who  were  grandfonsof  the 
great  duke  Leofric,  concurred  in  the  infurredtion  ;  and  the 
former,  being  eleited  duke,  advanced  with  an  army  toop-> 
pofe  Harold,  who  was  commiffioned  by  the  king  to  reduce 
and  chaflife  the  Northumbrians.  Before  the  armies  came 
to  action,  Morcar,  well  acquainted  with  the  genrrous  dif- 
pofition  of  the  Englifh  commander,  endeavoured  tojuftify 
bis  own  conduct,  He  reprefented  to  Harold,  that  Tofti 
had  behaved  in  a  manner  unworthy  of  the  (ration  to  which 
be  was  advanced,  and  no  one,  not  even  a  brother,  could 
fupport  fuch  tyranny,  without  participating,  in  fome  de- 
gree, of  the  infamy  attending  it ;  that  the  Northumbrians, 
accuftomed  to  a  legal  adminiflration,  and  regarding  it  as 
their  birth-right,  were  willing  to  fubmit  to  the  king,  but 
required  a  governor  who  would  pay  regard  to  their  rights 
and  privileges;  that  they  had  been  taught  by  their  ancef- 
to! s,  that  death  was  preferable  to  fervitude,  and  had  taken 
the  field,  determined  to  perifb,  rather  than  fuffer  a  renewal 
of  thofe  indignities  to  which  they  had  fo  long  been  expof- 
ed ;  and  they  trufled  that  Harold,  on  reflection,  would 
not  defend  in  another  that  violent  conduct,  from  which  lie 
lnmfelf,  in  his  own  government,  had  alwavs  kept  at  fo 
great  a  difiance.     This  vigorous  remonftrance  was  accom- 

Fanicd  with  fuch  a  detail  of  facts,  fo  well  fupported,  that 
larold  found  it  prudent  to  abandon  big  brother's  caufe;  and 
returning  to  Edward,  he  perfuaded  him  to  pardon  the 
Nprthumbrians,  and  to  confirm  Morcar  in  the  government. 


EDWARD    THE    CONFESSOR.  133 

He  even  married  the  lifter  of  that  nobleman*;  and  by  his  CHAP. 
intereft  procured  Edwin,  the  younger  brother,  to  be  elected        III. 

into  the  government  of  Mercia.     Tofti  in  a  rage  departed  * * — -' 

the  kingdom,  and  took  fheltfr  in  Flanders  with  earl  Bald- 
win, his  father-in  law. 

By  this  marriage  Harold  broke  all  mea lures  with  the 
duke  of  Normandy  ;  and  William  clearly  perceived  that 
he  couid  no  longer  rely  on  the  oaths  and  promifes  which 
he  had  extorted  from  him.  But  (he  Englifh  nobleman  was 
now  in  fuch  a  fituation,  that  he  deemed  it  no  longer  ne- 
celTary  todiffembie.  He  had,  in  his  conduct  towards  the 
Northumbrians,  given  i't.cha  fpecimen  of  his  moderation 
as  had  gained  him  the  affections  of  his  countrymen.  He 
law  that  aSmoft  all  England  was  engaged  in  his  interefts  ; 
while  he  himlelf  poflefTed  the  government  of  WefTex, 
Morcar  that  of  Northumberland,  and  Edwin  that  of  Mer- 
cia. He  now  openly  afpired  to  the  fucceflion  ;  and  infill- 
ed, that  fince  it  was  necefTarv,  by  the  conteffion  of  all,  to 
fet  afide  the  royal  family,  on  account  of  the  imbecility  of 
Edgar,  the  fole  furviving  heir,  there  was  no  one  fo  capable 
of  filling  the  throne  as  a  nobleman  of  great  power,  of 
mature  age,  of  Jong  exoerience,  of  approved  courage  and 
abilities,  who,  being  a  native  of  the  kingdom,  would  effec- 
tually lecure  it  againfl  the  dominion  and  tyranny  of  fo- 
reigners. Edward,  broken  with  age  and  infirmities,  law 
the  difficulties  too  great  for  him  to  encounter  ;  and  though 
his  inveterate  prepoffeffions  kept  him  from  feconding  the 
pretenfions  of  Harold,  he  took,  but  feeble  and  irrefolutc 
fteps  for  fecu ring  the  lucceflion  to  the  duke  of  Normandyf . 
While  he  continued  in  this  uncertainty,  he  was  fur p riled 
by  licknefs,  which  brought  him  to  his  grave,  on  the  fifth 
of  January  1066,  in  the  fixty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  and 
twenty  fifth  of  his  reign. 

This  prince,  to  whom  the  monks  give  the  title  of  faint 
and  confeffor,  was  the  laft  of  the  Saxon  line  that  ruled  in 
England.  Though  his  reign  was  peaceable  and  fortunate, 
he  owed  his  prolperit/  lefs  to  his  own  abilities  than  to  the 
conjunctures  of  the  times.  The  Danes  employed  in  other 
enterprifes,  attempted  not  thole  incurfions  winch  had  been 
fj  troublelbme  to  all  his  predeceil'ors,  and  fatal  to  fome  of 
them.  The  facility  of  Ins  dilpofion  made  him  acquielce 
under  the  government  of  Godwin  and  his  Ion  Harold  ;  and 
the  abilities,  as  well  as  the  power  of  tnefe  noblemen  ena- 
bled them,  while  they  were  entrufted  with  authority,  to 
preferve  domeftic  peace  and  tranquility.     The  rnoft  com* 

*  Order.  Vitalis,  p.  402. 

t  See  note  [F  J  at  the  end  of  the  vo'.i.iv.c. 


i34  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  mendable  circumftance  of  Edward's  government,  was  his 
III.       attention  to  the  adminiftration  of  juftice,  and  his  compiling, 

* „ '  for  that  purpofe,  a  body  of  laws,  which  he  colle&ec!  from 

the  laws  of  Ethelbert,  Ina,  and  Alfred.  This  compilation, 
though  now  loft  (for  the  laws  that  pafs  under  Edward's 
name  were  compofed  afterwards*),  was  long  the  object  of 
affedlion  to  the  Englifh  nation. 

Edward  the  Confeflbr  was  the  firft  that  touched  for  the 
king's  evil ;  The  opinion  of  his  fanctity  procured  belief 
to  this  cure  among  the  people  :  His  fucceffors  regarded  it 
as  a  part  of  their  ftate  and  grandeur  to  uphold  the  fame 
opinion.  It  has  been  continued  down  to  our  time  ;  and 
the  practice  was  firft  dropped  by  the  present  royal  family, 
who  obferved,  that  it  could  no  longer  give  amazement  even 
to  the  populace,  and  was  attended  with  ridicule  in  the  eyes 
of  all  men  of  underftanding. 


HAROLD. 


HAROLD  had  fo  well  prepared  matters  before  the 
death  of  Edward,  that  he  immediately  ftepped  into 
January,  the  vacant  throne  ;  and  his  acceflion  was  attended  with  as 
little  oppofition  and  difturbance,  as  if  be  had  fucceeded  by 
the  moft  undoubted  hereditary  title.  The  citizens  of  Lon- 
don were  his  zealous  partifans :  The  bifhops  and  clergy 
had  adopted  his  caufe:  And  all  the  powerful  nobility,  con- 
nected with  him  by  alliance  or  friendfhip,  willingly  fe- 
conded  his  pretenfions.  The  title  of  Edgar  Athelingwas 
fcarcely  mentioned  ;  much  lefs  the  claim  of  the  duke  of 
Normandy  :  And  Harold,  aflerabling  his  partifans,  receive 
ed  the  crown  from  their  hands,  without  waiting  for  the 
free  deliberation  of  the  ftates,  or  regularly  fubmitting  the 
queflion  to  their  detei  ruination  f.  If  any  were  averfe 
to  this  meafure,  they  were  obligrd  to  conceal  their 
fentiments  ;  and  the  new  prince,  taking  a  general  filence 
forconfent,  and  founding  his  title  on  the  fu ppofed  luf- 
frages  of  the  people,  which  appeared  unanimous,  was, 
on  thediy  immediately  fucceeding  Edward's  death,  crown- 
ed and  anointed  king,  by  Aldred  archbifhop  of  York. 
The  whole  nation  feemed  joyfully  to  acquiefce  in  his 
elevation. 

*  Spehn.  in  verbo  Btlliva.  \  G.  Pi«fh  p.  196.     Ypod.  Nruft,, 

p.  436.  Order.  Vitalis,  p.  492.  M.'  Weft.  p.  221.  W.  Malm.  p.  '13.  In- 
gulf, p  69.  Brompton,  p.  957.  Knyg'nton,  p.  2339  H.  Hunt.  p.  210. 
Manyofthe  hiftorians  fay,  that  Harold  was  regularly  elefted  by  the  ftates  4 
Some,  that  ^dward  left  him  his  fucceffpr  by  will. 


HAROLD. 

The  firft  fymptoms  of  danger  which  the  king  discover-  C 
ed  came  from  abroad,  and  from  his  own  brother  Tofli, 
who  had  fubmitted  to  a  voluntary  banifhment  in  Flanders. 
Enraged  at  the  fuccefsful  ambition  of  Harold,  to  which 
he  himfelf  had  fallen  a  vidtim,  he  filled  the  court  of  Bald- 
win with  complaints  of  the  injufiice  which  he  had  fuffer- 
ed  :  He  engaged  the  intereft  of  that  family  againft  his  bro- 
ther :  He  endeavoured  to  form  intrigues  with  fome  of  the 
difcontented  nobles  in  England  ;  He  fent  his  emiflaries  to 
Norway,  in  order  to  route  to  arms  the  freebooters  of  that 
kingdom,  and  to  excite  their  hopes  of  reaping  advantage 
from  the  uniettled  Rate  of  affairs  on  the  ulurpation  of  the 
new  king :  And  that  he  might  render  the  combination  more 
formidable,  he  made  a  journey  to  Normandy;  in  expect- 
ation that  the  duke,  who  had  married  Matilda,  another 
daughterof  Baldwin,  would,  in  revenge  of  his  own  wrongs, 
as  well  as  thofe  of  Tofii,  fecond,  by  his  counfels  and  for- 
ces, the  projected  invafion  of  England*. 

The  duke  of  Normandy,  when  he  firft  received  intel- 
ligence of  Harold's  intrigues  and  acceffion,  had  been  mov- 
ed to  the  higheft  pitch  of  indignation  ;  but  that  he  might 
give  the  better  colour  to  his  pretenfions,  he  fent  an  embaf- 
iy  to  England,  upbraiding  that  prince  with  his  breach  of 
faith,  and  fummoning  him  torefign  immediately  poffeffion 
of  the  kingdom.  Harold  replied  to  the  Norman  ambalTa- 
dors,  that  the  oath,  with  which  he  was  reproached,  had 
been  extorted  by  the  well-grounded  fear  of  violence,  and 
could  never,  for  that  reafon,  be  regarded  as  obligatory  : 
That  he  had  no  commiffion,  either  from  the  late  king  or 
the  ftates  of  England,  who  alone  could  difpoTe  of  the 
crown,  to  make  any  tender  of  the  fucceffion  to  the  duke  of 
Normandy  ;  and  if  he,  a  private  perfon,  had  afTumed  fo 
muchauthority,  and  had  even  voluntarily  fworn  to  fupport 
the  duke's  pretenfions,  the  oath  was  unlawful,  and  it  was 
his  duty  to  feize  the  firft  opportunity  of  breaking  it :  That 
he  had  obtained  the  crown  by  the  unanimous  fufFrages  of 
the  people  ;  and  fhould  prove  himfelf  totally  unworthy  of 
their  favour,  did  he  not  ftrenuoufly  maintain  thofe  national 
liberties,  with  whofe  protection  they  had  entrufted  him  : 
And  that  the  duke,  if  he  made  any  attempt  by  force  of 
arms,  fhould  experience  the  power  of  an  united  nation, 
conducted  by  a  prince,  who,  fenfible  of  the  obligations 
impoled  on  him  by  his  royal  dignity,  was  determined  that 
the  fame  moment  fhould  put  a  period  to  his  life  and  to  his 
government-}*. 


*  Order.  Vitalis,  p.  492.  f  VV.  Malm.  p.  90.     Higden.'p.   285. 

Mitth.  Weft.  p.  S22.     Dc  Gcft.  Angl.inccnoaucloie,   gt.  3,31. 


)f>  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.       This  anfwer  was  no  other  than  William  expected  ;  and 
III.       he  had  previoufly  fixed  his  reiolution  of"  making  an  attempt 

v—- v '  upon  Hngland.     Coniuiting  only  his  courage,  his  rcfent- 

ment,  and  his  ambition,  he  overlooked  ail  the  difficulties 
infeparable  from  an  attack  on  a  great  kingdom  by  fuch  in- 
ferior force,  and  he  faw  only  thecircumflances  which  would 
facilitate  his  enterprife.  He  conhdered  that  England, 
ever  fince  the  acceffion  of  Canute,  had  enjoyed  profound 
tranquillity,  during  a  period  of  near  fifty  years  ;  and 
it  would  require  time  for  its  foldiers,  enervated  by  long 
peace,  to  learn  difcipline,  and  its  generals  experience. 
He  knew  that  it  was  e  tirely  unprovided  with  fortified 
towns,  by  which  it  could  prolong  the  war  ;  but  mufr  ven- 
ture its  whole  fortune  in  one  decifive  action  againfl  a  vete- 
ran enemy,  who,  being  once  mafler  of  the  field,  would 
be  in  a  condition  to  overrun  the  kingdom.  If e  faw  that 
Harold,  though  he  had  given  proofs  of  vigour  and  bravery, 
had  newly  mounted  a  throne,  which  he  had  acquired  bv 
faction,  from  which  he  had  excluded  a  very  ancient  royal 
family,  and  which  was  likely  to  totter  under  him  by  its 
own  inftability,  much  more  if  (haken  by  any  violent  ex- 
ternal impulfe.  And  he  hoped,  that  the  very  circumftance 
of  his  crofting  the  fea,  quitting  his  own  country,  and 
leaving  himfelf  no  hopes  of  retreat ;  as  it  would  aftonifh 
the  enemy  by  the  boldnefsof  the  enterprife,  would  infpirit 
his  foldiers  by  defpair,  and  roufe  them  to  fullain  the  repu- 
tation of  the  Norman  arms. 

The  Normans,  as  they  had  long  been  diftinguifhed  by 
valour  among  all  the  European  nations',  had  at  this  time 
attained  to  the  highefl  pitch  of  military  glory.  Befides 
acquiring  by  arms  fuch  a  noble  territory  in  France,  beiide3 
defending  it  againfl  continual  attempts  of  the  Fiench  mo- 
narch and  all  its  neighbours,  befides  exerting  many  acls  of 
vigour  under  their  prefent  fovcreign  ;  they  had,  about  this 
very  time,  revived  their  ancient  fame,  by  the  mod  hazar- 
dous exploits,  and  the  moft  wonderful  fucceiTes,  in  the  other 
extremity  of  Europe.  A  few  Norman  adventurers  in  Italy 
had  acquired  fuch  an  afcendant,  not  only  over  the  Italians 
and  Greeks,  but  the  Germans  and  Saracens,  that  they  ex- 
pelled thole  foreigners,  procured  to  themfelves  ample  efta- 
blifhments,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  the  opulent  king- 
dom of  Naples  and  Sicily*.  Thefe  enterprises  of  men, 
who  were  all  of  them  vaflals  in  Normandy,  many  of  them 
banifhed  for  faction  and  rebellion,  excited  the  ambition  of 
the  haughty  William;  who  difdained,  after  fuch  exam- 
plesof  fortune   and  valour,  to  be  deterred  from  making  an 

*  Gul.  Gemet.  lib.  7.  cap.  30. 


HAROLD.  137 

attack  on  a  neighbouring  country,  where  he  could  be  flip-  CHAP* 
ported  by  the  whole  force  of  his  principality.  III. 

The  fituation  alfo  of  Europe  infpired    William  with  v M ' 

hopes,  that.befides  his  brave  Normans,  he  might  employ 
againft  England  the  flower  of  the  military  force  which  was 
difperfed  in  all  the  neighbouring  ftates.  France,  Germa- 
ny, and  the  Low  Countries,  by  the  progrefs  of  the  feudal 
inftitutions,  were  divided  and  fubdivided  into  many  princi- 
palities and  baronies;  and  the  pofleffors,  enjoying  the  civil 
jurifdiclion  within  themfelves,  as  well  as  the  right  of  arms, 
a&ed,  in  many  refpecls,  as  independent  fovereigns,  and 
maintained  their  properties  and  privileges  lefs  by  the  au- 
thority of  laws  than  by  their  own  force  and  valour.  A 
military  fpirit  had  univerfally  difful'ed  itfelf  throughout 
Europe  ;  and  the  feveral  leaders,  whofe  minds  were  ele- 
vated by  their  princely  fituation,  greedily  embraced  the 
mod  hazardous  enterprifes  ;  and  being  accuftomed  to  no- 
thing from  their  infancy  but  recitals  of  the  fuccefs  attending 
wars  and  battles,  they  were  prompted  by  a  natural  ambi- 
tion to  imitate  thofe  adventures,  which  they  heard  fo  much 
celebrated, and  which  were  fo  much  exaggerated  by  the 
credulity  of  the  age.  United,  however  looiely,  by  their 
duty  to  one  fuperior  lord,  and  by  their  connexions  with  the 
great  body  of  the  community  to  which  they  belonged,  they 
clefired  to  fpread  their  fame  each  beyond  his  own  diflrift  ; 
and  in  all  aflemblies,  whether  inftituted  for  civil  delibera- 
tions, for  military  expeditions,  or  merely  for  (how  and  en- 
tertainment, to  outfhine  each  other  by  the  reputation  of 
jtrength  and  prowefs.  Hence  their  genius  for  chivalry; 
hence  their  impatience  of  peace  and  tranquillity ;  and  hence 
their  readinefs  to  embark  in  any  dangerous  enterprife,  how 
little  foever  interefted  in  its  failure  or  fuccefs. 

William,  by  his  power,  his  courage,  and  his  abilities, 
had  long  maintained  a  pre-eminence  among  thofe  haughty 
chieftains  ;  and  every  one  who  defired  to  fignalife  himfelf 
by  his  addrefs  in  military  exercifes,  or  his  valour  in  action, 
had  been  ambitious  of  acquiring  a  reputation  in  the  court 
and  in  the  armies  of  Normandy.  Entertained  with  that 
hofpitality  and  courtefy  which  diftinguifhed  the  age,  they 
had  formed  attachments  with  the  prince,  and  greedily  at- 
tended to  the  profpeilsof  the  fignal  glory  and  elevatioa 
which  he  promifed  them  in  return  for  their  concurrence  in 
an  expedition  againft  England.  The  more  grandeur  there 
appeared  in  the  attempt,  the  more  it  fuited  their  romantic 
fpirit  :  The  fame  of  the  intended  invafion  was  already  dif- 
fufed  every  where :  Multitudes  crowded  to  tender  to  the 

Vol.  I.  T 


!3S  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

P  tt  a  p  duke  their  fervice,  with  that  of  their  vaffals  and  retainers*! 
jH     "  And  William  found  lefs  difficulty  in  completing  his  levies, 
i  than  in  chunng  the  mod  veteran  forces,  and  in   rejecting 
the  offers  of  thole  who  were  impatient  to  acquire  fame  un- 
der fo  renowned  a  leader. 

Besides  thefe  advantages,  which  William  owed  to  his 
perfonal   valour  and   good    conduct  ;  he  was  indebted  to 
fortune  for  procuring  him  fomeaffiftance,  and    alfo  for  re- 
moving many  obftacles,  which  it  was  natural  for  him  to 
expect  in    an    undertaking,  in    which   all  his  neighbours 
were  io  deeply  inte retted.     Conan,  count  of  Britanny ,  was 
his  mortal  enemy  :  In    order  to  throw  a  damp  upon  the 
duke's  enterprise,  he  chofe  this  conjuncture  for  reviving  his 
claim  to  Normandy  itielf;  and  he  required,  that  in  cafe  of 
William's  fuccefs  againft  England,  the  pofleflion  of  that 
dutchy  lhould  devolve  fo  himf.     But  Conan  died  fudden- 
ly  afier  making  this  demand  ;  and  Hoel,  his  fucceflbr,  in- 
ftead  of  adopting  the  malignity,  or,  more  properly  fpeak- 
ing,  the  prudence  of  his  predecefTor,  zealoufly  feconded the 
duke's  views,  and   lent  his  eldeft  Ion,   Alain    Fergant,  to 
ferve  under   him   with  a  body  of  five    thoufand   Britons. 
The  counts  of  Anjou  of  Flanders  encouraged   their  Sub- 
jects to  engage  in   the  expedition  ;  and   even   the  court 
of  France,  though  it  might  juflly  fear  the  aggrandizement 
of  fo  dangerous  a   vaffal,  purfued  not  its  intermits  on  this.-;-., 
occafion  with  fufhcient  vigour  and  refolution.     Philip  I. 
the  reigning  monarch,  was  a  minor  ;  and  William,  having 
communicated  his  project  to  the  council,  having  defired 
affrftance,  and  offered  to  do  homage,  in  cafe  of  his  fuccefs, 
for  the  crown  of  England,  was  indeed  openly  ordered  to  lay 
afide  all  thoughts  of  the  enterprife  ;  but  the  earl  of  Flan- 
ders, his  father-in-law,  being  at  the  head  of  the  regency, 
favoured  under-hand  his  levies,  and  fecretly  encouraged 
the  adventurous  nobility  to  iftiift  under  theftandard  of  the  * 
duke  of  Normandy. 

The  empeior,  Henry  IV.  befides  openly  giving  all  his 
vaffals  permiflion  to  embark  in  this  expedition,  which  fo 
much  engaged  the  attention  of  Europe,  promifed  his  pfo- 
te£tion  to  the  dutchy  of  Normandy  during  the  abfence  of 
the  prince,  and  thereby  enabled  him  to  emplov  his  w-hole 
-force  in  the  invafion  of  England^.  But  the  moft  impor- 
tant ally,  whom  William  gained  by  his  negociation*,  was 
the  pope,  who  had  a  mighty  influence  over  the  ancient  ba- 
rons, no  lefs  devout  in  their  religious  principles,  than  va- 
lorous in  their  military  enterprises.     The  Roman  pontiff, 

*  Gtil.  Pifla'-enfis,  p.  198.  f  Gal.  Gcinet.  lib.  7.  cap.  33. 

t  Uul.  Pitt.  p.  198. 


HAROLD.  *# 

after  an  infenfible  progrefs  during  fevcral  ages  of  darknefs  CHAP, 
an  1  ignorance,  began  now  to  lift  his  head  openly  above  all         III. 

the  princes  of  Europe  ;   to  affume  the  office  o-  a  mediator,  S n/-— j 

or  even  an  arbiter,  in  the  quarrels  of  the  greatcfl  morurchs; 
to  interpofe  in  all  fecular  affairs  ;  and  to  obtrude  his  dic- 
tates as  fovereign  laws  on  his  oblequious  difciples.  It  was 
a  Cv 'Ticient  motive  to  Alexander  II.  the  reigning  pope,  for 
embracing  William's  quarrel,  that  he  alone  had  made  an 
appeal  to  his  tribunal,  and  rendered  him  umpire  of  the 
di:pute  between  him  and  Harold  ;  but  there  were  other 
advantages  which  that  pontiff  tore  fa  w  muft  remit  from  the 
conqueft  of  England  by  the  Norman  arms.  That  king- 
dom, though  at  hi tt  converted  by  Romilh  mirfTionarics, 
though  it  had  afterwards  advanced  fome  farther  fleps  to- 
wards fubjection  to  Rome,  maintained  flill  a  confiderable 
independence  in  its  ecclefiaftical  adminiftration  ;  an  J  form- 
ing a  wo  Id  within  itfelf,  entirely  feparated  from  the  reft  of 
Europe,  it  had  hitherto  proved  inacceffible  to  thofe  exor- 
bitant claims  which  fupported  the  grandeur  of  the  papacy. 
Alexander  therefore  hoped,  that  the  French  and  Norman 
barons,  if  fuccefsful  in  their  enterprife,  might  import  into 
that  country  a  more  devoted  reverence  to  the  holy  fee,  and 
bring  the  Englilh  churches  to  a  nearer  conformity  with 
thofe  of  the  continent.  He  declared  immediately  in  favour 
of  William's  claim  ;  pronounced  Harold  a  perjured  ufur- 
pcr;  denounced  excommunication  againft  him  and  his  ad- 
herents; and  the  more  to  encourage  the  duke  of  Norman- 
dy in  his  enterprife,  he  fent  him  aconfecrated  banner,  and 
a  ring  with  one  of  St.  Peter's  hairs  in  it*.  Thus  were  all 
the  ambition  and  violence  of  that  invafion  covered  over 
fafe'.v  with  the  broad  mantle  of  religion. 

The  greatefi  difficulty  which  William  had  to  encoun- 
ter in  his  preparations,  arofe  from  his  own  fubjecls  in  Nor- 
mandy. The  llates  of  the  dutchy  were  alTembled  at  Liile- 
bonne  ;  and  fupplics  being  demanded  for  the  intended  en- 
H,terprife,  which  promifed  lb  much  glory  and  advantage  to 
heir  country,  there  appeared  a  reluctance  in  many  mem- 
bers, both  to  grant  fums  fo  much  beyond  the  common  mea- 
iure  of  taxes  in  that  age,  and  tofet  a  precedent  of  pcrfoim- 
ir%  their  military  lei  vice  at  a  diilance  fiom  jheif  own 
countvv.  The  duke,  finding  it  dangerous  to  folicit  them 
inaoody,  conferred  feparately  with  the  richeft  individuals 
in  the  province  ;  and  beginning  with  thofe  on  whole  affec- 
tions he  molt  relied,  he  gradually  engaged  all  of  them  to 
advance  the  fums  demanded.  The  count  of  Longuevillc 
Seconded  him  in  this  negociaiion;  as  did  the  count  of  Mcr- 

■.  sa,  edit.  lCS-}. 


{. 


140  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  taigne,    Odo  bifhop  of  Baieux,  and  efpecially    William 
111.       Fitz-Ofborne,  count  of  Breteuil,  and  conftable  of  the  dut- 

1 •— ■ '  chy.     Every  perfon,  when  he  himlelf  was  once  engaged, 

endeavoured  to  bring  over  others  ;  and  at  laft  the  ftates 
themfelves,  after  ftipulating  that  this  conceflion  fhould  be 
no  precedent,  voted  that  they  would  aflift  their  prince  to 
the  utmoft  in  Ins  intended  enterprife*. 

William  had  now  aflembled  a  fleet  of  3000  veffels,  great 
and  fmallf,  and  had  felected  an  army  of  60,000  men 
from  among  thofe  numerous  fuppiies  which  from  eve- 
ry quarter  folicited  to  be  received  into  his  fervice.  The 
camp  bore  a  fplended  yet  a  martial  appearance,  from 
the  difcipline  of  the  men,  the  beauty  and  vigour  of  the 
riorfes,  the  luftre  of  the  arms,  and  the  accoutrements  of 
both  ;  but  above  all,  from  the  high  names  of  nobility  who 
.engaged  under  the  banners  of  the  duke  of  Normandy. 
The  moft  celebrated  were  Euftace  count  of  Boulogne,  Ai- 
meri  de  Tkouars,  Hugh  d'Eftaples,  William  d'Evreux, 
Geoffrey  de  Rotrou,  Roger  de  Beaumont,  William  de  Wa- 
renne,  Roger  de  Montgomery,  Hugh  de  Grantmefnil, 
Charles  Martel,  and  Geoffrey  GiffardJ.  To  thefe  bold 
chieftains  William  held  up  the  fpoils  of  England  as  the 
prize  of  their  valour  ;  and  pointing  to  the  oppofite  {hore, 
called  to  them,  that  there  was  the  field,  on  which  they 
muft  erect  trophies  to  their  name,  and  fix  their  eftabliftv- 
merits. 

While  he  was  making  thefe  mighty  preparations,  the 
duke,  that  he  might  encreafe  the  number  of  Harold's  ene- 
mies, excited  the  inveterate  rancour  of  Tofti,  and  encou- 
raged him,  in  concert  with  Harold  Halfager,  king  of  Nor- 
way, to  infeft  the  coafts  of  England.  Tofti  having  col- 
letted  about  fixty  veffels  in  the  ports  of  Flanders,  put  to 
fea  ;  and  after  committing  fome  depredations  on  the  fouth 
and  eaft  coafts,  he  failed  to  Northumberland,  and  was  there 
joined  by  Halfager,  who  came  over  with  a  great  arma- 
ment of  three  hundred  fail.  The  combined  fleets  entered* 
the  Humber,  and  difembarked  the  troops,  who  began  ta 
extend  their  depredations  on  all  fides  ;  when  Morcar  earl 
of  Northumberland,  and  Edwin  earl  of  Mercia,  the  king's  ' 
brothers-in-law,  having  haftily  collected  fome  forces,  ven- 
tured to  give  them  battle.  The  aclion  ended  in  the  defeat 
and  flight  of  thefe  two  noblemen. 

Harold,  informed  of  this  defeat,  haftened  with  an  army 
to  the  protection  of  his  people  ;  arid  expreffed  the  utmoft 
ardour  to  lhow  himfelf  worthy  of  the  crown  which  had 
been  conferred  uport-him.   This  prince,  though  he  was  not 

*  Camden.     Introd.  ad  Britann.  p.  aia.    2d.  edit.  Gibf.  Verftegan,  p,  173, 
f  Gul.  Gemet.lib.  7.  cap.  34.  %  Ordericus  Vitalis,  p.  501. 


HAROLD.  141 

fcnfible  of  the  full  extent  of  his  danger,    from  the  great  CHAT, 
combination  againft  him,  had  employed  every  art  of  popu-       III. 

larity  to  acquire  the  affections  of  the  public  ;  and  he  gave  ' ., / 

fo  many  proofs  of  an  equitable  and  prudent  adminiftration, 

that    the  Englifh    found  no    reafon  to  repent  the  choice 

which  they  had  made  of  a  fovereign.     They  flocked  from 

all  quarters  to  join  his  ftandard  ;  and  as  foon  as  he  reached 

the  enemy  at  Standford,  he  found  himfelf  in  a  condition  to 

give  them  battle.     The  action  was  bloody  ,-  but  the  victory  sept-  25* 

was  decifive  on  the  fide  of  Harold,  and  ended  in  the  total 

rout  of  the  Norvegians,   together  with  the  death  of  Tofti 

and  Halfager.  Even  the Norvegian  fleet  fellinto  thehands 

of  Harold  ;  who  had  the  generofity  to  give  prince  Olave, 

the  fon  of  Halfager,  his  liberty,  and  allow  him  to  depart 

with  twenty  veffels.     But  he  had  fcarcely  time  to  rejoice 

for  this  victory  when  he  received  intelligence  that  the  duke 

ol  Normandy  was  landed  with  a  great  army  in  the  louth  of 

England. 

The  Norman  fleet  and  army  had  been  alTembled,  early 
in  the  fummer,  at  the  mouth  of  the  fmall  river  Dive,  and 
all  the  troops  had  been  inftantly  embarked  ;  but  the  winds 
proved  long  contrary,  and  detained  them  in  that  harbour. 
The  authority,  however,  of  good  difcipline  maintained 
among  the  feamen  and  foldiers,  and  the  great  care 
in  fupplying  them  with  provifions,  had  prevented  any 
diforder ;  when  at  laft  the  wind  became  favourable 
and  enabled  them  to  fail  along  the  coaft,  till  they 
reached  St.  Valori.  There  were,  however,  feveral  veffels 
loft  in  this  (hort  paffage  ;  and  as  the  wind  again  proved 
contrary,  the  army  began  to  imagine  that  heaven  had  de- 
clared againft  them,  and  that,  notwithftanding  the  pope's 
benediction,  they  were  deftined  to  certain  deftruction. 
Thefe  bold  warriors,  who  defpifed  real  dangers,  were  ve- 
ry fubjedt  to  the  dread  of  imaginary  ones  ;  and  many  of 
them  began  to  mutiny,  fome  of  them  even  to  defert  their 
colours ;  when  the  duke,  in  order  to  fupport  their  drooping 
hopes,  ordered  a  proceflion  to  be  msde  with  the  reliques 
of  St.  Valori*,  and  prayers  to  be  faid  for  more  favourable 
weather.  The  wind  inftantlv  changed  ;  and  as  this  inci- 
dent happened  on  the  eve  of  the  feaft  of  St.  Michael,  the 
tutelar  faint  of  Normandy,  the  foldiers,  fancying  they  faw 
the  hand  of  heaven  in  all  thefe  concurring  circumftances, 
fet  out  with  the  greateft  alacrity  :  They  met  with  no  op- 
pofition  on  their  paffage:  A  great  fleet,  which  Harold  had 
alfembled,  and  which  had  cruifed  all  fummer  off  the  lileof 

*  Hidden,  p.  2S5.  Ordiyr.  Viralis.  p.  500.  Matt!;.  Paris,  cc'.i.  raiifis, 
anno  1644.  p.  2. 


J42  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Wight,  had  been  difmifled,  on  his  receiving  falfe    Intelli- 
III.        gence  that  William,  difcouraged  by  contrary  winds   and 

V— ^ '  other  accidents,  had  laid  afide  his  preparations.  The  Norman 

armament,  proceeding  in  great  order,  arrived,  without  any 
material  lofs,  at  Pevenfey  in  Suflex  ;  and  the  armv  quietly 
difembarked.  The  duke  himfelf,  as  he  leaped  on  (hore,  hap- 
penedto  dumble  and  fall  ;  but  had  the  prefence  of  mind, 
it  is  (aid,  to  turn  the  omen  to  his  advantage,  by  calling 
aloud  that  he  ha4  taken  pofieffion  of  the  country.  And 
a  foldier,  running  to  a  neighbouring  cottage,  plucked 
fome  thatch,  which,  as  if  giving  him  feizine  of  the  king- 
dom, he  prefented  to  his  general.  The  joy  and  alacrity 
of  William  and  his  whole  army  was  fo  great,  that  they 
were  nowile  difcouraged,  even  when  they  heard  of  Ha- 
rold's great  victory  over  the  N'orvegians  :  They  feemed  ra- 
ther to  wait  with  impatience  the  arrival  of  the  enemy. 

The   victory  of  Harold,  though  great  and  honourable, 
had  proved  in  the  main  prejudicial  to  his  intereds,   and  may 
be  regarded  as  the  immediate  caufe  of  his   ruin.     He  loft 
many  of  his  braved  officers  and  foldiersiri  the  action  ;  and 
he  difguded  the  reft,  by  refuting  to  didribute  the  Norvegi- 
an  fpoils  among  them  :  a  conduct  which  was  little  agreea- 
ble to  hisufual  generofity  of  temper  ;  but  which  hisdefire 
of  fparingthe  people,  in  the  war  that  impended   over  him 
from  the  duke  of  Normandy,  had  probably  occafioned.   He 
haftened,  by   quick  marches,  to  reach  this  new  invader  ; 
but  though  he  was  reinforced  at  London  and  other  places 
with  frelh  troops,  he  found  himlelf  alio  weakened  by.  the 
delertion  of  his  old  foldiers,  who  from  fatigue  and  difcon- 
tent  fecretly  withdrew  from    their    colours.     His    brother 
Gurth,  a  man  of  bravery  and  conduct,  begartfrto  entertain 
apprehenfions    of  the    event ;  and   remonflrated  with  the 
king,  that  it  would  be   better  policy  to  prolong  the   war  ; 
at  lead,  to  fpare  his  own  perfen  in  the  action.     He  urged 
to  him,  that  the  defperate   fituation  of  the  duke  of   Nor- 
mandy made  it  requifile  for   that  prince  to  bring  matters  to 
a  fpeedy  dicifion,  and  put  his  whole  fortune  on  the  illue  of  < 
a  battle  ;   but  that  the  king  of  England,  in  his  own  coun- 
try, beloved  by  his  fubjects,  provided  with   every  fupply,™ 
had  more  certain  and  lefs  dangerous  means  of  enduing  to 
himfelf  the  victory :  That  the  Norman  troops,  elated   on 
the  one  hand  with  the  highed  hopes,  and  feeing,   on  the 
other,  no  refource  in  cafe  of  a  difcomfiture,  would  fight  to 
the  lad  extremity;  and  being  the  flower  of  all  the  warriors 
of  the  continent,  mud  be  regarded  as  formidable  to  the 
Englifh  :  That  ff  their  fird  fire,  which  is  always  the  mod 
dangerous,  were  allowed  to  languid)  for  want  of  aclion  : 
if  they  were  harafled  with  (mall  fkirmifhes,  draitened   iq 


HAROLD.  143 

provifions,    and  fatigued    with  the  bad  weather  and  deep  CHAP, 
roads  during   the  winter  feafon,  which  was  approaching,       III. 

they  mult  fall  an  eafy  and  a  bloodlefs  prey  to  their  enemy:  * » ' 

That  if  a  general  ati'ion  were  delayed,  the  Englifb,  fenfi- 
bleof  the  imminent  danger  to  which  their  properties,  as 
well  as  liberties,  wereexpofed  from  thole  rapacious  inva- 
ders, would  haflen  from  all  quarters  to  his  affiltance,  and 
would  render  his  army  invincible  :  That,  at  lead,  if  he 
thought  it  neceffary  to  hazard  a  battle,  he  ought  not  to  ex- 
pofe  his  own  perfon  ;  but  referve,  in  cafe  of  difaftrous  ac- 
cidents, fome  relburce  to  the  liberty  and  independence  of 
the  kingdom  :  And  that  having  once  been  fo  unfortunate 
as  to  be  conflrained  to  fwear,  and  that  upon  the  holy  re- 
liques,  to  fupport  the  pretenfions  of  the  duke  of  Normandy, 
it  were  better  that  the  command  of  the  army  fbouldbe  en- 
trufled  to  another,  who,  not  being  bound  by  thofe  facred 
ties,  might  give  the  foldiers  more  allured  hopes  of  a  prof- 
perous  iffue  to  the  combat. 

Harold  was  deaf  to  all  thefe  remonftrances :  Elated 
with  his  part  profperity,as  well  as  ftimulated  by  his  native 
courage,  he  relolved  to  give  battle  in  perfon  ;  and  for  that 
purpoie  he  drew  near  to  the  Normans,  who  had  removed 
their  camp  and  fleet  to  Haftings,  where  they  fixed  their 
quarters.  He  was  fo  confident  of  fuccefs,  that  he  fent  a 
meffage  to  the  duke,  promifing  him  a  fum  of  money  if  he 
would  depart  the  kingdom  without  effufion  of  blood  :  But 
his  offer  was  rejected  with  difdain  ;  and  William,  not  to  be 
behind  with  his  enemy  in  vaunting,  fent  him  a  meffage 
by  fome  monks,  requiring  him  either  to  refign  the  king- 
dom, or  to  hold  it  of  him  in  fealty,  or  to  fubmit  their  caufe 
to  the  arbitration  of  the  pope,  or  to  fight  him  in  fingle  com- 
bat. Harold  replied,  that  the  God  of  battles  would  foon 
be  the  arbiter  of  all  their  differences*. 

The  Englifh  and  Normans  now  prepared  themfelves 
for  this  important  decifion  ;  but  the  afpeCt  of  things,  on 
the  night  before  the  battle,  was  very  different  in  the  two 
camps.  The  Englifh  fpent  the  time  in  riot,  and  jollity, 
and  diforder  ;  the  Normans  in  filence,  and  in  prayer,  and 
in  the  other  functions  of  their  religionf.  On  the  morn- 
ing, the  duke  called  together  the  mod  confidcrable  of  his 
commanders,  and  made  them  a  fpeech  fuitable  to  the  oc- 
cafion.  He  reprefented  to  them,  that  the  event,  which 
they  and  he  had  long  wifhed  for,  was  approaching;  the 
whole  fortune  of  the  war  now  depended  on  their  fwords, 
and  would  be  decided  in  a  fingle  action  :  That  never  army 
had  greater  motives  for  exerting  a  vigorous  courage,  whe- 

*  Higden,  p.  2S6.  f  W.  Malm.  p.  101.     De  Geft.  Ar.gl.  p.  J32. 


144  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  ther  they  confidered  the  prize  which  would  attend  thei* 
HI.       vi&ory,  or  the  inevitable  de(lru6tion  which  mull  enfue  upon 

v v '  their  difcomfiture;  That  if  their  martial  and  veteran  bands 

could  once  break  thofe  raw  foldiers,  who  had  rafhly  dared 
to  approach  them,  they  conquered  a  kingdom  at  one  blow, 
and  were  juftly  entitled  to  all  its  pofleffions  as  the  reward 
of  their  profperous  valour  :  That,  on  the  contrary,  if  they 
remitted  in  the  leaft  their  wonted  prowefs,  an  enraged  ene- 
my hung  upon  their  rear,  the  fea  met  them  in  theirretreat, 
and  an  ignominious  death  was  the  certain  punifhment  of 
their  imprudent  cowardice  :  That,  by  collecting  fo  nume- 
rous and  brave  ahoft,  he  hadenfured  every  human  means  of 
conqueft  ;  and  the  commander  of  the  enemy,  by  his  crimi- 
nal conduct,  had  given  him  juft  caufe  to  hope  for  the  fa- 
vour of  the  Almighty,  in  whofe  hands  alone  lay  the  event 
of  wars  and  battles  :  And  that  a  perjured  ufurper,  anathe- 
matized by  the  fovereign  pontiff,  and  confeious  of  his  own 
breach  of  faith,  would  be  ftruck  with  terror  on  their  ap- 
pearance, and  would  prognofticate  to  himfelf  that  fate 
which  his  multiplied  crimes  had  <o  juftly  merited*.  The 
duke  next  divided  his  army  into  three  lines  :  The  firft,  led 
by  Montgomery,  confifted  of  archers  and  light  armed  in- 
fantry :  The  fecond,  commanded  by  Martel,  was  compofed 
of  hisbraveft  battalions,  heavy  armed,  and  ranged  In  clofe  or- 
der :  His  cavalry,  at  whofe  head  he  placed  himfelf,  form- 
ed the  third  line  ;  and  were  fo  difpofed,  that  they  ftretch- 
ed  beyond  the  infantry,  and  flanked  each  wing  of  the 
armyf.  He  ordered  thefignal  of  battle  to  be  given  ;  and 
the  whole  army,  moving  at  once,  and  finging  the  hymn 
or  fong  of  Roland,  the  famous  peer  of  CharlemagneJ, 
advanced  in  order  and  with  alacrity  towards  the  enemy. 

Harold  had  feized  the  advantage  of  a  rifing  ground, 
and  having  likewife  drawn  fome  trenches  to  fecure  his 
flanks,  he  refolved  to  ftand  upon  the  defenfive,  and  to 
avoid  all  action  with  the  cavalry,  in  which  he  was  inferi- 
or. The  Kentifh  men  were  placed  in  the  van  ;  a  pod 
which  they  had  always  claimed  as  their  due  :  The  Lon- 
doners guarded  the  ftandard  :  And  the  king  himfelf, 
accompanied  by  his  two  valiant  brothers,  Gurth  and 
Leofwin,  difmounting,  placed  himfelf  at  (he  head  of  his 
infantr-',  and  exprefled  his  refolution  to  conquer,  or  to 
perifh  in  the  action.  The  firft  attack  of  the  Normans 
was  defperate,  but  was  received  with  equal  valour  by  the 
Englifh ;  and  after  a  furious  combat,    which   remained 

*  H.  Hunt.  p.  368.     Brompton,  p.  959.     Gul.  Pifh  p.  201. 

f  Gul.    Pift.    fOi..       Order.    Vital,    p.    501.  $  W.   Malm,   p.  lot. 

Higden,  p.  286.  Matth.  Weft.  p.  223.  Du  Cange"s  Gloflary  io  vcrbo  Can- 
tilena Rolandi. 


HAROLD.  145 

long  undecided,    the    former,  overcome  by  the  difficulty  CHAP. 
of  the  ground,  and  hard  preffed  by  the  enemy,  bL»gan  firft       III. 
to   relax  their  vigour,  then  to  retreat  ;    and  confufion  was  v-b-L-\r- — ■* 
fpreading  among  the  ranks,  when   William,  who   found 
himfelf  on  the  brink  of  deftru£tion,    haftened   with  a  fe- 
Ie£t  band  to  the  relief  of  his  dilinayed  forces.      His  pte- 
fence  reflored  the  acYion  ;    the   Englifh  ivere    obliged    to 
retire  with  lofs  ;  and  the  duke,  ordering  his  fecond  line  to 
advance,    renewed  the  attack  with  frefh  forces,    and  with 
redoubled   courage.      Finding  that  the  enemy,    aided  by 
the  advantage  of  ground,    and  animated  by  the  example 
of  their  prince,  (till  made  a  vigorous  refiflance,    he  tried 
a  firatagem,    which  was  very  delicate  in  its  management, 
but   which    feemed   advifable   in  his  defperate  fituation, 
wh  .-re,  if  he  gained  not  a  decifive  viclory,  he  was  totally 
undone  :    He  commanded  his  troops  to  make  a  hafty  re- 
treat, and  to  allure   the  enemy  from  their  ground  by  the 
appearance  of  flight.       The  artifice    fucceeded    againfr. 
thole  unexperienced  foldiers,  who,  heated  by  the  aftion, 
and  fanguine  in   their   hopes,    precipitately  followed  the 
Normans  into  the  plain.       William  gave  orders,  that  at 
once  the   infantry  mould  face  about  upon  their  purfuers, 
and  the  cavalrv  make  an  affault  upon  their  wings,  and  both 
of  them   purfue  the  advantage,    which  the  furprife  and 
terror  of  the  enemy   muft  give  them  in  that  critical  and 
decifive  moment.     The  Englifh  were  repulfed  with  great 
{laughter,    and  driven  back  to   the  hill  ;    where,  being 
rallied  by  the  bravery  of  Harold,    they   were  able  not- 
withftanding  their  lofs,  to  maintain  the  port,  and  continue 
the  combat.     The  duke  tried  the  fame  ftratagem  a  fecond 
time  with  the  fame  fuccefs  ;    but  even  after  this  double 
advantage,    he  fh'll  found   a   great  body   of  the  Englifh, 
who,  maintaining  t hem fe Ives  in  firm  array,  feemed  deter- 
mined  to  difpute  the   viclory  to  the  laft  extremity.     He 
ordered  his  heavy  armed  infantry  to  make  an  affault  upon 
them  ;  while  his  archers,  placed  behind,  {hould  gall  the 
enemy,  who  were  expofed  by  the  fituation  of  the  ground, 
and  who  were  intent  in  defending  themfelves  againft  the 
fwords  and  fpears  of  the  ailailants.     By  this  difpofition  he 
at  laft  prevailed  :   Harold  was  (lain  by  an  arrow,  while  he 
was  combating  with  great  bravery  at  the  head  of  his  men  : 
His  two  brothers  fhared  the  fame  fate  :   And   the  Englifh, 
difcouraged  by  the  fall  of  thofe  princes,  gave  ground  on 
all  fides,  and  were  purfued  with  great  {laughter  by  the  vic- 
torious Normans.     A  few  troops,   however,  of  the  van- 
quished had  ftillthe  courage  to  turn  upon  their  purfuers; 
and  attacking  them  in  deep  and  miry  ground,   obtained 
fome  revenge  for  the  flaughfer  and  a i (honor  of  the  day. 
Vol.  I.  U 


146.  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  But  the  appearance   of  the  duke  obliged  them  to  feek 
III.       their  fafety  by  flight ;  and  darknefs  faved  them  from  any 

v      v     'J  farther  purfuit  by  the  enemy. 

-  •  Thus  was  gained  by  William,  duke  of  Normandy, 
the  great  and  decifive  victory  of  Haflings,  after  a  battle 
which  was  fought  from  morning  till  funfet,  and  which 
feemed  worthy,  by  the  heroic  valour  difplayed  by  both 
armies,  and  by  both  commanders,  to  decide  the  fate  of  a 
„  mighty  kingdom.     William  had  three  horfes  killed  under 

him  ;  and  there  fell  near  fifteen  tboufand  men  on  the  fide 
of  the  Normans :  The  lofs  was  flill  more  confiderable  on 
that  of  the  vanquifhed  ;  befides  the  death  of  the  king  and 
his  two  brothers.  The  dead  body  of  Harold  was  brought 
to  William,  and  was  generoufly  reftored  without  ranfom 
to  his  mother.  The  Norman  army  left  not  the  field  of 
battle  without  giving  thanks  to  heaven  in  the  moil  folemn 
manner  for  their  victory  :  And  the  prince,  having  re- 
frefhed  his  troops,  prepared  to  pufh  to  the  utrnoft  his  ad- 
vantage againft  the  divided,  difmayed,  and  difcomfited 
Englifli. 


(     147    ) 


APPENDIX      I 

THE  ANGLO-SAXON  GOVERNMENT  AND 
MANNERS. 


Firjl   Saxon  government SucceJJion  of  the  kings- 

I  he    Wittenagemot The  arijlocracy The  fevered 

orders  of  men Courts  of  ju/iice Criminal  law 

Rules     of    proof Military    force Public 

revenue Value  of  money -Manners. 


T  II  E  government   of  the  Germans,  and  that   of  all    Appendix 
the   northern    nations,  who  eftablifhed  themfelves  I. 

on  the  ruins  of  Rome,  was  always  extremely   free  ,  and  ' « — *r 

thole   fierce    people,    accuftomed    to    independence   and 
enured  to  arms,  were    more   guided  by   perfuafion  than 
authority,    in    the   fubrniflion   whick    they  paid  to  their 
princes.      The    military    defpotifm,    which    had    taken 
place  in  the  Roman    empire,  and   which,  previoufly  to 
the  irruption  of  thofe  conquerors  had  funk  the  genius  of 
men,  and  deftroyed    every   noble    principle   of  fcience 
and  virtue,  was  unable  to  refifl   the  vigorous   efforts  of  a 
free  people  ;  and  Europe,  as  from  a    new    epoch,  rekin- 
dled her  ancient  fpirit,  and  fhook  off  the  bafe  fervitude  to 
arbitrary  will  and  authority  under  which   (be  had  fo  long 
laboured.     The  free  conllitutions  then  eftablifhed,  how- 
ever impaired  by  the  encroachments  of  fucceeding    prin- 
ces, ftill  prefcrve  an  air  of  independence    and  legal  ad- 
miniftration,    which  iliftinguifhed  the  European  nations; 
and  if  that  part  of  the  globe  maintain  fenti'ments  of  liberty, 
honour,    enquiry,  -and    valour,    fuperior   to  the    reft  of 
mankind,  it  owesthefe  advantages  chieflv  to  the  feeds  im« 
planted  by  thofe  generous  barbarians. 


H*  HISTORY     OF    ENGL  AND. 

I  Appmdix         The  Saxons,  who   fubdued  Britain,    as  they  enjoyed 
!•'        great  liberty   in  their  own   country,  obftinately    retained 

* v '  that  invaluable  pofleffion   in    their  new  fettlement  ;  and 

they  imported  into  this  ifland   the  fame  principles  of  in- 
dependence, which  they  had  inherited   from  their  ancef- 
Fhftsax-    tors.     The   chieftains  (for  fuch  they    were,    more   pro- 
on  govern-  perly  than  kings  or   princes)  who  commanded  them   in 
raent*         thofe   military    expeditions,  it i  11  poflelTed  a   very  limited 
authority  ;  and  as  the  Saxons  exterminated,  rather  than 
fubdued,    the    ancient    inhabitants,      they    were    indeed 
tranfplanted  into  a  new  territory,  but  prefened  unalter- 
ed all    their   civil  and  military    infiitutions.     The   lan- 
guage was  pure  Saxon  ;  even  the  names  of  places,  which 
often    remain  while  the    tongue  entirely   changes,  were 
almoftall  affixed  by   the   conquerors;  the    manners  and 
cuftoms  were  wholly  German  ;  and  the  fame  pi&ure  of  a 
fierce  and  bold  liberty,  which  is  drawn   by   the  maflerly 
pencil  cf  Tacitus,  will  fuit  thofe  founders  of  the  Englifh 
government.       The   king,    fo  far  from    being  inverted 
with  arbitrary  power,    was  only  confidcred   as  the  firft 
among  the  citizens  ;  his  authority  depended  more  on  his 
perfonal  qualities  than  on  his  ftation  ;   he   was   even  fo 
far  on  a  level   with  the  people,  that   a  dated  price   was 
fixed  for  his  head,    and  a  legal  fine  was  levied   upon    his 
murderer,  which,  though  proportionate  to  his  Ration,  and 
fuperior  to  that  paid   for  the  life  of  a  fubje6t,  was  a  fen- 
fible  mark  of  his  fubordination  to  the  community. 

It  is  eafy  to  imagine,  that  an  independent  people,  fo 
?^ffi°n  little  reftrained  by  law  and  cultivated  by  fcience,  would 
kings.  not  be  very  ftricl  irf*maintaining  a  regular  fucceffion  of 
their  princes.  Though  they  paid  great  regard  to  the 
royal  family,  and  alcribed  to  it  an  undifputed  fuperiority, 
they  either  had  no  rule,  or  none  that  was  fleadily  obfer- 
ved,  in  filling  the  vacant  throne  ;  and  prefent  conveni- 
ence, in  that  emergency,  was  more  attended  to  than  ge- 
neral principles.  We  are  not,  however,  to  fuppofe  that 
the  crown  was  confidered  as  altogether  elective  ;  and  that 
a  regular  plan  was  traced  by  theconftitution  for  fupplying, 
by  the  furfrages  of  the  people,  every  vacancy  made  by  the 
demife  of  the  firft  magiftrate.  If  any  king  left  a  fon  of 
an  age  and  capacity  fit  for  government,  the  young  piince 
naturally  ftepped  into  the  throne  :  If  he  mas  a  minor,  his 
uncle,  or  the  next  prince  of  the  blood,  was  promoted  to 
the  government,  and  left  the  fceptre  to  his  pofierity  : 
Any  fovereign,  by  taking  previous  meafures  with  the  lead- 
ing men,  had  it  greatly  in  his  power  to  appoint  his  fuc- 
ceiTor  :  All  thefe  changes,  and  indeed   the  ordinary  ad- 


A  P  P  E  N  D  I  X       I.  149 

miniftration  of  government,  required  the  cxprefs  concur-  Appendix 
rence,  or  at  leal!  the  tacit  acquiefcence,  of  the  people  ;  *• 
but  polTdfion,  however  obtained,  was  extremely  apt  to  v  * 
fecure  their  obedience,  and  the  idea  of  any  right,  which 
wascnce  excluded,  was  but  feeble  and  imperfect.  This 
is  lb  much  the  cafe  in  all  barbarous  monarchies,  and 
occurs  fo  often  in  the  hiflory  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  that 
we  cannot  confiftentlv  entertain  any  other  notion  of  their 
government.  The  idea  of  an  hereditary  fucceflion  in 
authority  is  fo  natural  to  men,  and  is  fo  much  fortified  by 
the  ufual  rule  in  tranfmitting  private  polTfflions,  that  it 
mufi  retain  a  great  influence  on  every  fociety,  which  does 
not  exclude  it  by  the  refinements  of  a  republican  conflitu- 
tion.  But  as  there  is  a  material  difference  between  go- 
vernment and  private  pofleffions,  and  every  man  is  not  as 
much  qualified  for  exercifing  the  one,  as  for  enjoying  the 
other,  a  people  who  are  not  fenfible  of  the  general  advan- 
tages attending  a  fixed  rule,  are  apt  to  make  great  leaps  in 
the  fucceffion,  and  frequently  to  pafs  over  the  perfon, 
who,  had  he  poffeiTed  the  requifite  years  and  abilities, 
would  have  been  thought  entitled  to  the  fovereignty.  Thus, 
thefe  monarchies  are  not,  flrictly  fpeaking,  either  elec- 
tive or  hereditary  ;  and  though  the  deftination  of  a  prince 
may  often  be  followed  in  appointing  his  fucceffor,  they 
can  as  little  be  regarded  as  wholly  teflamentary.  The 
dates  by  their  fuffrage  may  fometimes  eflablifli  a  fove- 
reign  ;  but  they  more  frequently  recognife  the  perfon 
whom  they  find  eflablifhed  :  A  few  great  men  take  the 
lead  ;  the  people,  overawed  and  influenced,  acquiefce  in 
the  government  ;  and  the  reigning  prince,  provided  he  be 
of  the  royal  family,  paffes  undifputedly  for  the  legal  fo- 
vereign. 

It  is  confcffed,  that  our  knowledge  of  the  Anglo-  TheWit- 
Saxon  hiflory  and  antiquities  is  too  imperfecT:  to  afford  ^a3&exao^ 
us  means  of  determining,  with  certainty,  all  the  prero- 
gatives of  the  crown  and  privileges  of  the  people,  or  of 
giving  an  exact  delineation  of  that  government.  It  is 
probable  alfo,  that  the  conftitution  might  be  fomewhat 
different  in  the  different  kingdoms  of  the  Heptarchy,  and 
that  it  changed  confiderably  during  the  courfe  of  fix  cen- 
turies which  elapied  from  the  firft  invafion  of  the  Saxons 
till  the  Norman  conquefl*.     But  mofl  of  thefe  differences 

*   We  know  of  one   change,  not  inconlirlerabie,  in  the  Saxon  conftitution. 

tnnals,  p.  40,   inform  us tfcat  it  rtu  In  early  times  the  prerogative 

kin;  to  rami;  t he    -  ,  aldermen,  am!  iiieiifis  of  the  counties. 

After,  a  ooutemporary  writer,  inform",  us,   that  Alfred  tlepofed  atl  the  ignorant 

aldermen,  and  appointed  men  of  more  capacity  in  their  place  :   Yet  the  Laws 


150  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Appendix    and  changes,  with  their  caufcs  and  effects,  are  unknown 
J-  to  us  :  It  only  appears,  that  at  all  times,  and   in  all  the 

**"-~v       '  kingdoms,  there  was  a  national  council,  called  a    Wit- 
tenagemot,  or  aflembly   of  the  wile  men  (for  that  is  the 
import   of  the  term),  whofe    confent    was    requifite  for 
enacting  laws  and  for  ratifying  the  chief  afts'of  public 
adminiflration.  The  preambles  to  all  the  laws  of  Ethelbert, 
Jna,  Alfred,  Edward  the  Elder,  Athelftan,  Edmond,  Edgar, 
Ethelred,  and  Edward  the  Confeffor;  even  tliofe  to  the  laws 
of  Canute,  though  a  kind  of  conqueror  ;  put  this  matter  be- 
yond controverfy,  and  carry  proofs  every   whereof  a  li- 
mited and  legal  government.     But  who  were   the  confti- 
tuent  members  of  this  Wittenagempt  has  not  been  determi- 
ned with  certainty  by  antiquaries.     It   i6  agreed,  that  the 
Hfhops  and  abbots  *  were  an    cflcctial  part  ;  and  it  is  alfo 
evident,  from  the  tenor  of  thole  ancient  laws,  that  the 
Wiitenapetnot  enacted  fiatutes  which  regulated  the  ecclefi- 
aflical  as  well  as  civil  government,  and  that  thofe  dange- 
rous principles,  by  which  the  church  istotally  fevered  from 
the  ftate,  were  hitherto  unknown  to  the  Anglo-Saxons  +. 
Italfo  appears,  that  the  aldermen,  or  governors  of  coun- 
tries, who  after  the  Danilh  times  were  often  called  earls  J, 
were  admitted  into  this  council,  and  gave  their  confent  to 
the  public  fiatutes.     But    betides  the  prelates  and  alder- 
men, there  is  alfo  mention  of  the  witcs,  or  wile- men,  as 
a   component  part  of  the   Wittenagemot  ;  but  who   thefe 
were,  is  not  fo  clearly   afcertained  by   the  laws   or   the. 
hiltory  of  that  period.     The  matter  would  probably  be  of 
difficult  dilcuffion,  even    were  it  examined  impartially  ; 
but  as  our  modern   parties  have  chofen  to  divide  on   this 
point,  the  qucflion  has  been  difputed  with  the    greater  cb- 
llinacy,  and  the  arguments  on  both  fides  have  become,  on 
that  account,  the  more  captious  ^nd  deceitful.     Our  mo- 
narchical faction   maintain,    that  thefe  zviies  or  fapientes 
were  the  judges,  or  men  learned  in  the  law  :   'i  he   popu- 
lar faction   alFert    them  to  be  repielcntatives  of   the   bo- 
roughs, or  what  we  now  call  the  commons. 

of  Edward  the  Confefnr.  r  35,  f.tv  ejpreftly,  that  the  hereto^hs,  or  dukes, 
and  the  (heriffs,  were  chofen  by  the  freeholders  in  the  folkmote,  a  county 
court,  which   was  aflcmbled  once   a  year,    and  whcie  all  the  fieeholdeis  fwote 

ailcg'ance  to  the  king. 

*  Sometimes  abbefTes   were  admitted  j  at  leaft,    they  often  6gn  the  king's 
charter?  or  grants.     SpeTm.  Gloil.     in  verbo  purliamentutn. 
i  Wilkirts  palTim. 
5  See  ipte  [G^  at  the  end  of  the  "olume. 


A  P  P  E  N  D  1  X      I.  151 

The  expreffions  employed  by  all  ancient  hiilorians,  in  .Appendix 
mentioning  the  Wittena gemot,  feem  to  contradict  the  lat-  •  *• 
ter  fuppofition.  The  members  are  almoft  always  called  ^-""^ 
the  pnncipes,  fatrapce,  op'imates,  magnates,  proceres ; 
terms  which  leem  to  fuppofe  an  ariftocracy,  and  to  ex- 
clude the  commons.  The  boroughs  alfo,  from  the  low 
ftate  of  commerce,  were  fo  fmall  and  fo  poor,  and  the  in- 
habitants lived  in  fuch  dependence  on  the  great  men*, 
that  it  feems  nowife  probable  they  would  be  admitted  as  a 
part  of  the  notional  councils.  The  commons  are  well 
known  to  have  had  no  mare  in  the  governments  eilabiilh* 
ed  by  the  Franks, Burgundians,  and  other  northern  nations; 
and  we  rmy  conclude  that  the  Saxons,  who  remained 
longer  barbarous  and  uncivilized  than  thofe  tribes,  would 
never  think  of  conferring  fuch  an  extraordinary  privilege 
on  trade  and  induftry.  The  military  profe  "  0  .one  was 
honourable  among  all  thofe  conquerors:  The  warriors 
fubfilted  by  their  polTeiiions  in  land:  The  became  con- 
fiderable  by  their  influence  over  their  vaflais,  retainers, 
tenants,  and  flaves  :  And  it  requires  flrong  proof  to 
convince  us  thai  they  would  admit  any  of  a  rank  fo  much 
inferior  as  the  burgefles,  to  fhare  with  them  in  the  legif- 
lative  authority.  Tacitus  indeed  ahSrms,  that,  among 
the  ancient  Germans,  the  content  of  all  the  members  of 
the  community  was  required  in  every  important  delibera- 
tion ;  but  he  fpeaks  not  of  reprefentatives  ;  and  this  an- 
cient practice,  mentioned  by  the  Roman  hiftorian,  could 
only  have  place  in  fmall  tribes,  where  every  citizen 
might,  without  inconvenience,  be  aiTembled  upon  any 
extraordinary  emergency.  After  principalities  became 
eXtenfive  ;  after  the  difference  of  property  had  formed 
diftinctions  more  important  than  thofe  which  arofe  from 
perfonal  ftrength  and  valour  ;  we  may  conclude,  that  the 
national  aflemblies  muft  have  been  more  limited  in  their 
number,  and  compofed  only  of  the  more  confiderable  ci- 
tizens. 

But  though  we  mufl  exchide  the  burgeflfes  or  commons 
from  the  Saxon  Wittenagemot,  there  is  fome  necefilty  for 
fuppofing  that  this  alTembJy  confided  of  other  members 
than  the  prelates,  abbots,  aldermen,  and  the  judges  or 
privy  council.  For  as  all  thefe,  excepting  fume  of  the  ec- 
clefiaiticsf ,  were  anciently  appointed  by  the  king,    had 

*  Brady's  Treatife  of  Englifh  Boroughs,  page,  3,  4,  5,  fee. 

f  There  is  fome  reafuu  to  think  (hat  the  bifhops  were  fometimes  chofen  by 
the  Wittenagemot,  and  confirmed  by  the  king.  Eddius,  cap.  2.  '1  he  abbots 
in  the  monafteiies  of  royal  foundation  were  anciently  named  by  the  king, 
though  Edgar  £a\e  the  monks  ths  election,  and  only  referred  to  himfelf  the 
ratification.     ThtJ  defoliation    was  afterwards   frequently  violated  ;    and  the 


I52  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

there  been  no  other  legiflative  authority,  the  royal  power 
had  been  in  a  great  meafure  abfolute,  contrary  to  the  tenor 
of  all  the  hiftorians,  and  to  the  practice  of  all  the  northern 
nations.  We  may  therefore  conclude,  that  the  more  con- 
siderable proprietors  of  land  were,  without  any  election, 
conftituent  members  of  the  national  affembly  :  There  is 
reafon  to  think  that  forty  hydes,  or  between  four  and  five 
thoufand  acres,  was  the  eftate  requifite  for  entitling  the 
pofleffor  to  this  honourable,  privilege.  We  find  a  palTage 
in  an  ancient  authorf,  by  which  it  appears,  that  a  per- 
fon  of  very  noble  birth,  even  one  allied  to  the  crown, 
was  not  efteemed  a  princeps  (the  term  ufiiaily  employed 
by  ancient  hiftorians  when  the  Wittenagemot  is  mention- 
ed) till  he  had  acquired  a  fortune  of  that  amount.  Nor 
need  we  imagine  that  the  public  council  would  become 
diforderly  or  confufed  by  admitting  Co  great  a  multitude^ 
The  landed  property  of  England  was  probably  in  few 
hands  during  the  Saxon  times  ,*  at  leaft  during  the  later 
part  of  that  period  :  And  as  men  had  hardly  any  ambi- 
tion to  attend  thofe  public  councils,  there  was  no  danger 
of  the  affembly's  becoming  too  numerous  for  the  difpatch 
of  the  little  bufineis  which  was  brought  before  them. 

It  is  certain,  that  whatever  we  may  determine  concern- 
ing the  conftituent  members  of  the  Wittenagemot,  in 
'its  ar'Jio-  whom,  with  the  king,  the  legiflature  refided,  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  government,  in  the  period  preceding  the  Norman 
conqueft,  was  become  extremely  ariftocratical :  The  royal 
authority  was  very  limited  ;  the  people,  even  if  admitted 
to  that  aflembly,  were  of  little  or  no  weight  and  consi- 
deration. We  have  hints  given  us  in  hiftorians,  of  the 
great  power  and  riches  of  particular  noblemen  :  And  it 
could  not  but  happen,  after  the  abolition  of  the  Heptarchy, 
when  the  king  lived  at  a  diftance  from  the  provinces,  that 
thofe  great  proprietors,  who  refided  on  their  eftates,  would 
much  augment  their  authority  over  their  vaffals  and  re- 
tainers, and  overall  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighbourhood. 
Hence  the  immeafurable  power  aflumed  by  Harold,  God- 
win, Leofric,  Siward,  Morcar,  Edwin,  Edric,  and  Al- 
fric,  who  controlled  the  authority  of  the  kings,  and  ren- 
dered themfelves  quite  neceflary  in  the  government.  The 
two  latter,  though  detefted  by  the  people  on  account  of 
their  joining  a  foreign  enemy,  (till  prelerved  tneir  power 
and  influence  ;  and  we  may  therefore  conclude,  that  their 
authority  was  founded,    not  on  popularity,  but  on  family 

abbots,  as  well  as  bifhops,    were  afterwards  all  appointed  by  the  king ;  as  we 
leain  from  Ingulf,  a  writer  contemporary  to  the  conqueft. 
t  Hift.  Elienfis,  lib.  2.  cap.  40. 


A  P  P  E  N  D  1  X      I.  j53 

tights  and  pofleffions.  There  is  one  Athelflan  mentioned 
in  the  reign  of  the  king  of  that  name,  who  is  called  alder- 
man of  all  England,  and  is  laid  to  he  half-king;  though 
the  monarch  himfelf  was  a  prince  of  valour  and  abilities*. 
And  we  find,  that  in  the  later  Saxon  times,  and  in  thefe 
alone,  the  great  offices  went  from  father  to  fon,  and  be- 
came in  a  manner  hereditary  in  the  familiesf. 

The  circumftances  attending  the  invafions  of  the  Danes 
would  alio  ferve  much  to  increafe  the  power  of  the  prin- 
cipal nobility.  Thofe  freebooters  made  unexpected  in- 
roads on  all  quarters  ;  and  there  was  a  neceflity  that  each 
county  mould  refill  them  by  its  own  force,  and  under  the 
conduct  of  its  own  nobility  and  its  own  magiftrates.  For 
the  fame  reafon  that  a  general  war,  managed  by  the  uni- 
ted eflbrts  of  the  whole  ftate,  commonly  augments  the 
power  of  the  crown  ;  thofe  private  wars  and  inroads  turn- 
ed to  the  advantage  of  the  aldermen  and  nobles. 

Among  that  military  and  turbulent  people,  fo  averfe 
to  commerce  and  the  arts,  and  fo  little  enured  toinduftry, 
jullice  was  commonly  very  ill  admininered,  and  great 
oppreflion  and  violence  feem  to  have  prevailed.  Thefe 
diforders  would  be  encreaied  by  the  exorbitant  power  of 
the  arifiocracv  ;  and  would,  in  their  turn,  contribute  to 
increafe  it.  Men,  not  daring  to  rely  on  the  guardianfhip 
of  the  laws,  were  obliged  to  devote  themfelves  to  the  fcr- 
vice  of  forne  chieftain,  whofe  orders  they  followed,  even 
to  the  difturbance  of  the  government  or  the  injury  of  their 
fellow-citizens,  and  who  afforded  them,  in  return,  pro- 
tection from  any  infult  or  injuftice  by  ftrangers.  Hence 
we  find,  by  the  extracts  which  Dr.  Brady  has  given  us 
from  Domefday,  that  almoft  all  the  inhabitants,  even  of 
towns,  had  placed  themfelves  under  the  clientfhip  of  fome 
particular  nobleman,  whofe  patronage  they  purchafed  by 
annual  payments,  and  whom  they  were  obliged  to  confi- 
der  as  their  fovereign,  more  than  the  king  himfelf,  or 
even  the  legitlalure|.  A  client,  though  a  freemen,  was 
fuppofed  fo  much  to  belong  to  his  patron,  that  his  murder- 
er was  obliged  by  law  to  pay  a  fine  to  the  latter,  as  a 
compenfation  for   his  lofs  ;    in  like   manner  as  he  paid    a 

Vol.  1.  X 

»   Hift    Ramef.    §     3.   p.   3?;. 

t  Roger  Hovecien,  giving  ihe  reafon  why  William  the  Cor.qveioi  made 
Co  trie  earl  of  NorthumbeiUnd,  fays,  Nam  ex  materno  Jangvlvt  atlimbai  ad 
rum  honor  illius  cmitalus.  Eijt  enim  ex  matre  Aigitba,  filia  Uthredi  ccmitis. 
See  alio  Sim.  Dun.  p.  205.  We  fee  in  thofe  inltances,  1  he  fame  tendency 
towards  rendering  offices  hereditary,  which  took  place,  during  a  more  eaily 
i.    on    the  continent;    and  which   had  already  prcdvxed     theie  its  full 

X  Brady's  Traatife  of  Boroughs,  3,  4,  5,     &c.     1  he  cafe  was  the  fame  wit  \w 
semen  in  the  country.     See  Pret.  tohisHifl.  p.  8,  9,  10,  &c. 


*54  HlStORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

fine  to  the  matter  for  the  murder  of  his  flave*.  Men  who 
were  of  a  more  considerable  rank,  but  not  powerful  enough, 
each  to  fuppoi  t  himfelf  by  his  own  independent  authority, 
entered  into  formal  confederacies  with  each  other,  and 
compofed  a  kind  of  feparate  community,  which  rendered 
itfelf  formidable  to  all  aggreffors.  Dr.  Hickes  has  pre- 
ferved  a  curious  Saxon  bond  of  this  kind,  "which  he  calls 
a  Sodalitium,  and  which  contains  many  particulars  charac- 
teriflical  of  the  manners  and  cuftomsof  the  tiniest.  All 
the  affociates  are  there  faid  to  be  gentlemen  of  Cambridge- 
fhire  ;  and  they  fwear  before  the  holy  reliques  to  obferve 
their  confederacy,  and  to  be  faithful  to  each  other  :  They 
promife  to  bury  any  of  the  affociates  who  dies,  in  whate- 
ver p!».ce  he  had  appointed  ;  to  contribute  to  his  funeral 
cfiarges  ;  and  to  attend  at  his  interment ;  and  whoever  is 
wanting  in  this  laft  duty,  binds  himfelf  to  pay  a  meaiure 
of  honey.  When  any  of  the  affociates  is  in  danger,  and 
calls  for  the  afliftance  of  his  fel'ows,  they  promife,  befides 
flying  lo  his  fuccour,  to  give  information  to  the  fherifF; 
and  if  he  be  negligent  in  protecting  the  perlon  expofed  to 
danger,  they  engage  to  levy  a  fine  of  one  pound  upon 
him:  If  the  prefident  of  the  fociety  himfelf  be  wanting  in 
this  particular,  he  binds  himfelf  to  pay  one  pound  ;  unlefs 
he  has  the  reai'onable  excufe  of  ficknefs,  or  of  duty  to  his 
iuperior.  When  any  of  the  affociates  is  murdered,  they 
are  to  exadl  eight  pounds  from  the  murderer  ;  and  if  he 
refufe  to  pay  it,  they  are  to  profecute  him  for  the  fum  at 
their  joint  expence.  If  any  of  the  affociates  who  happens 
to  be  poor  kill  a  man,  the  fociety  are  to  contribute,  by  a 
certain  proportion,  to  pay  his  fine:  A  mark  a  piece  if  the 
fine  be  700  fhiilings  ;  lefs  if  the  perfon  killed  be  a  clown 
or  ceorle  ;  the  half  of  that  fum  again  if  he  be  a  Welfh- 
man.  But  where  any  of  the  affociates  kills  a  man,  wil- 
fully and  without  provocation,  he  muft  himfelf  pay  the  fi"e. 
If  any  of  the  affociates  kill  any  of  his  fellows  in  a  like 
criminal  manner,  befides  paying  the  ufual  fine  to  the  rela- 
tions of  thedeceafed,  he  muft  pay  eight  pounds  to  the 
fociety,  or  renounce  the  benefit  of  it ;  In  which  cafe  they 
bind  themfelves,  under  the  penalty  of  one  pound,  never 
to  eat  or  drink  with  him,  except  in  the  prefence  of  the 
king,  bifhop,  or  alderman.  There  are  other  regulations 
to  protect  themfelves  and  their  fervants  from  all  injuries, 
to  revenge  fuch  as  are  committed,  and  to  prevent  their 
giving  abufive  language  to  each  other  ;  and  ihe  fine,  which 
they  engage  to  pay  for  this  laft  offence,  is  a  meafure  of 
honey. 

•  IX.  E<Jw.  Conf.  5  *•  apud  Ingulf.  f  Diflert.  Epift.  p.  IU 


APPENDIXI.  *53 

It  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  a  confederacy  of  this  kind  Appendix 
muft  have  been  a  great  fource  of  friendfhip  and  attachment ;  !•" 
when  men  lived  in  perpetual  danger  from  enemies,  rob-  *  •' 
bers  and  oppreflors,  and  received  protection  chiefly  from 
their  perfonal  valour,  and  from  the  afhftance  of  their 
friends  or  patrons.  As  animofities  were  then  more  vio- 
lent, connexions  were  alfo  more  intimate,  whether  volun- 
tary or  derived  from  blood  :  The  molt  remote  degree  of 
propinquity  was  regarded  :  An  indelible  memory  of  be- 
nefits was  preferved  :  Severe  vengeance  was  taken  for  in- 
juries, both  from  a  point  of  honour,  and  as  the  bed  means 
of  future  fecurity  :  And  the  civil  union  being  weak,  ma* 
ny  private  engagements  were  contracted  in  order  to  Am- 
ply its.  place,  and  to  procure  men  that  faftey  which  the 
laws  and  their  own  innocence  were  not  alone  able  to  in- 
fure  to  them. 

On  the  whole,  notwithftanding  the  fceming  liberty,  or 
rather  licentioufnefs  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  the  great  body 
even  of  the  free  citizens,  in  thole  ages,  really  enjoyed 
much  lefs  true  liberty  than  where  the  execution  of  the 
laws  is  the  moft  fevere,  and  where  fubje£ts  are  reduced  to 
the  uricleft  fubordination  and  dependence  on  the  civil 
magiftrate.  The  reafon  is  derived  from  the  excefs  itfclf 
of  that  liberty.  Men  muft  guard  themfelves  at  any  price 
againft  infults  and  injuries;  and  where  they  receive  not 
protection  from  the  laws  and  magiftrate,  they  will  feekit 
by  lubmiffion  to  fuperiors,  and  by  herding  in  fome  private 
confederacy  which  a£ts  under  the  direction  of  a  powerful 
leader.  And  thus  all  anarchy  is  the  immediate  caufe  of 
tyranny,  if  not  over  the  ftate,  at  leaft  over  many  of  the  in- 
dividuals. 

Security  was  provided  by  the  Saxon  laws  to  all 
members  of  the  Wittenagemot,  both  in  going  and  return- 
ing, except  they  wen  notorious  thieves  and  lobbers. 

The  German  Saxons,  as  the  other  nations  of  that  con-  The  fevcNt) 
tinent,  were  divided  into  three  ranks  of  men,  the  noble,  order*  of 
the  free,  and  the  flaves*.      This  distinction  they  brought  ia€ti' 
over  with  them  into  Britain. 

The  nobles  were  called  thanes  ;  and  were  of  two  kinds, 
the  king's  tharves  and  leffer  thanes.  The  latter  feem  to 
have  bee  i  dependent  on  the  former  ;  and  to  have  received 
lands,  for  which  thev  paid  rent,  fervices,  or  attendance  ip 
peace  and  warf.  VVe  know  of  no  title  which  railed  any 
one  to  the  rank  of  thane,  except  noble  birth  and  the  pof- 
ieffion  of  land.  The  former  was  always  much  regarded 
py  all  the  German  nations,    even  in  their  mod  barbarous 

*  Nitfetrd.  W>..  Kb.  4.  f  Spelm.   :  e  .s  *cd  Tenures,  p.  -p. 


156  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

flate  ;  and  as  the  Saxon  nobility,  having  little  credit,  could 
fcarcely  burthen  their  eftates  with  much  debt,  and  as  the 
commons  had  little  trade  or  induftrv  by  which  they  could 
accumulate  riches,  thefe  two  ranks  of  men,  even  though 
they  were  not  feparated  by  pofitive  laws,  might  remain 
Jong  diftin£t,  and  the  noble  families  continue  many  ages 
in  opulence  and  fplendour.  There  were  no  middle  ranks 
of  men,  that  could  gradually  mix  with  their  fuperiors, 
and  infenfibly  procure  to  themfelves  honour  and  difiinc- 
tion.  If  by  any  extraordinary  accident  a  mean  perfon 
acquires  riches,  a  circumftance  fo  lingular  made  him  be 
known  and  remarked  ;  he  became  the  object  of  envy,  as 
well  as  of  indignation,  to  all  the  nobles;  he  would  have 
great  difficulty  to  defend  what  he  had  acquired  ;  and  he 
would  find  it  impoffible  to  protect  himfelf  from  oppreffion, 
except  by  courting  the  patronage  of  fome  great  chieftain, 
and  paying  a  large  price  for  his  fafety. 

There  are  two  itatiites  among  the  Saxon  laws  which 
teem  calculated  to  confound  thofe  different  ranks  of  men  ; 
that  of  Athelftan,  by  which  a  merchant,  who  had  made 
three  long  fca-voyages  on  his  own  account,  was  entitled  to 
the  quality  of  thane  *  ;  and  that  of  the  fame  prince,  by 
which  a  ceorle  or  hufbandman,  who  had  been  able  to 
purchafe  five  hydesof  land,  and  had  a  chapel,  a  kitchen, 
a  hall,  and  a  bell,  was  raifed  to  the  fame  diflitidiion  f. 
But  the  opportunities  were  fo  few,  by  which  a  merchant  or 
ceorle  could  thus  exalt  himfelf  above  his  rank,  that  the 
law  could  never  overcome  the  reigning  prejudices  ;  the 
diftinclion  between  noble  and  bafe  blood  would  flill  be 
indelible  ;  and  the  well-born  lhanes  would  entertain  the 
highefl  contempt  for  thofe  legal  and  factitious  ones. 
Though  we  are  not  informed  of  any  of  thefe  circumftances 
by  ancient  hiftorians,  they  are  fo  much  founded  on  the 
nature  of  things,  that  we  may  admit  them  asa  neceflary 
and  infallible  confequence  of  the  fituation  of  the  kingdom 
during  thofe  ages. 

The  cities  appear  bv  Domefday-book  to  have  been  at 
the  conqueft  little  better  than  villages  $.  York  itfelf, 
though  it  was  always  the  fecond,  at  leaft  the  third  ||  city 
in  England,    and  was  the  capital    of  a    great  province, 

*  Wilkins,    p.    71.  f  Selden,    Titles  of  Honour,    p.   515.    Wilkins, 

p.  7©. 

£'  Winchefter,  being  the  capital  of  the  Well  Saxon  monarchy,  was  anciently 
a  cor.fiderable  city.     Gul.     Pitt.  p.  210. 

||  Norwich  contained  758  houl'es,  Exeter  315,  Ipfwich  53S,  Northampton 
60,  Hertford  146,  Canterbury  262,  Bath  64,  Southampton  64,  Warwick -.'.'... 
See  Bra. !y  of  Boroughs  p.  3,  4,  £,  6,  tec.  'thefe  are  the  moft  confiderablp 
he  mentions.     ri  he  account  of  them  is  extracted  from  Dcmsfday-book. 


APPENDIX      I.  157 

which  ncverwas  thoroughly  united  with  thereft,  contained    Appendix 
then  but  1418  families  *.  Malmefbury  tells  us  f,  that  the         I. 

great  diftintiion   between  the    Anglo-Saxon  nobility,  and  " * ' 

the  French  or  Notman,  was,  that  the  latter  built  magni- 
ficent and  ftately  caftles  ;  whereas  the  former  confumed 
their  immenie  fortunes  in  riot  and  hofpitality,  and  in  mean 
houfes.  We  may  thence  infer,  that  the  arts  in  general 
were  much  lefs  advanced  in  England  than  in  France  ; 
a  greater  number  of  idle  fcrvants  and  retainers  lived  about 
the  great  families  ;  and  as  theft,  even  in  France,  were 
powerful  enough  to  difturb  the  execution  of  the  laws,  we 
may  judge  of  the  au'hority  acquired  by  the  ariflocracy  in 
England.  When  earl  Godwin  befieged  the  Confeflbr  in 
London,  he  fummoned  from  all  parts  his  hufcarles,  or 
houfeceorles  and  retainers,  and  thereby  conflrained  his 
fovereign  to  accept  of  the  conditions  which  he  was  pleafed 
to  impofeupon  him. 

The  lower  rank  of  freemen  were  denominated  ceorles 
among  the  Anglo-Saxo  s  ;  and,  where  thev  were  in- 
duftribus,  they  were  chiefly  employed  in  hufbandry : 
Whence  a  ceorle  and  a  hufbandman  became  in  a  manner 
fynonymous  terms.  They  cultivated  the  farms  of  the  no- 
bility or  thanes,  for  which  they  paid  rent ;  and  they  feem 
to  have  been  removeable  at  pleafure.  For  there  is  little 
mention  of  leaies  among  the  Anglo-Saxons  :  The  pride 
of  the  nobility,  together  with  the  general  ignorance  of 
writing,  mufl  have  rendered  thofe  contracts  very  rare,  and 
mult  have  kept  the  hufbandmen  in  a  dependent  condition. 
The  rents  of  farms  were  then  chiefly  paid  in  kind  $. 

But  the  moll  numerous  rank  by  far  in  the  community 
feems  to  have  been  the  flaves  or  villains,  who  were  the 
property  of  their  lords,  and  were  confequently  incapable 
themlelvesof  pofiefling  any  property.  Dr.  Brady  allures 
us,  from  a  furvey  of  Domefday-book  |],  that,  in  all  the 
counties  of  England,  the  far  greater  part  of  the  land  was 
occupied  by  them,  and  that  the  hulbandmen,  and  (till 
more  the  focmen,  who  were  tenants  that  could  not  be  re- 
moved at  pleafure,  were  very  few  in  comparifon.  This 
was  not  the  cafe  with  the  German  nations,  as  far  as  we  can 
colledt  from  the  account  given  us  by  Tacitus.  The  per- 
petual  wars  in  the  Fleplarchy,    and  the  depredations  of 

*  Fraiy's   Treati fe  of  Boroughs,  p.    10.   Therls  were  fix   wards,  befides the 
palace;  and  five  of  theft  wards  contained  the  number  of   fami- 
lies here  mentioned,  which,  at  the  rats  of  ELve   pcrlbns    toafam;ly,  makes 
about  7000  fouls.     The  fi  Oh  ward  was  laid  wafte. 

t   P.  i'->2.     See  alio  deGeii.    And.  p.   335. 

X  LL.  Ine,  $  70.  Theie  laws  ,-ixed  the  vents  for  a  hvdt  :  but  it  is  difficult 
to  convert  it   into   modern  meafures.  \\  Geneial   Preface   to  his   H;:t.  p.  , 

7,  S,  9,    &x. 


T58 


Courts  of 
futUce. 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

the  Danes,  feem  to  have  been  the  caufeof  this  great  alte* 
ration  with  the  Anglo-Saxons.  Priloners  taken  in  battle, 
or  carried  off  in  the  frequent  inroads,  were  then  reduced 
to  flavery  ;  and  became,  by  right  of  war  *  ,  entirely 
at  the  difpofal  of  their  lords.  Great  property  in  the  no- 
bles, efpecially  if  jointed  to  an  irregular  adminiftration  of 
juftice,  naturally  favours  the  power  of  the  ariftocracv  ;  but 
flill  morefo,  if  the  practice  of  flavery  be  admitted,  and 
has  become  very  common ,  The  nobility  not  only  poflefs 
the  influence  which  always  attends  riches,  but  alfo  the 
power  which  the  laws  give  them  over  their  flaves  and 
villains.  It  then  becomes  difficult,  and  almoft  impofhble, 
for  a  private  man  to  remain  altogether  free  and  inde- 
pendent. 

There  were  two  kinds  of  flaves  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  ;  houfehold  flaves,  after  the  manner  of  the'ancients, 
and  pracdial  or  ruflic,  after  the  manner  of  the  Germans  +. 
Theie  latter  refembled  the  ferfs,  which  are  at  prefent  to  be 
met  with  in  Poland,  Denmark,  and  fome  parts  of  Ger- 
many. The  power  of  a  mafter  over  his  flaves  was  not  un- 
limited among  the  Anglo-Saxons,  as  it  was  among  their 
anceflors.  If  a  man  beat  out  his  flave's  eye  or  teeth,  the 
Have  recovered  his  liberty  J  :  If  he  killed  him,  he  paid  a 
fine  to  the  king  ;  provided  the  flave  died  within  a  day 
after  the  wound  or  blow  :  Otherwife  it  patted  unpunifhed  ||. 
The  felling  of  themfelves  or  children  to  flavery  was  always 
the  practice  among  the  German  nations**,  and  was  continu- 
ed by  the  Anglo-Saxons  f+. 

The  great  lords  and  abbots  among  the  Anglo-Saxons, 
poffeficd  a  criminal  jurifdi£lion  within  their  territories, 
and  could  punifh,  without  appeal,  anv  thieves  or  robbers 
whom  they  caught  there  $%.  This  inftitution  muft  have  had 
a  very  contrary  effedl  to  that  which  was  intended,  and 
muft  have  procured  robbers  a  fure  protection  on  the  lands 
of  fuch  noblemen  as  did  not  fincerely  mean  to  difcourage 
crimes  and  violence. 

But  though  the  general  ftrain  of  the  Anglo  Saxon  go- 
vernment feems  to  have  become  ariftocratical,  there  were 
flill  confiderable  remains  of  the  ancient  democracy,  which 
were  not  indeed  fufficient  to  protect  the  loweft  of  the  peo- 
ple, without  the  patronage  of  fome  great  lord,  but  might 
give  fecurity,    and  even  fome  degree  of  dignity,  to  the 

*  LL.   Edg.  d    14.   apud  Spelm.    Cone.   vol.  i.  p.471. 

t  Spelm.  Gloff*.  in  verb.  Servus.  t  LL.  /Ell.  ^  20. 

j|  Ibid.  §  17.  **  Tacit,  de  Morib.   Germ.  ff  LL.  In*, 

5  u.   LL.    /Elf.    §is.  +%   Higdetx,    lib.    }.  cap-.   50.       LL.  %Edw. 

Conf.  §  c6.  Spelm.  Co:ic.  -0!.  i.  p.  415.  Gloff.  in  verb.  Itpligemot  e; 
Infangtntbtfe. 


A  P  P  E  N  D  I  X      I.  159 

gentry  or  inferior  nobility.  The  adminiftration  of  juflice,  Appendix 
in  particular,  by  the  courts  of  the  decennary,  the  hundred,  * 
and  the  county,  was  well  calculated  to  defend  general  '  ""— ^ 
liberty,  and  to  reftrain  the  power  of  the  nobles.  In  the 
county  courts,  or  fhirerrtotes,  all  the  freeholders  were  af- 
lembled  twice  a-year,  and  received  appeals  from  the  infe- 
rior courts.  They  there  decided  all  caules,  ecclefiafiical 
as  well  as  civil  ;  and  the  biihop,  together  with  the  alder- 
man or  earl,  prefided  over  them*.  The  affair  was  deter- 
mined in  a  fummary  manner,  without  much  pleading, 
formality,  or  delay,  by  a  majority  of  voices;  and  the  bi- 
ihop and  alderman  had  no  further  authority  than  to  keep 
order  among  the  freeholders,  and  interpofe  with  their  opi- 
nion+.  Where  juftice  was  denied  during  three  feffions 
by  the  hundred,  and  then  by  the  county  court,  there  lay 
an  appeal  to  the  king's  courtj  ;  but  this  was  not  pradlifed 
on  flight  occafions.  The  aldermen  received  a  third  of 
the  fines  levied  in  thofe  courtsll  ;  and  as  moil  of  the  punifh- 
ments'were  then  pecuniary,  this  perquifue  formed  a  con- 
fiderable  part  of  the  profits  belonging  to  his  office.  The 
two  thirds  alfo,  which  went  to  the  king,  made  no  con- 
temptible part  of  the  public  revenue.  Any  freeholder 
was  fined  who  abfented  himlelf  thrice  from  thefe  courts**. 

As  the  extreme  ignorance  of  the  age  made  deeds  and 
writings  very  rare,  the  county  or  hundred  court  was  the 
place  where  the  mod  remarkable  civil  tranfaclions  were 
fmifhed,  in  order  to  preferve  the  memory  of  them,  and 
prevent  all  future  difputes.  Here  teflaments  were  pro- 
mulgated, flaves  manumitted,  bargains  of  lale  concluded  ; 
and  ibmetimes,  for  greater  fecurity ,  the  mod  considerable 
of  thefe  deeds  were  inferted  in  the  blank  leaves  of  the 
parilh  Bible,  which  thus  became  a  kind  of  regifler  too 
iacred  to  be  falfificd.  It  *vas  not  unufual  to  add  to  the 
deed  an  imprecation  on  all  fuch  as  lhould  be  guilty  of  the 
crimeff. 

Among  a  people,  who  lived  in  fo  fimple  a  manner  as 
the  Anglo-Saxons,  the  judicial  power  is  always  of  greater 
importance  than  the  legiflative.  There,  were  few  or  no 
taxes  impoled  by  the  ftates:  There  were  few  flatutes  enact- 
ed ;  and  the  nation  was  lefs  governed  by  laws  than  by 
cufioms,  which  admitted  a  great  latitude  of  interpretation. 
Though  it  fhould,  therefore,  be  allowed  that  the  Wittc- 
nagemotwas  altogether  compofed  of  the  principal  nobility, 
the  county-courts,  where  all  the  freeholders  were  admitted, 

*  LL.  Edg.  §5.     Wilkins,  p.  78.     LL.  Canute.  §  17.     Wilkins,  p.    136. 

f  Hickes,    Differt.    Epitt.  p.    s,    3,  4,  5,  6,  7,  3.  £  LL.  Edg.  ^  9. 

Wilkins,  p.  77.  LL.  Canut.  §  18.  apud  Wiikins,  p.  136.  ||  LL.  Edw. 

•onf.  $  3t<  ••  LL.  Eiheift.  §  20.  ff  Hickes,  Diflcu.  Epift. 


i5o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLANt). 

Appendix.    anc|  which  regulated  all  the  daily  occurrences  of  life,  form- 
ed a  wide  bafis  for  the  government,  and  were  no  contemp- 
v  tible  checks  on  the  ariitocracy.     But  there  is  another  pow- 

er ftill  more  important  than  either  the  judicial  or  Jegifia- 
tive;  to  wit,  the  power  of  injuring  or  ferving  by  immediate 
force  and  violence,  for  which  it  is  difficult  to  obtain  redrefs 
in  courts  of  juftice.  In  all  extenfive  governments,  where 
the  execution  of  the  laws  is  feeble,  this  power  naturally 
falls  into  the  hands  of  the  principal  nobility  ;  and  the  de- 
gree of  it  which  prevails,  cannot  be  determined  fo  much 
by  the  public  ftatutes,  as  by  fmall  incidents  in  hiftory,  by 
particular  cufioms,  and  fometimes  by  the  reafon  and  nature 
of  things.  The  Highlands  of  Scotland  have  long  been 
entitled  by  law  to  every  privilege  of  Britifh  fubjecls ;  but 
it  was  not  till  very  lately  that  the  common  people  could 
in  fact  enjoy  thefe  privileges. 

The  powers  of  all  the  members  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
government  are  difputed  among  hiftorians  and  aniquaries: 
The  extreme  obfcurity  of  the  lubjetl,  even  though  faction 
had  never  entered  into  the  queftion,  would  naturally  have 
begotten  thofe  controverfies.  But  the  great  influence  of 
the  lords  over  their  flaves  and  tenants,  the  clientihip  of 
the  burghers,  the  total  want  of  a  middling  rank  of  men, 
the  extent  of  the  monarchy,  the  loofe  execution  of  the  laws, 
the  continued  diforders  and  convulfions  of  the  flate  ;  all 
thefe  circumftances  evince  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  govern- 
ment became  at  laft  extremely  ariflocratical  ;  and  the 
events,  during  the  period  immediately  preceding  the  con- 
queft,  confirm  this  inference  or  conjecture. 

Both  the  punimments  inflidled  by  the  Anglo  Saxon 
Criminal      courts  of  judicature,  and   the  methods  of  proof  employed 
in  all  caufes,  appear  fomewhat  fingular,  and  are  very  dif- 
ferent from  thofe  which  prevailat  prefent  among  all  civili- 
zed nations. 

We  muft  conceive  that  the  ancient  Germans  were  little 
removed  from  the  original  flate  of  nature  :  The  focial  con- 
federacy among  them  was  more  martial  than  civil  :  They 
had  chiefly  in  view  the  means  of  attack  or  defence  againft 
public  enemies,  not  thofe  of  protection  againft  their  fel- 
low-citizens :  Their  poiTelTions  were  fo  (lender  and  fo 
equal,  that  they  were  not  expofed  to  great  danger  ;  and 
the  natural  bravery  of  the  people  made  every  man  trufl  to 
himfelf,  and  to  his  particular  friends,  for  his  defence  or 
vengeance.  This  defedt  in  the  political  union  drew  much 
clofer  the  knot  of  particular  confederacies:  An  infult  upon 
any  man  was  regarded  by  all  his  relations  and  aflbciates  as 
a  common  injury  ;  They  were  bound  by  honour,  as  well 
as  by  a  (enfc  of  common  intereft,  to  revenge  his  death,  or 


APPENDIX        I.  161 

any  violence  which  he  had  fuffered  :  They  retaliated  on    Appendix 
the  aggreffor  by  likeacls  of  violence;  and  if  he  were  pro-         *• 
tecled,   as   was  natural  and  ufual,  by    his  own  clan,   the  *       <r-—J 
quarrel  was  fpread  ftill  wider,  and   bred  endlefs  diforders 
in  that  nation. 

TuEFrifians,  a  tribe  of  the  Germans,  had  never  advanced 
beyond  this  wild  and  imperfect  ftate  of  fociety  ;  and  the 
right  of  private  revenge  ftill  remainedamongthem  unlimited 
and  uncontrolled*.  But  the  other  German  nations,  in  the 
age  of  Tacitus,  had  made  one  ftep  farther  towards  complet- 
ing the  political  or  civil  union.  Though  it  flill  continued 
to  bean  indifpenfable  point  of  honour  for  every  clan  to  re- 
venge the  death  or  injury  of  a  member,  the  magiftrate  had 
acquired  a  right  of  interpofing  in  the  quarrel,  and  of  ac- 
commodating the  difference.  He  obliged  the  perfon  maim- 
ed or  injured,  and  the  relations  of  one  killed,  to  accept 
of  a  prefent  from  the  aggreffor  and  his  relations  f,  as  a 
compenfation  for  the  injury  J,  and  to  drop  all  farther  pro- 
fecution  of  revenge.  That  the  accommodation  of  one 
quarrel  might  not  be  the  fource  of  more,  this  prefent  was 
fixed  and  certain,  according  to  the  rank  of  the  perfon  kil- 
led or  injured,  and  was  commonly  paid  in  cattle,  the  chief 
property  of  thofe  rude  and  uncultivated  nations.  A  pre- 
fent of  this  kind  gratified  the  revenge  of  the  injured  fami- 
ly, by  the  lofs  which  the  aggreffor  fuffered  :  It  fatisfied 
their  pride,  by  the  fubmiflion  which  it  expreffed  :  It  dimi- 
nifhed  their  regret  for  the  lofs  or  injury  of  a  kinfman,  by 
their  acquifition  of  new  property :  And  thus  general  peace 
was  for  a  moment  reftored  to  the  focietyll. 

But  when  the  German  nations  had  been  fettled  fome 
time  in  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire,  they  made 
ftill  another  ftep  towards  a  more  cultivated  life,  and  their 
criminal  juftice  gradually  improved  and  refined  itfelf.  The 
magiftrate,  whole  office  it  was  to  guard  public  peace,  and 
to  fupprels  private  animofities,  conceived  himfelf  to  be  in- 
jured by  every  injury  done  to  any  of  his  people  ;  and  be- 
fides  the  compenfation  to  the  perfon  who  fuffered,  or  to 
his  family,  he  thought  himfelf  entitled  to  exact  a  fine,  cal- 
led the  Fridwit,  as  an  atonement  for  the  breach  of  peace, 
and  as  a  reward  for  the  pains  which  he  had  taken  in  accom- 
modating the  quarrel.  When  this  idea,  which  is  fo  natural, 
was  once  fuggefted,  it  was  willingly  received  both  by  fove- 

Vol.  I.    '  Y 

*  LL.  Frif.  tit.  2.  apud  Lindenbrog.  p.    491.  t  LL.  iEthelb. 

§  <j.     LL.  .tit".  §27.  t  Called  by  the  Sarons  mrrgbcta. 

■'\  Tacit,  de  Morib.  Germ.  The  author  fays,  that  th?  price  of  the  compo- 
fition  was  fixed  ;  which  muft  iaave  bten  by  the  laws  and  the  intevpoliuon  of 
■.he  infiltrates 


162  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Appendix    feign  and  people.    The  numerous  fines  which  were  levied, 
!•         augmented  the  revenue  of  the  king:   And  the  people  were 

v * — -"*  fenfible  that  he  would  be  more  vigilant  in  interpofing  with 

his  good  offices,  when  he  reaped  fuch  immediate  advantage 
from  them;  and  that  injuries  would  be  lefs  frequent,  when, 
befides  compenfation  to  the  perfon  injured,  they  were  ex- 
pofedtothis  additional  penalty*. 

This  Ihort  abfhact  contains  the  hiftory  of  the  criminal 
jurilprudence  of  the  northern  nations  for  leveral  centuries. 
The  flate  of  England  in  this  particular,  during  the  period 
of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  may  be  judged  of  by  the  collection 
of  ancient  laws,  publifhed  by  Lam  bard  and  Wilkins.  The 
chief  purport  of  thefe  laws  is  not  to  prevent  or  entirely  fup- 
prefs  private  quarrels',  which  the  legiflator  knew  to  be  im- 
poffible,  but  only  to  regulate  and   moderate  them.     The 
laws  of  Alfred  enjoin,  that  if  any  one  know  that  his  ene- 
my or   aggreffor,  after  doing  him  an   injury,  refolves  to 
keep  within  his  own  houfe  and  his  own    lands\,  he  (hall 
not  fight  him  till  he  acquire  compenfation  for  the  injury. 
]f  he  be  flrong  enough  to  befiege  him  in  his  houfe,  he  may 
do  it  for  ieven  days  without  attacking  him  ;  and  if  the  ag- 
greflor be  willing,  during  that  rime,  to  furrender  himfelf 
and  his  arms,  his  adverfary  may  detain  him  thirty  days ; 
but  is  afterwards  obliged  to  reftore  him  fafe  to  his  kindred, 
and  be  content  zoitk  the  compenfation.     If  the  criminal  fly 
to  the  temple,  that  fan&uary  muft  not  be  violated.  Where 
theaflailant  has  not  force  fufficient  to  befiege  the  criminal 
in  his  houfe,  he  .muft  apply  to  the  alderman  for  affiftance  ; 
and  if  the  alderman  refuie  aid,  theaflailant  muft  have  rc- 
courfe  to  the  king :  And  he  is  not ;  llowed  to  affault  the 
houfe,  till  afier  this  fupreme  magiftrate  has  refufed  affift- 
ance.    If  any  one  meet  with  his  enemy,  and  be  ignorant 
that  he  was  refolved  to  keep  within  his  own  lands,  he  muft, 
before  he  attack  him,  require  him  to  furrender  himfelf  pri- 
soner, and  deliver  up  his  arms  ;  in  which  cafe  he  may  de- 
tain him  thirty  days  :  But  if  he  refufe  to   deliver  up  his 
arms,  it  is  then  lawful  to  fight  him.  A  flave  may  fight  in  his 
rhafter's  quarrel :  A  father  may  fight  in  his  fon's  with  any 
one,  except  with  his  mafterj. 

It  was  enacted  by  king  Ina,  that  no  man  fhould  take 
revenge  for  an  injury  till  he  had  firft  demanded  compen- 
Jation,  and  had  been  refufed  it||. 

*  Befides  paying  money  to  the  relations  of  the  deceafed  and  to  the  king, 
the  murderer  was  alfo  obliged  to  pay  the  mafter  of  a  Have  or  vaffal  a  fum  as  a 
compenfation  for  his  lofs.  This  was  called  the  Manbote.  See  Spel.  doff,  in 
verb.    Fredum  Manbut. 

\  The  addition  of  thefe  laft  words  in  Italics  appears  neceffary  from  what  fol- 
lows in  the  fame  law. 

%  LL.  /Lliu  §  28.     Wilkins,    p.  43.  ||  LL.  In*,  §  g. 


APPENDIX      I,  103 

King  Edmond,  in  the  preamble  to  his  laws,  mentions  Appendix 
the  general  mifery  occafioned  by  the  multiplicity  of  private  »« 
feuds  and  battles  ;  and  he  ertablifhes  feveral  expedients  for  ,fc— — v  f 
remedying  this  grievance.  He  ordains,  that  if  any  one 
commit  murder,  he  may,  with  the  afliftance  of  his  kindred, 
pay  within  a  twelvemonth  the  line  of  his  crime;  and  if  they 
abandon  him,  he  fhall  alone  fuftain  the  deadly  feud  or 
quarrel  with  the  kindred  of  the  murdered  perfon  :  His 
own  kindred  are  free  from  the  feud,  but  on  condition  that 
they  neither  converfe  with  the  criminal,  nor  fupply  him 
with  meat  or  other  necejfaries  :  If  any  of  them,  after  re- 
nouncing him,  receive  him  into  their  houfe,  or  give  him 
aflijlance,  they  are  finable  to  the  king,  and  are  involved 
in  the  feud.  If  the  kindred  of  the  murdered  perfon  take 
revenge  on  any  b  it  the  criminal  himfelf  after  he  is  aban- 
doned by  his  kindred,  all  their  property  is  forfeited,  and 
thev  are  declared  to  be  enemies  to  the  king  and  all 
his  friends*.  It  is  alfo  ordained,  that  the  fine  for  murder 
fhall  never  be  remitted  by  the  kingf  ;  and  that  no  criminal 
fliall  be  killed  who  flies  to  the  church,  or  any  of  the  king's 
towns:}: ;  and  the  king  himfelf  declares,  that  his  houfe  fhall 
give  no  protection  to  murderers,  till  they  have  fatisfied  the 
church  by  their  penance,  and  the  kindred  of  the  deceafed, 
by  making  compenfationjl.  The  method  appointed  for 
tranfading  this  compofition  is  found  in  the  fame  law**. 

These  attempts  of  Edmond,  to  contract  and  diminifh 
the  feuds,  were  contrary  to  the  ancient  fpirit  of  the  north- 
ern barbarians,  and  were  a  ftep  towards  a  more  regular  ad- 
miniftration  of  juftice.  By  the  Salic  law,  any  man  might, 
by  a  puMic  declaration,  exempt  rjimfelf  from  his  family 
quarrels:  But  then  he  was  confidered  by  the  laws  as  no 
longer  belonging  to  the  family  ;  and  he  was  deprived  of  all 
right  of  fucceffion,  as  the  punifhment  of  his  cowardice+f. 
The  price  of  the  king's  head,  or  his  weregild,  as  it 
was  then  called,  was  by  law  30,000  thrimfas,  near  1300 
pounds  of  prefent  money.  The  price  of  the  prince's  head 
>vas  1 5,000  thrimfas  ;  that  of  a  bi (hop's  or  alderman's 
8000  ;  a  lheriffs  4000  ;  a  thane's  or  clergyman's  2000  ; 
a  ceorle's  266.  Thele  pi  ices  were  fixed  by  the  laws  of 
the  Angles.  Bv  the  Mercian  law,  the  price  of  a  ceorle's 
head  was  200  (hilling's;  that  of  a  thane's  fix  times  as  much; 
tiut  of  a  king's  fix  times  more  if.  By  the  laws  of  Kent, 
the  price  of  the  archbilhop's  head  was  higher  than  that  of 
the  king'sllll.  Such  refpect  was  then  paid  to  the  ecclefia- 
ftics!  It  mult  be  underftood,  that  where  a  perfon  was  unable 

•  LL.  Ed'pu  >.  7j.  f  I.L.  Urn.  >.  5. 

Z  Ibid.  q.  i|  lb:  .  '*  *  Ibid.  §7.  tt  Tit.  6j. 

J  J  Wilkins,  p    71,  72.  I  apud  V  i'.kins,  p.  110, 


164  HISTORY    OF    ENGL  AN  D. 


Appendix  or  unwilling  to  pay  the  fine,  he  was  put  out  of  the  protec- 
*•  tion  of  law,  and  the  kindred  of  the  deceafed  had  liberty 
'  topunilTi  him  as  they  thought  proper. 

Some  antiquarians*  have  thought  that  thefe  compenfati- 
ons  were  only  given  for  man-llaughter,  not  for  wilful  mur- 
der :  Bu{  no  fuch  diftinction  appears  in  the  laws;  and  it 
is  contradicted  by  the  practice  of  all  the  other  barbarous 
nationsf,  by  that  of  the  ancient  Germans^,  and  by  that 
curious  monument  above  mentioned,  of  Saxon  antiquity, 
preferved  by  Hickes.  There  is  indeed  a  law  of  Alfred's, 
which  makes  wilful  murder  capital  || ;  but  this  feems  only 
to  have  been  an  attempt  cf  that  great  legislator  towards 
eftablifhing  abetter  police  in  the  kingdom,  and  it  proba- 
bly remained  without  execution.  By  the  laws  of  the  fame 
prince,  a  confpiracy  againft  the  life  of  the  king  might  be 
redeemed  by  a  fine**. 

The  price  of  all  kinds  of  wounds  was  likewife  fixed 
by  the  Saxon  laws:  A  wound  of  an  inch  long  under  the 
hair,  was  paid  with  one  (hilling  :  One  of  a  like  fize  in  the 
face  two  (hillings  :  Thirty  (hillings  for  the  lofs  of  an  ear ; 
and  fo  forthff.  There  feems  not  to  have  been  any  differ- 
ence made,  according  to  the  dignity  of  the  perfon.  By 
the  laws  of  Ethelbert,  any  one  who  committed  adultery 
with  his  neighbour's  wife  was,  obliged  to  pay  him  a  fine, 
and  buy  him  another  wife£  $ . 

These  inftitutions  are  not  peculiar  to  the  ancient  Ger- 
mans. They  feem  to  be  the  neceflary  progrefs  of  criminal 
jurifprudence  among  every  free  people,  where  the  will  of 
the  fovereign  is  not  implicitly  obeyed.  We  find  them 
among  the  ancient  Greeks  during  the  time  of  the  Trojan 
war.  Compofitions  for  murder  are  mentioned  in  Neftor's 
fpeech  to  Achilles  in  the  ninth  Iliad,  and  are  called 
octtoivxi.  The  Irifh,  who  never  had  any  connections  with 
the  German  nations,  adopted  the  fame  practice  till  very 
lately  ;  and  the  price  cf  a  man's  head  was  called  among 
them  his  eric  ;  as  we  learn  from  Sir  John  Davis.  The 
fame  cuftom  feems  alfo  to  have  prevailed  among  the 
Jews  I!  ||.  , 

Theft  and  robbery  were  frequent  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons.  In  order  to  impofe  Come  check  upon  thefe  crimes, 
it  was  ordained  that  no  man  (hould  fell  or  buy  any  thing  above 

»  Tyrrel,  Introduft.  vol.  i.  p.  126.     Carte,  vol.  i.  p.  366. 

f  Lindenbrogius,  paffim.  "X  T*(U  dc  Mcf.  Germ. 

I|  LL.  JE'.f.  §12.  Wilkins,  p.  29.  It  is  probable,  that  by  wilful  murder 
Alfred  means  a  treacherous  murder,  committed  by  one  who  has  no  declared 
feud  with  another.  »»  LL.   Sit.  §  4.     Wilkins,  p.    35. 

ft  LL.  /Elf.  S  4°«  See  alfoLL.  Ethelb.  §  34,  &c.       $t  LL,  Ethelb.  §  yi. 

HI)  Ex«d,  xxi.  29.  30. 


A  P  P  E  N  D  1  X      I.  165 

twenty  pence  value,  except  in  open  market*  ;  and  every    Appendix 
bargain  of  Tale  n.uft  be  executed  before  witneflesf .  Gangs         I. 

of  robbers  much  difturbed  the  peace  of  the  country ;    and  ' « ' 

the  law  determined,  that  a  tribe  of  Banditti,  confifting  of 
between  feven  and  thirtv-five  perfons,  was  to  be  called  atitr- 
ma,  or  troop  ,'  Any  greater  company  was  denominated  an  ar- 
my!. The  punifhments  for  this  crime  were  various,  but 
none  of  them  capital||.  If  any  man  could  track  hisflolen 
cattle  into  another's  ground,  the  latter  was  obliged  to  mew 
the  tracks  out  of  it,  or  pay  their  value**. 

Rebellion,  to  whatever  excefs  it  was  carried,  was 
not  capital,  but  might  be  redeemed  by  a  fum  of  moneyff. 
The  legiflators,  knowing  it  impoffible  to  prevent  all  dif- 
orders,  only  impofed  a  higher  fine  on  breaches  of  the 
peace  committed  in  the  king's  court,  or  before  an  alder- 
man or  bifhop.  An  alehoufe  too  feems  to  have  been  con- 
fidered  as  a  privileged  place  ;  and  any  quarrels  that  arofe 
there  were  more  feverely  punifhed  than  elfewhere^+. 

If  the  manner  of  punching  crimes  among  the  Anglo-  Rules  of 
Saxons  appear  Angular,  the  proofs  were  not  lefs  fo  ;  and  Proof' 
were  alfo  the  natural  refuit  of  the  fituation  of  thofe  people. 
Whatever  we  may  imagine  concerning  the  ufual  truth  and 
fincerity  of  men  who  live  in  a  rude  and  barbarous  flate, 
there  is  much  more  falfehood,  and  even  perjury  among 
them,  than  among  civilized  nations  :  Virtue,  which  is 
nothing  but  a  more  enlarged  and  more  cultivated  reafon, 
never  flourifhes  to  any  degree,  nor  is  founded  on  fteady 
principles  of  honour,  except  where  a  good  education  be- 
comes general  ;  and  where  men  are  taught  the  pernicious 
confequences  of  vice,  treachery,  and  immorality.  Even 
fuperftition,  though  more  prevalent  among  ignorant  na- 
tions, is  but  a  poor  fupply  for  the  defects  in  knowledge 
and  education  :  Our  European  anceftors,  who  employed 
every  moment  the  expedient  of  fwearingon  extraordinary 
crofles  and  reliques,  were  lefs  honouiable  in  all  engage- 
ments than  their  pofterity,  who,  from  experience,  have 
omitted  thofe  ineffectual  fecutitics.  This  general  prone- 
nefs  to  perjury  was  much  encreifed  by  the  ufual  want  of 
difcernment  in  judges,  who  could  not  dilcufs  an  intricate 
evidence,  and  were  obliged  to  number,  not  weigh,  the  tef- 
timony  of  the  wi\neffcs||  ||.    Hence  the  ridiculous  practice 

*  LL.  fithelft.  5  is.  f  Ibid.  §  10.  12.     LL.  Edg.  apud  Wilkins,  p. 

80.     LL.  tthehedi,  §4.     apud  Wilkins,    p.    mj.     Hloth.    &  1  adm.  ^   16, 
LL.  Canal..  §  as.      .       $lnje,^i2.  ij  lb;d.  ^  37.  *'LL.  T.thelft. 

$  2.     Wilkins,  p.  63.  fj-  LL.  Ethelredi,    apud    vVilkins,   p.  no.  LL. 

/Elf.  §  4.     Wilkins.   p.    35.  ++  LL.  Uoih.  and  Ladm.  ^  1  z,   13.     LL. 

Ltiiclr.   apud  Wilkins.    117. 

times  the  laws  fixed  e?.(y  general  rules  for  weighins:  the  credibility 
of  witnelies.     A  man  whafc  Efe  w^s,  efliojaieu  at  iso  killings  countei balanced 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

of  obliging  men  to  bring  compurgators,  who,  as  they  did 
not  pretend  to  know  any  thing  of  the  fatt,  expreffed  upon 
oath,  that  they  believed  the  perfon  fpoke  true;  and  thefe 
compurgators  were  in  fome  cafes  multiplied  to  the  number 
of  three  hundred*.  The  practice  alfo  of  fingle  com- 
bat was  employed  by  moil  nations  on  the  continent  as  a 
remedy  againft  falfe  evidencef  ;  and  though  it  was  fre- 
quently dropped,  from  the  oppofition  of  the  clergy,  it  was 
continually  revived,  from  experience  of  the  falfehood  at- 
tending the  teftimonv  of  witneffesij:.  It  became  at  laft  a 
fpeeies  of  jurifprudence  ;  The  cafes  were  determined 
by  law,  in  which  the  party  might  challenge  hisadverfary, 
or  the  witnefles,  or  the  judge  himfelfR  :  And  though  thefe 
cuftoms  were  abfurd,  they  were  rather  an  improvement  on 
the  methods  of  trial  which  had  formerly  been  pradlifed^ 
among  thofe  barbarous  nations,  and  which  ftill  prevailed 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

When  any  controverfy  about  a  fact  became  too  intricate 
for  thofc  ignorant  judges  to  unravel,  they  had  recourfe  to 
what  they  called  the  judgment  of  God,  that  is,  to  fortune  : 
Their  methods  of  confulting  this  oracle  were  various. 
One  of  them  was  the  decifion  by  the  crofs  :  It  was  prac- 
ticed in  this  manner.  When  a  perfon  was  accufed  of  any 
crime,  he  firu  cleared  himfelf  by  oath,  and  he  was  attend- 
ed by  eleven  compurgators.  He  next  took  two  pieces  of 
wood,  one  of  which  was  marked  with  the  fign  of  the  crofs, 
and  wrapping  both  up  in  wool,  he  placed  them  on  the  altar, 
or  on  fome  celebrated  relique.  After  folemn  prayers  for 
the  fuccefs  of  the  experiment,  a  prieft,  or  in  his  ftead 
fome  unexperienced  youth,  took  up  one  of  the  pieces  of 
wood,  and  if  he  happened  upon  that  which  was  marked 
with  the  figure  of  the  crofs,  the  perfon  was  pronounced 
innocent  ;  if  otherwife,  guilty**.  This  practice,  as  it 
arofe  from  fuperftition,  was  abolifbed  by  it  in  France. 
The  emperor,  Lewis  the  Debonnaire,  prohibited  that 
method  of  trial,  not  becaufe  it  was  uncertain,  but  left 
that  facred  figure,  fays  he,  of  the  crofs  fhould  be  profli- 
tuted  in  common  difputes  and  controverfies+f. 

The  ordeal  was  another  eftablifhed  method  of  trial 
among  the  Anglo-Saxons.  It  was  pra&ifed  either  by 
boiling  water  or  red-hot  iron.  The  former  was  appro- 
fix  ceorles  each  of  whofe  lives  was  only  va'ued  at  twenty  (hillings,  and  his 
oath  was  efteemed  equivalent  to  that  of  all  the  fix.       See  Wilkins,  p.  72. 

*  Pra?f.  Nicol.  ad  Wilkins,  p.  11.  t  LL.  Burgund.  cap.  j$.     LL. 

Lomb.  lib.  2.  tit.  55.  cap.  34.  %  LL.  Longob.  lib.  2.  tit.  55.  cap.  23. 

apud  Lindenb.  p.  661.  I|  See  Pesfonaines  and  Beaumanoir. 

**  LL.  Frifon.  tit.  14.  apud  Lindenbrosiuro,    p.    496.  ft  D«  Cange 

in  veib.  Crux. 


APPENDlkl.  iS^ 

priated  to  the  common  people  ;   the  latter  to  the  nobility.    Appendix 
The  water  or   iron   was  confecrated   by   many    prayers,         '■ 

rhaffes,  fallings,  and   exorcifms*  ;   after  which  the  perfon  v * ; 

acculed  either  took  up  a  (tone  funk  in  the  waterf  to  a 
certain  depth,  or  carried  the  iron  to  a  certain  diftance  ; 
and  his  hand  being  wrapped  up,  and  the  covering  fealed 
for  three  days,  if  there  appeared,  on  examining  it,  no 
marks  of  burning,  he  was  pronounced  innocent  ;  if  other- 
wife,  guilty^.  The  trial  by  cold  water  was  different : 
The  perfon  was  thrown  into  confecrated  water;  if  he 
fwam,  he  was  guilty  ;  if  he  funk,  innocent)!.  It  is  dif- 
ficult for  us  to  conceive  how  any  innocent  perfon  could 
ever  efcape  by  the  one  trial,  or  any  criminal  be  con  viewed 
by  the  other.  But  there  was  another  ufage  admirably 
calculated  for  allowing  everv  criminal  to  efcape  who  had 
confidence  enough  to  try  it.  A  confecrated  cake,  called 
a  corfned,  was  produced  ;  which  if  the  perfon  could  fwal- 
low  and  digefi,  he  was  pronounced  innocent**. 

The  feudal  law,  if  it  had  place  at  all  among  the  Anglo-  Military 
Saxons,  which  is  doubtful,  was  not  ceitainly  extended  foree* 
over  all  the  landed  property,  and  was  not  attended  with 
thole  confequences  of  homage,  reliefsff,  worfhip,  marri- 
age, and  other  burthens,  which  were  infeparable  from  it 
in  the  kingdoms  of  the  continent.  As  the  Saxons  expell- 
ed, or  almoft  entirely  defiroyed,  the  ancient  Britons, 
they  planted  themfelves  in  thisifland  on  the  lame  footing 
with  their  anceftors  in  Germany,  and  found  no  occafion 
for  the  feudal  inflitutionsj^,  which  were  calculated  to 
maintain  a  kind  of  ftanding  army,  always  in  readinefs  to 
fupprefs  any  infurredtion  among  the  conquered  people. 
The  trouble  and  expence  of  defending  the  flate  in  Eng- 
land lay  equally  upon  all  the  land  ;  and  it  was  ufual  for 
every  five  hides  to  equip  a  man  for  the  fervice.  The 
trinoda  necejfitas,  as  it  was  called,  or  the  burthen  of  mi- 
litary expeditions,  of  repairing  highways,  and  of  build- 
ing and  fupporting  bridges,  was  infeparable  from  landed 
property,  even  though  it  belonged  to  the  church  or  mo- 
nafteries,  unlefs  exempted  by  a  particular  charter!!  ]|.  The 
ceorles  or  hufbandmen  were  provided  with  arms,  and  were 

*  Spelm.   in  verb.  Ordeal.     Parker,  p.  155.     Lindenbrog.  p.    1299. 

f  LL.  Inae,  §  77.  +  sometimes  the  perfon  acculed  walked  barefooted 

over  red  hot  iron.  I|  Spelm.  in  verb.   Or dealium.  **  Spelm.  in 

verb.  Corfned.  Parker,  p.  156.     Text.  Ruffenf.  p.  33.  ff  On  the  death 

of  an  alderman,  a  greater  or  leffer  thane,  there  was  a  payment  made  to  the 
king  of  his  bed  arms  ;  and  this  was  called  his  heiiot  :  But  this  was  not  of  the 
natuic  of  a  relief.  See  Spelm.  of  '1  enures,  p.  3.  The  value  of  this  heriot 
was  fixed  by  Canute's  laws,  §69.  %%  Braclon  de  Acqu.  rer.  domin.  lib. 

a.  cap.  t6.  See  more  fully  Spelman  of  feuds  and  tenures,  and  Craigiusde 
jure  feud.  lib.  1.  dieg.  7.  jj  ]|  Spelm.  Cone.  vol.  i.  p.  756. 


i68 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


PubKc 
revenue. 


Valui  of 
money. 


obliged  to  take  their  turn  in  military  duty*.  There  were 
computed  to  be  ^43,600  hides  in  Englandf  ;  confequent- 
ly  the  ordinary  military  force  of  the  kingdom  confined  of 
48,720  men  ;  though,  no  doubt,  on  extraordinary  occafi- 
ons,  a  greater  number  might  be  aflembled.  The  king  and 
nobility  had  fome  military  tenants,  who  were  called 
Sithcun-meni.  And  there  were  fome  lands  annexed  to 
the  office  of  aldermen,  and  to  other  offices;  but  thefe  proba- 
bly were  not  of  great  extent,  and  were  pofleffed  only  du- 
ring pleafure,  as  in  the  commencement  of  the  feudal  law 
in  other  countries  of  Europe. 

The  revenue  of  the  king  feems  to  have  confifled  chiefly 
in  his  demefnes,  which  were  large  ;  and  in  the  tolls  and 
imports  which  he  probably  levied  at  difcretion  on  the  bo- 
roughs and  fea-ports  that  lay  within  his  demefnes.  tie 
could  not  alienate  any  part  of  the  crown  lands,  even  to 
religious  ufes,  without  the  confent  of  the  ftatesIU  Dane- 
gelt  was  a  land  tax  of  a  (hilling  a  hide,  impofed  by  the 
flates**,  either  for  payment  of  the  fums  exacted  by  the 
Danes,  or  for  putting  the  kingdom  in  a  pofture  of  defence 
againft  thoie  invadersff. 

The  Saxon  pound,  as  likewife  that  which  was  coined 
for  fome  centuries  after  the  conqueft,  was  near  three  times 
the  weight  of  our  prefent  money:  There  were  forty-eight 
{hillings  in  the  pound,  and  five  pence  in  a  milling:):  j;  con- 
fequently  a  Saxon  milling  was  near  a  fifth  heavier  than 
ours,  and  a  Saxon  penny  near  three  times  as  heavy||||.  As 
to  the  value  of  money  in  thofe  times,  compared  to  commo- 
dities, there  are  fome,  though  not  very  certain  means  of 
computation.  A  fheep,  by  the  laws  of  Athelftan,  was 
efiimatedat  a  (hilling;  that  is,  fifteen  pence  of  our  money. 
The  fleece  was  two-fifths  of  the  value  of  the  whole 
fheep#*;  much  above  its  prefent  eftimation;  and  the  rea- 
fon  probably  was,  that  the  Saxons,  like  the  ancients,  were 
little  acquainted  with  any  clothing  but  what  was  made  of 
wool.  Silk  and  cotton  were  quite  unknown  :  Linen  was 
not  much  ufed.  An  ox  was  computed  at  fix  times  the  value 
of  a  fheep  ;  a  cow  at  four+4..  If  we  fuppole  that  the  cat- 
tle in  that  age,  from  the  defects  in  hufbandry,  were  not  fo 
large  as  they  are  at  prefent  in  England,  we  may  compute 
that  money  was  then  near  ten  times  of  greater  value.  A 
horfe  was  valued  at  about  thirty-fix  (hillings  of  our  money, 
or  thirty  Saxon  (hillings  JJ  J ;  a  mare  a  third  lefs.   A  man 


*  In*,  §51.  f  Spelm.  of  feuds  and  tenures,  p.  17.  *  Spelm. 

Cone.  vol.  i.  p.  195.  ||  Ibid.  p.  340.  ••  Chron.  Sax.  p.  128. 

ft  LL.  Edw.  Con.  §  12.  $  $  LL.  -£lf.  §  40.  ||  ||  Fleetwood's 

Chron.  Pretiofum,  P27,  28,  &c.  ,•  LL.  lnae,  §  69.  ft  Wilkins, 

p.  66.  +++  Ibid.  p.  126. 


APPENDIX.      I.  169 

fit  three  pounds*.  The  board-wages  of  a  child  the  firft  Appendix 
year  was  eight  (hillings,  together  with  a  cow's  pafture  in  *• 
iummer,  and  an  ox's  in  winter+.  Wil'iam  of  Malmef-  *  v 
bury  mentions  it  as  a  remarkably  high  price  that  William 
Rufus  gave  fifteen  marks  for  a  horfe,  or  about  thirty  pounds 
of  our  prefent  money|.  Between  the  years  900  and 
1000,  Ednoth  bought  a  hide  of  land  for  about  i  18  (hillings 
of  our  prefent  money  II .  This  was  little  more  than  a 
fhiiling  an  acre,  which  indeed  appears  to  have  heen  the 
ufual  price,  as  we  may  learn  from  other  accounts**.  A 
palfrey  was  fold  for  twelve  fhillings  about  the  year  966ft. 
The  value  of  an  ox  in  king  Ethelred's  time  was  between 
("even  and  eight  {hillings;  a  cow  about  fix  (hillingsJJ.  Ger- 
vas  of  Tilbury  fays,  that  in  Henry  I.'s  time,  bread  which 
would  fufficea  hundred  men  for  a  day  was  rated  at  three  (hil- 
lings, cr  a  (hilling  of  that  age  ;  for  it  is  thought  that,  foon 
after  the  conqueft,  a  pound  fterling  was  divided  into  twenty 
(hillings  :  A  (heep  was  rated  at  a  (lulling,  and  fo 'of  other 
things  in  proportion.  In  Athelftan's  time  a  ram  was  valu- 
ed at  a  fhiiling,  or  four  pence  SaxonHIU  The  tenants  of 
Shireburn  were  obliged,  at  their  choice,  to  pay  either  fix 
pence,  or  four  hens%.  About  1232,  the  abbot  of  St.  Al- 
bans, going  on  a  journey,  hired  ("even  handfome  flout 
horfes;  and  agreed,  if  any  of  them  died  on  the  road,  to  pay 
the  owner  30  fhillings  a  piece  of  our  prefent  moneyf.|..  It 
is  to  be  remarked,  that  in  all  ancient  times  the  raifing  of 
corn,  efpecially  wheat,  being  a  fpecies  of  manufactory, 
that  commodity  always  bore  a  higher  price,  compared  to 
cattle,  than  it  does  in  our  times||J.  The  Saxon  Chroni- 
cle tells  us|!!l  || ,  that  in  the  reign  of  Edward  the  Confeflor 
there  was  the  mod  terrible  famine  ever  known  ;  infomuch 
that  a  quarter  of  wheat  rofe  to  fixty  pennies,  or  fifteen  (hil- 
lings of  our  prefent  money.  Confequently  it  was  as  dear 
as  if  it  now  colt  ("even  pounds  ten  (hillings.  This  much 
exceeds  the  great  famine  in  the  end  of  queen  Elizabeth  ; 
when  a  quarter  of  wheat  was  fold  for  four  pounds.  Money 
in  this  lafl  period  was  nearly  of  the  fame  value  as  in  our 
time.  Thefe  fevere  famines  are  a  certain  proof  of  bad 
hufbandry. 

On  the  whole,  there  are  three  things  to  be  confidered, 
wherever  a  fum  of  money  is  mentioned  in  ancient  times. 

Vol.  I.  Z 

*    Wilkins,  p.  126.  f  LL.  Inse,  §  38.  JP.121.  []  Hift. 

Ramef.  p.  41-.  **  Hirt.  Elieni.  p.  473.  tt  Ibid-  P-  47*- 

*+  WilkiiiS,  p.  126.  ||  1|  Hid.  p.  56.  *,     Monafl.  Anglic, 

rpl.il.p.  f{  Mat.  Paris'.  +  }}  Fleetwood,  p.  83.  94.  96.  98* 

'    <57- 


i*ja  HISTORY    OF    ENGL  AND. 

Appendix    Fiifl,  the  change  of  denomination,  by  which  a  pound  ha5 
L         been  reduced  to  the  third  part  of    its  ancient    weight   irl 

' * '  filver.  Secondly,  the  change  in  value  by  the  greater  plen- 
ty of  money,  which  has  reduced  the  fame  weight  of  filver" 
to  ten  times  lefs  value,  compared  to  commodities:  and  con- 
fequcntly  a  pound  fterlingto  the  thirtieth  part  of  the  anci- 
ent value.  Thiidly,  the  fewer  people  and  lefs  induftry, 
which  were  then  to  be  found  in  every  European  kingdom. 
This  circumftance  made  even  the  thirtieth  part  of  the  fum 
more  difficult  to  levy.,  and  caufed  any  fum  to  have  more 
than  thirty  times  greater  weight  and  influence,  both  abroad 
and  at  home,  than  in  our  times;  in  the  fame  manner  that 
a  fum,  a  hundred  thoufand  pounds,  for  inftance,  is  at  pre- 
fent  more  difficult  to  levy  iti  a  imall  Mate,  fuch  as  Bavaria, 
and  can  produce  greater  effects  on  fuch  a  fmall  community, 
than  on  England.  This  lad  difference  is  not  eafy  to  be 
calculated :  But  allowing  that  England  has  now  lix  times 
more  induftry,  and  three  times  more  people  than  it  had  at 
theconqueft,  and  for  fome  reigns  after  that  period,  we  are 
upon  that  fuppofition  to  conceive,  taking  all  circumftances 
together,  every  fum  of  money  mentioned  by  hiftorians,  as 
if  it  were  multiplied  more  than  a  hundred  fold  above  a  fum 
of  the  fame  denomination  at  prefent. 

lri  the  Saxon  times,  land  was  divided  equally  among  all 
the  male  children  of  the  deceafed,  according  to  thecimotrf 
of  Gavelkind.  The  practice  of  entails  is  to  be  found  in 
thofe  times*.  Land  was  chiefly  of  two  kinds,  bockland, 
or  land  held  by  book  or  charter,  which  was  regarded  as 
full  property,  and  defcended  to  the  heirs  of  the  poflelTor  ; 
and  folkland,  or  the  land  held  by  the  ceorles  and  common 
people,  who  were  removable  at  pleafure,  and  were  indeed 
only  tenants  during  the  will  of  their  lords. 

The  firft  attempt  Which  we  find  in  England  (o  feparate 
the  ecclefiaftical  from  the  civil  jurisdiction,  was  that  law 
of  Edgar,  by  which  all  difputes  among  the  clergy  were 
ordered  to  be  carried  before  the  bifhopf .  The  penances 
were  then  very  fevere  ;  but  as  a  man  could  buy  them  off 
•  with  money,  or  might  fubftitute  others  to  perform  them, 
they  lay  eafy  upon  the  richj. 

Manners.  WiTrf  regard  to  the  manners  of  the  Anglo-Saxons  we 

can  fay  little,  but  that  they  were  in  general  a  rude  unculti- 
vated people,  ignorant  of  letters,  unskilled  in  the  mechani- 
cal arts,  untamed  to  fubmiffion  under  law  and  government, 


LL.  K\{  ^  37.  apud  Wilkins,  p.  43.  f  Wilkins,  p.  83. 

Ibid.  p.  96,  97.     Spelm.  Cone.  p.  473. 


APPENDIX      I. 

addicted  to  intemperance,  riot,  and  diforder.  Their  Left 
quality  was  their  military  courage,  which  yet  was  not  fup- 
ported  by  discipline  or  conduct.  Their  want  cf  fidelity  to 
the  prince,  or  to  any  truft  repofed  in  them, appears  ftrongly 
in  the  hiftory  of  their  later  period;  and  their  want  of  huma- 
nity in  all  their  hiftory.  Even  the  Norman  hiftoiians, 
notwithftanding  the  low  ftate  of  the  arts  in  their  own  coun- 
try, fpeak  of  them  as  barbarians,  when  they  mention  the 
invafion  made  upon  them  by  the  duke  of  Normandy*, 
The  conqueft  put  the  people  in  a  fituation  of  receiving 
(lowly  from  abroad  the  rudiments  of  fcience  and  cultiva- 
tion, and  of  correcting  their  rough  and  licentious  map- 
pers* 


171 


*  GdI.  Pitt.  p.  ;6s, 


(     '72     5 


CHAP.      IV 


WILLIAM     the    CONQUEROR, 


Confequences  of  the  battle  of  Hqflings SubrrAJion  of  the 

Englifli-—— Settlement  of  the  government Kings  re- 
turn to  Normandy Difcontents  of    the  Enghfli- 


rlheir  infur regions Rigours  of  the  Norman  govern- 

rttenl New  infurreclions New  rigours  of  the  gov- 
ernment  Introduction  cf  the  feudal  law Innova- 
tion in  ecclefiaflical  government •Infurreclion  of  the 

Norman  barons Difpute  about  invejiiiures — — Re- 
volt of  prince  Robert Domefday  book The    New 

forefl War  with  France Death and  characler 

of  Vyilliam  the  Conqueror. 

NOTHING  could  exceed  the  confternation  which 
ieized  the  Englifh,  when  they  received   intelligence 
*Y*       of  the  unfortunate  battle  of  Haftings,  the  death  of  their 
/         king,  the  (laughter  of  their  principal  nobility  and  of  their 
quencesof    bra  veil  warriors,  and  the  rout  and    difperfion   of  the  re- 
the  battle      mainder.     But  though  the  lofs  which  they   had  fufiained 
in  that  fatal  action  was  confiderable,  it  might  have  been 
repaired  by  a  great  nation  ;  where  the  people  were  gene- 
rally armed,  and   where    there  refided  (o  i*iany  powerful 
noblemen   in  every  province,  who   coujd   have  affembled 
their  retainers,  and   have  obliged  the  duke  of  Normandy 
to  divide  his  army,  and  probably  to  wafle  it  in  a  variety  of 
actions  and  rencounters.     It  was  thus  that  the  kingdom 
had  formerly  refitted,  for  many  years,   its  invaders,    and 
had  been   gradually  fubdued,  by  the  continued   efforts  of 
the  Romans,  Saxons,  and  Danes;  and  equal  difficulties 


of  Haft- 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  173 

might  have  been  apprehended  hy  William  in  this  bold  and  CHAP, 
hazardous  enterprise.     But  there  were  feveral  vices  in  the        IV. 

Anglo-Saxon  conftitution,  which  rendered  it  difficult  for  ' «/ ' 

the  Englifh  to  defend  their  liberties  in  fo  critical  an  emer- 
gency. The  people  had  in  a  groat  mean- re  loll  all  national 
pride  and  /pint,  by  their  recent  and  long  Subjection  to  the 
Danes  ;  and  as  Canute  had,  in  the  courfe  of  his  adminil- 
tration,  much  abated  the  rigours  of  conqueft,  and  had  go- 
verned them  equitably  by  their  own  laws,  they  regarded 
with  the  lefs  terror  the  ignominy  of  a  foreign  yoke,  and 
deemed  the  inconveniences  of  fubmiffion  lefs  formidable 
than  thofe  of  bloodfhed,  war,  and  refinance.  Their  aN 
tachment  alfo  to  the  ancient  royal  family  had  been  much 
weakened,  by  their  habits  of  fubniillion  to  the  Danifli 
princes,  and  by  their  late  election  of  Harold,  or  their  ac- 
quiefcence  in  his  ufurpation.  And  as  they  had  long  been 
accuftomed  to  regard  Edgar  Athcling,  the  only  heir  of  the 
£>axon  line,  as  unfit  to  govern  them  even  in  times  of  order 
and  tranquillity  ;  they  could  entertain  frnall  hopes  of  his 
being  able  to  repair  iuch  great  lofl'es  as  they  had  fuflained , 
or  to  withftand  the  victorious  arms  of  the  duke  of  Nor- 
mandy. 

That  they  might  not,  however,  be  altogether  wanting 
to  themfelves  in  this  extreme  neceflity,  the  Englifh  took 
fome  fteps  towards  adjufiing  their  disjointed  government, 
and  uniting  themfelves  againft  the  common  enemy.  The 
two  potent  earls,  Edwin  and  Morcar,  who  had  fled*to  Lon- 
don with  the  remains  of  the  broken  army,  took  the  lead 
on  this  occafion  :  In  concert  with  Stigand,  archbifhop  of 
Canterbury,  a  man  pofleiTed  of  great  authority  and  of  am- 
ple revenues,  they  proclaimed  Edgar,  and  endeavoured  to 
put  the  people  in  a  pofture  of  defence,  and  encourage  them 
to  refill  the  Normans*.  But  the  terror  of  the  late  defeat, 
and  the  near  neighbourhood  of  the  invaders,  encreafed  the 
confufiofi  infeparable  from  great  revolutions;  and  eve- 
( ry  refolution  propofed  was  hafiv,  fluctuating,  tumultuary; 
diiconcerted  by  fear  of  faction,  ill  planned,  and  worfc  exe- 
cuted. 

William,  that  his  enemies  might  have  no  leifurc  to 
recover  from  their  confternation,  or  unite  their  counfels, 
immediately  put  himljelf  in  motion  after  his  victory,  and 
relblved  fo  prolecute  an  enterprife,  which  nothing  but  ce- 
lerity and  vigour  could  render  finally  fuxefrful.  His  firft 
attempt  was  againll  Romney,  whofe  inhabitants  he  fevere- 
Jy  puniihed,  ou  account  of  their  cruel   treatment  of  fome  , 

*  C-ul.  Piflir.  p.  205.     Order.  Viral:?,  p.  5-12.       Boredea,  p. .;-;-).  Kn 

H)i:,      [>,    234J. 


174  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  I\  Norman    feamen    and  foldiers,   who    had    heen   carried 
IV.       thither  by  ftrefs  of  weather,  or  by  a  miftake  in  their  courfe*: 

v v *  And  forefeeing  that  his  conqueft    of  England  might  ftill 

be  attended  with  many  difficulties  and  with  much  oppofi- 
tion,  he  deemed  it  necefiary,  before  he  fhould  advance 
farther  into  the  country,  to  make  himfelf  mafter  of  Dover, 
which  would  both  fecure  him  a  retreat  in  cafe  of  adverfe 
fortune,  and  afford  him  a  fafe  landing-place  for  fuch  fup- 
pliesasmightbe  requifite  for  pufhing  his  advantages.  The 
terror  diffufed  by  his  victory  at  Haftings  was  fo  grea^, 
that  the  garrifon  of  Dover,  though  numerous  and  well  pro- 
vided, immediately  capitulated  ;  and  as  the  Normans, 
rufhing  in  to  take  poffeffion  of  the  town,  haftijy  fet  fire  to 
fome  of  the  houfes,  William,  defirous  to  conciliate  the 
minds  of  the  Engiiih  by  an  appearance  of  lenity  and  juf- 
tice,  made  compenfation  to  the  inhabitants  for  their  lof- 
fesf. 

The  Norman  army,  being  much  diftreffed  with  a  dysen- 
tery, was  obliged  to  remain  here  eight  days;  but  the  duke, 
on  their  recovery,  advanced  with  quick  marches  towards 
London,  and  by  his  approach  encreafed  the  confufions 
which  were  already  fo  prevalent  in  the  Englifh  counfels. 
The  ecclefiaftics  in  particular,  whofe  influence  was  great 
over  the  people,  began  to  declare  in  his  favour  ;  and  as 
moftof  the  bifhopsand  dignified  clergymen  were  even  then 
Frenchmen  or  Normans,  the  pope's  bull,  by  which  his 
enterprife  was  avowed  and  hallowed,  was  now  openly  in- 
lifted  on  as  a  reafon  for  general  fubmiffion.  The  fuperior 
learning  of  thofe  prelates,  which,  during  the  Confeffor's 
reign,  had  raifed  them  above  the  ignorant  Saxons,  made 
their  opinions  be  received  with  implicit  faith  ;  and  a  young 
prince  like  Edgar,  whofe  capacity  was  deemed  fo  mean, 
was  but  ill  qualified  to  refift  the  impreffion  which  they 
made  on  the  minds  of  the  people.  A  repulfe  which  a,  body 
of  Londoners  received  from  five  hundred  Norman  horfe,  re- 
newed in  the  city  the  terrorof  the  great  defeat  at  Mailings; 
the  eafy  fubmiffion  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  Kent  was  an 
additional  difcouragement  to  them  ;  the  burning  of  South- 
wark  before  their  eyes,  made  them  dread  a  like  fate  to  their 
own  city  ;  and  no  man  any  longer  entertained  thoughts 
but  of  immediate  fafety  and  of  felfprefcrvation.  Even) 
the  earls  Ed;vin  and  Morcar,  in  deipair  of  making  effec- 
tual refinance,  retired  with  their  troops  to  their  own  pro- 
vinces ;  and   the  people  thenceforth    difpofed    themfelves 

Subfldffiot^  unanimoufly  to  yield  to  the  victor.     As  foon  as  he  pa  (Ted 

install.       tne  Thames  at  Wallingfbrd,  and  reached    Berkhamilearf, 

«  GuL  Fitfav.  p.  204.  t  iKd. 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  175 

Stigand  the  primate  made,  fubmiffions  to   him :  Before  heCHAP, 
came  within  fight  of  the  city,   all  the  chief  nobiiity,    and        IV. 

Edgar  Atheling  himfelf,  the  new-ele£ted  king  came  into  ' « ' 

his  camp,  and  declared  their  intentions  ,of  yielding  to  his 
authority*.  They  requeued  him  to  mount  their  throne, 
which  they  now  confidered  as  vacant ;  and  declared  to 
him,  that  as  they  had  always  been  ruled  by  regal  power, 
they  defired  to  follow,  in  this  particular,  the  example  of 
their  anceftors,  and  knew  of  no  one  more  worthy  than 
himfelf  to  hold  the  reins  of  governmenif. 

Though  this  was  the  great  obje6l  to  which  the" duke's 
enterprife  tended,  he  feigned  to  deliberate  on  the  offer  ;and 
being  defirous,  at  firft,  of  preferving  the  appearance  of  a 
legal  adminiftration,  lie  wifhed  to  obtain  a  more  explicit 
and  formal  confent  of  the  Englifh  nationf  :  But  Aimar  of 
Aquitain,  a  man  equally  refpe&ed  for  valour  in  the  field 
and  for  prudence  in  council,  remonftrating  with  him  on 
the  danger  of  delay  in  fo  critical  a  conjuncture  he  laid  afide 
all  farther  fcruples,  and  accepted  of  the  crown  which  was 
tendered  him.  Orders  were  immediately  ifiued  to  prepare 
every  thing  for  the  ceremony  of  his  coronation  ;  but  as  he 
was  yet  afraid  to  place  entire  confidence  in  the  Londoners, 
who  were  numerous  and  warlike,  he  meanwhile  command-  * 
ed  fortreiles  to  be  erected,  in  order  to  curb  the  inhabitants, 
and  to  fecure  his  perfon  and  government)!. 

Stigand  was  not  much,  in  the  duke's  favour,  both  be- 
caufe  he  had  intruded  into  the  fee  on  the  expulfion  of 
Robert  the  Norman,  and  beeaufe  he  poffeffed  fuch  influ- 
ence and  authority  over  the  Eoglifn**  as  might  be  danger- 
ous to  a  new-eftab!ifhed  monarch.  William,  therefore,  pre- 
tending that  the  primate  had  obtained  his  pall  in  an  irre- 
gular manner  from  pope  Benedict  IX.  who  was  himfelf  an 
ufurper,  refufed  to  be  confecrated  by  him,  and  conferred 
this  honour  on  Aldred,  archbiihop  of  York.  Weftmin- 
ffer  abbey  war;  the  place  appointed  for  that  magnificent  ce- 
remony ;  the  moft  confiderable  of  the  nobility,  both  Eng- 
lifh and  Norman,  attended  the  duke  on  this  occafion  ; 
Aldred,  in  a  fhort  fpeech,  aiked  the  former  whether  they  36ihDec. 
ngreed  to  accept  of  William  as  their  king  ;  the  bifhop  of 
Countance  put  the  fame  queftion  to  the  latter  ;  and  both 
being  anfwered  withacclamationsff,  Aldred  adminiftered 
to  the  duke  the  ufual  coronation  oath,  by  which  ho  bound 
himfelf  to  protect  the  church,  to  adminifter  jufiice,  and 
to  reprefs  violence  :  He  then  anointed   him,  and   put  the 

*  Hoveden,  p.  450.      Flor.  Wigorn.  p.  634.  f  Gul.    PLI.    p.    305. 

Ord.  Vital,  p.  503.  +  Gul.  PJcla--.  p.  205.  |  lb  d.  **  Lad- 

ner,  p.  6.  ft  Order.   Vital,  p.  503. 


175  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  ti\  P.  CroWn  uPon  ms  nead*»  There  appeared  nothing  but  joy 
IV.  *  nl  tne  countenance  of  the  fpe&ators  :  But  in  that  very 
:  v  i  moment  there  burit  forth  the  ftrongeft  fvmptoms  of  the 
jealoufy  and  animofity  which  prevailed  between  the  na- 
tions, and  which  continually  encreafed  during  the  reign 
of  this  prince*  The  Norman  foldiers,  who  were  placed 
without,  in  order  to  guard  the  church,  hearing  the  Ihouts 
within,  fancied  that  the  Englilh  were  offering  violence  to 
their  duke  ;  and  they  immediately  aflaulted  the  populace,- 
and  fet  fire  to  the  neighbouring  houfes.  The  alarm  was 
conveyed  to  the  nobility  who  furrounded  the  prince  ; 
both  Englifh  and  Normans,  full  of  apprehenfions,  rufhed 
out  to  fecure  themfelves  from  the  preient  danger  ;  and  it 
was  with  difficulty  that  William  himfelf  was  able  to  ap- 
peafe  the  tumultf. 
1067.  The  king*  thus  poffefTed  of  the  throne  by  a  pretended 

of  "the  eo-  deftination  of  king  Edward,  and  by  an  irregular  eleclior* 
vcauiisnt.  of  the  people,  but  dill  more  by  force  of  arms,  retired 
from  London  to  Berking  in  Effex  ;  and  there  received  the 
iubmiffions  of  all  the  nobility  who  had  not  attended  his 
coronation.  Edric,  firnamed  the  Forefier,  grand-nephew 
to  that  Edric  (o  noted  for  his  repeated  a£ts  of.  perfidy  du- 
ring the  reigns  of  Ethelred  and  Edmond  ;  earl  Coxo,  a 
man  famous  for  bravery  ;  even  Edwin  and  Morcar,  earls 
of  Mercia  and  Northumberland  ;  with  the  other  principal 
noblemen  of  England,  came  and  fwore  fealty  to  him  ; 
were  received  into  favour,  and  were  confirmed  in  the  pof- 
i'eflion  of  their  eilates  and  dignities^.  Every  thing  bore 
the  appearance  of  peace  and  tranquillity  ;  and  William 
had  no  other  occupation  than  to  give  contentment  to  the 
foreigners  who  had  affifted  him  to  mount  the  throne,  ami 
to  his  new  fubjecls,  who  had  fo  readily  fubmitted  to  him. 
He  had  got  pofleflron  of  the  treafure  of  Harold,  which 
was  confiderable  ;  and  being  alfo  fupplied  with  rich  pre- 
fects from  the  opulent  men  in  all  parts  of  England,  who 
were  folicitous  to  gain  the  favour  of  their  new  fovereign, 
he  diftributed  great  fums  among  his  troops,  and  by  this 
liberality  gave  them  hopes  of  obtaining  at  length  thofe 
more  durable  eftablifhments  which  they  had  expecled  from 
his  enterprife*.  The  ecelefiaftics,  both  at  home  and  abroad, 
had  much  forwarded  his  fuccefs  ;  and  he  failed  not,  in  re- 
turn, to  exprefs  his  gratitude  and  devotion  in  the  manner 

*  Malmefbury,  p.  271.  fays,  that  he  alfo promifed  to  govern  the  Normans 
and  Englifh  by  equal  laws  ;  a-id  this  addition  to  the  nfual  oath  feems  not  iru» 
probable,  confidering  the  circumdances  cf  the  times. 

I  Gul.  fid.  p.  206.     Order.  Vitalis,  p.  503.  J  Gul.    P16t.   p.   208. 

Order.  Vitalis,  p.  506.  |f>G-ol.  I'ift.  p.  206. 


WILLIAM  THE  CONQUEROR.  i77 

which  was   mod  acceptable  to  them  :    He   fern  Harold's  c  H  A  P. 
ftandard  to  the  pope,    accompanied   with  many  valuable        IV. 

prefents  :     All  the  contiderabie    niomaiterics  and  churches  * *— — ' 

in  France,  where  prayers  had  been  put  up  for  his  fuccefs,  lo$T' 
now  tailed  of  his  bounty*  :  The  Englilh  monks  found  him 
well  difpofvd'  to  favour  theil  order:  And  he  built  a  new 
convent  near  Haitings,  which  he  called  Buttle  Abbey,  and 
which,  on  pretence  of  fupporting  monks  to  pray  for  his 
own  foul,  and  for  that  of  Harold,  ferved  as  a  lafting  me- 
morial of  his  vicloryf . 

He  introduced  into  England  that  itrict  execution  of  juf- 
tice  for  which  his  adminiftration  had  been  much  celebra- 
ted in  Normady  ;  and  even  during  this  violent  revolution, 
every  diforder  or  oppreffion  met  with  rigorous  punifh- 
mentj.  His  army,  in  particular,  was  governed  with  Se- 
vere dicipline  ;  and  notwithftanding  the  infolence  of  vic- 
tory, care  was  taken  to  give  as  little  offence  as  poflible  to 
the  jeaioufy  of  the  vanquished.  The  king  appeared  foli- 
citous  to  unite,  in  an  amicable  manner,  the  Normans  and 
the  Engliih,  by  intermarriages  and  alliances;  and  all  his 
new  fubjecls  who  approached  his  perfon  were  received 
with  affability  and  regard.  No  figns  of  fufpicion  appear- 
ed, not  even  towards  Edgar  Atheling,  the  heir  of  the  an- 
cient royal  family,  whom  William  confirmed  in  the  ho- 
nours of  earl  of  Oxford,  conferred  on  him  by  Harold, 
and  whom  he  affected  to  treat  wiih  the  highett  kindnefs,  as 
nephew  to  the  Confeflbr,  his  great  friend  and  benefactor. 
Though  he  confiscated  the  eilates  of  Harold,  and  of  thofe 
who  had  fought  in  the  battle  of  Haftings  on  the  fide  of  that 
prince,  whom  he  reprefented  as  an  ufurper,  he  feemed 
willing  to  admit  of  every  plaufible  excufe  for  paftoppofition 
to  hi  pretenfions,  and  he  received  many  into  favour  who 
had  carried  armsaeainfi  him.  He  confirmed  the  liberties 
and  immunities  of  London  and  the  other  cities  of  England; 
and  appeared  defirous  of  replacing  every  thing  on  ancient 
eflabliihments.  In  his  whole  adminiftration  he  bore  the 
fernblance  of  the  lawful  prince,  not  of  the  conqueror;  and 
the  Englalh  began  to  flatter  themfelves  that  they  had  chang- 
ed, not  the  form  of  their  government,  but  the  fucceffion 
only  of  their  lovereigns,  a  matter  which  gave  them  final  1 
concern.  The  better  to  reconcile  his  new  fubjedts  to  his 
authority,  William  made  a  progrefs  through  fome  parts  of 
England  ;  and  befides  a  fplendid  court   and  majcftic  pre- 

Vol.  1.  A  a 

*  Gul.  Pift.  p.  »o6.  f  Gul-  Gemet.  p.  28S.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  189. 

it.  p.  226.     M.  Paris,  p.  9.    Diceto,    p.  482.      This  convent  was  freed 
i  )  ji'.iii  fiomaU  ep'fcopal  jurifJiCrioii.     Monaft.  Ang.  tom."i.  p.  jit,  312. 
£Gul.  i'::T.  p.  20S.     Order.  Vital,  p.   506. 


178 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


C  H  A  P. 
IV. 

1067. 


King's  re- 
tuir.  to 
Normandy. 


March. 


fence,  which  overawed  the  people,  already  ftruck  with  his* 
military  fame,  the  appearance  of  his  clemency  and  juflice 
gained  the  approbation  of  the  wife,  attentive  to  the  hril  fteps 
of  their  new  fovereign. 

Bur  amidft  this  confidence  and  friendfhip  which  he  ex- 
prefled  for  the  Englifh,  the  king  took  care  to  place  all  real 
power  in  the  hands  of  his  Normans,  and  ftill  to  keep  poffef- 
fion  of  the  (word,  to  which  he  was  fenfible  he  had  owed 
his  advancement  to  fovereign  authority.  He  difarmed  the 
city  of  London  and  other  places,  which  appeared  moft 
warlike  and  populous;  and  building  citadels  in  that  capi- 
ta;, as  well  as  in  Winchefter,  Hereford,  and  thecities  befl 
iituated  for  commanding  the  kingdom,  he  quartered  Nor- 
man foldiers  in  all  of  them,  and  left  nowhere  any  power 
able  to  refill  or  oppofe  him.  He  beftowed  the  forfeited 
eftates  on  the  molt  eminent  of  his  captains,  and  eftablifh- 
ed  funds  for  the  payment  of  his  foldiers.  And  thus,  while 
his  civil  adminiftration  carried  the  face  of  a  legal  magifirate, 
his  military  infUtutions  were  thofe  of  a  mafter  and  tyrant  ; 
at  leaft  of  one  who  referved  to  himfelf,  whenever  he  pleaf- 
ed,  the  power  of  afluming  that  character. 

By  this  mixture,  however,  of  vigour  and  lenity,  he  had 
fo  foothed  the  minds  of  the  Englifh,  that  he  thought  he 
might  fafely  revifit  his  native  country,  and  enjoy  the  tri- 
umph and  congratulation  of  his  ancient  fubjccls.  He  left 
the  adminiftration  in  the  hands  of  his  uterine  brother,  Odo 
biihop  of  Baieux,  and  of  William  Fitz  Oiberne.  That 
their  authority  might  be  expofed  to  lefs  danger,  he  carried 
over  with  him  all  the  moft  confiderable  nobility  of  Eng- 
land, who,  while  they  ferved  to  grace  his  court  by  their 
prefence  and  magnificent  retinues,  were  in  reality  hoftages 
for  the  fidelity  of  the  nation.  Among  thefe  were  Edgar 
Atheling,  Stigand  the  primate,  the  earls  Edwin  and  Mor- 
tar, Waltheof,  the  fon  of  the  brave  earl  Sivvard,  with 
others,  eminent  for  the  greatnefs  of  their  fortunes  and  fami- 
lies, or  for  their  ecclefiaftical  and  civil  dignities.  He  was 
vifited  at  the  abbey  of  Fefcamp,  where  he  refided  during 
iome  time,  by  Rodulph,  uncle  to  the  king  of  France,  and 
DV  many  powerful  princes  and  nobles,  who,  having  con- 
tributed to  his  enterprise,  Were  defirous  of  participating  in 
the  joy  and  advantages  of  its  fuccefs.  His Englilh  courti- 
ers, willing  to  ingratiate  themfelves  with  therr  new  Sove- 
reign, outvied  each  other  in  equipagesand  entertainments; 
and  made  a  difplay  of  riches  which  ftruck  the  foreigners 
with  aftonifhment.     William  of  Poi&iers,  a  Norman  hillo- 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  179 

rian  *,  who   was  nrefent,   fpeaks  with   admiration  of  the  CHAP, 
beauty  of  their  perfons,  the  iize  and  workmanfhip  of  their       IV. 

filver  plate,  the  eoftlinefs  of  their  embroideries,  an  art  in  v « ' 

which  the  Englilh  than  excelled;  and  he  expreffes  himfelf  lo67* 
in  fuch  terms,  as  tend  much  to  exalt  our  idea  of  the  opu- 
lence and  culti  ation  of  the  peoplef.  But  though  every 
thing  bore  the  face  of  joy  and  feftivity,  and  William  him- 
felf treated  his  new  courtiers  with  great  appearance  of 
kindnefs,  it  was  importable  altogether  to  prevent  the  info- 
lence  of  the  Normans ;  and  the  Englilh  nobles  derived  lit- 
tle fetisfaCtion  from  thofe  entertainments,  where  they  con- 
sidered themfelves  as  led  in  triumph  by  their  cftentatious 
conqueror. 

In  England  affairs  took  (till  a  worfe  turn  during  the  D:fCOn- 
abfence  of  the  fovereign.  Dilcontents  a-nd  complaints  mul-  teiys  of  the 
tiplied  every  where;  fecret  confpiracies  were  entered  into  E11?11^- 
againft  the  government  ;  hoftilities  were  already  begun  in 
many  places  ;  and  every  thing  feemed  to  menace  a  revolu- 
tion, as  rapid  as  that  which  had  placed  William  on  the 
throne.  The  hiftorian  above  mentioned,  who  is  a  pane- 
gyrift  of  his  mafter,  throws  the  blame  entirely  on  the  fickle 
and  mutinous difpofition  of  the.EngHfh,  and  highly  cele- 
brates the  juftice  and  lenity  of  Odo's  and  Fitz  Ofberne's 
adminiftrationj.  But  other  hiftorians,  with  more  proba- 
bility, impute  the  caufe  chiefly  to  the  Normans,  who,  de- 
fpifing  a  people  that  had  fo  eafi'y  fubmitted  to  the  yoke, 
envying  their  riches,  and  grudging  the  refrraints  impofed 
upon  their  own  rapine,  were  defirous  of  provoking  them 
to  a  rebellion,  by  which  they  expected  to  acquire  new 
conftfcationsand  forfeitures,  and  to  gratify  thofe  unboun- 
ded hopes  which  they  had  formed  in  entering  on  this  en- 
terprise;!. 

It  is  evident,  that  the  chief  reafon  of  this  alteration  in 
the  fentiments  of  the  Englilh,  muft  be  afcribed  to  the  de- 
parture of  William,  who  was  alone  able  to  curb  the  vio- 
lence of  his  capiains,  and  to  overau-e  the  mutinies  of  the 
people.  Nothing  indeed  appears  more  ftrange,  tljan  that 
this  prince,  in  lei's  than  three  months  after  the  conqueft  of 
a  great,  warlike,  and  turbulent  nation,  fhould  abient  him- 
felf, in  order  to  reviHt  his  own  country,  which  remained 
in  profound  tranquillity,  and  was  not  menaced  bv  any  of 
its  neighbours;   and  ihould  fo  long  leave  his  jealous  fab* 

*     P.    3TI,   212. 

-^  oii  the  Til  >■  panegyrics  on 

olv    how  incompei  as  of  the  matter. 

Silver   i  time:  ni 

equentty,  of  <di   fpecies  of   luxury 
been  the  tai 

21s.  j|  Order.  Vila'..  •;. 


180  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP-  jectsat  the  mercy  of  an  infolentand  licentious  army.  Were 
IV.       we  not  allured  of  the   folidity  of  his  genius,  and  the  good 

* * — — '  ienfe  displayed  in  all  other  circumfiances  of  his  conduct, 

1067.  wc  might  afcribe  this  meafure  to  a  vain  oftentation,  which 
rendered  him  impatient  to  difp'ay  his  pomp  and  magnifi- 
cence among  his  ancient  fubjects.  It  is  therefore  more 
natural  to  believe,  that  in  lb  extraordinary  a  ftep  he  was 
guided  by  a  concealed  policy  ;  and  that,  though  he  had 
thought  proper  at  firft  to  allure  the  people  to  fubmiffion  by 
the  fembiance  of  a  legal  adminiftration,  he  found  that  he 
could  neither  fatisfy  his  rapacious  captains,  nor  fecure  his 
unusable  government,  without  farther  exerting  the  rights 
of  conqueft,  and  feizing  the  poffeftions  of  the  Englifh. 
In  order  to  have  a  pretext  for  this  violence,  he  endeavour- 
ed, without  difcovering  his  intentions,  to  provoke  and 
allure  them  into  infurreclions,  which,  he  thought,  could 
never  prove  dangerous,  while  he  detained  all  the  principal 
nobility  in  Normandy,  while  a  great  and  victorious  army 
was  quartered  in  England,  and  while  he  himfelf  was  fo 
near  to  fupprefsam.-'  tumult  or  rebellion.  But  as  no  anci- 
ent writer  has  a  fen  bed  this  tyrannical  purpofe  to  William, 
it  fcarcely  feems  allowable,  from  conjecture  alone,  to  throw 
fuch  an  imputation  upon  him. 

But  whether  we  are  to  account  for  that  meafure  from 

Their  in-     t^e  king's  vanity  or  from  his  policy,  it  was  the  immediate 

tions.  caufe  of  all  the  calamities  which  the  Englifh  endured  dur- 

ing this  and  the  fubiequent  reigns,  and  gave  rife  to  thofe 
mutual  jealoufies  and  animofities  between  them  and  the 
Normans,  which  were  never  appeafed  till  a  long  tracl  of 
time  had  gradually  united  thp  two  nations,  and  made  them 
one  people.  The  inhabitants  of  Kent,  who  had  firft  fub- 
initted  to  the  Conqueror,  were  the  firft  that  attempted  to 
throw  off  the  yoke;  and  in  confederacy  with  Euftace, 
count  of  Bologne,  who  had.  alio  been  difgufted  by  the 
Normans,  they  made  an  attempt,  though  without  fuccefs, 
on  the  garrifon  of  Dover*.  Edric  the  Forefter,  whofe 
pciTefilonr,  lay  on  the  banks  of  the  Severne,  being  provok- 
ed at  (he  depredalionsof  fome  Norman  captain*  in  his  neigh- 
bourhood, formed  an  alliance  with  Blethyn  and  Rowallan, 
two  Welfh  princes  ;  and  endeavoured,  with  their  ailitt- 
ance,  to  repel  force  by  force  f.  But  though  thele  open 
hoftilities  were  not  very  confiderable,  the  diiaflection  was 
general  among  the  Englilh,  who  had  become  lenfible, 
though  too  late,  of  their  defencelcfs  condition,  and  began 
already  to  experience  thofe  infultsand  injuries  which  a  na- 

•  Gul.  Gemet.  p.   289.     Order.  Vital,  p.  50$.      Anglia  Sana.  vol.  i.  p.  a  55. 
j-  Hoveden,  p.  450.     M.  Wen.  p.  226.     Sim.  Dtinelm.  p.  197. 


WILLIAM    THE   CONQUEROR.  181 

tion  muft  always  expecl,  that  allows  itfelf  to  be  reduced  to  C  H  A  V. 
that  abject  fituation.      A  fecret  confpiracy  was  entered  into        IV. 

to  perpetrate  in  one  day  a   general   mafl'acre  of  the   Nor-  v *>— — J 

mans,  like  that  which  had  formerly  been  executed  upon  Io67- 
the  Danes  ;  and  the  quarrel  was  become  fo  general  and 
national,  that  the  vallate  of  earl  Coxo,  having  defired  him 
to  head  them  in  an  infurrection,  and  finding  him  rcfolute 
in  maintaining  his  fidelity  to  William,  put  him  to  death  as 
a  traitor  to  his  country. 

The  king,  informed  of  thefe  dangerous  difcontents,  Dec>  0> 
haftencd  over  to  England  ;  and  by  his  prelence,  and  the 
vigorous  meafures  which  he  purlued,  dilconcerted  all  the 
fchemes  of  the  confpirators.  Such  of  them  as  had  been 
more  violent  in  their  mutiny,  betrayed  their  guilt  by  fly- 
ing, or  concealing  themielves  ;  and  the  confiscation  of 
their  eftates,  while  il  encreafed  the  number  of  malcontents, 
both  enabled  William  to  gratify  farther  the  rapacity  of  his 
Norman  captains,  and  gave  them  the  profpectof  new  forfei- 
tures and  attainders.  The  king  began  to  regard  all  his 
Englilh  fubjeets  as  inveterate  and  irreclaimable  enemies  ; 
and  thenceforth  either  embraced,  or  was  more  fully  con- 
firmed in  the  relolution  of  feizing  their  poffeifions,  and  of 
reducing  them  to  the  moll  abject  flavery.  Though  the 
natural  violence  and  ieverity  of  his  temper  made  him  in- 
capable of  feeling  any  remorfe  in  the  execution  of  this  ty- 
rannical purpofe,  he  had  art  enough  to  conceal  his  inten- 
tion, and  to  preferve  flill  fome  appearance  of  juftice  in 
his  oppre'Xions.  He  ordered  all  the  Englifh,  who  had  been 
arbitrarily  expelled  by  the  Normans  during  his  abfence,  to 
be  reflored  to  their  eftates*  ;  But  at  the  fame  time  he  im- 
poied  a  general  tax  on  the  people,  that  of  Danegelt,  which 
had  been  abolifhed  by  the  Confeflbr,  and  which  had  al- 
ways been  extremely  odious  to  the  nation  f. 

As  the  vigilance  of  William  overawed  the  mal-contents. 

•  i      •        •     r  ->•  i  .■     i         r  •  ■  1068. 

their  miurrections  were  more  the  relult  of  an  impatient 
humour  in  the  people,  than  of  any  regular  confpiracy, 
which  could  give  a  rational  hope  of  fuccefs  againft  the 
eftablifhed  power  of  the  Normans.  The  inhabitants  of 
Exeter,  infligated  by  Githa,  mother  to  king  Harold,  re- 
fufed  to  admit  HpNorman  garrifon,  and  betaking  themfelves 
to  arms,  were  flrengthened  by  the  accefhon  of  the  neigh- 
bouring inhabitants  of  Devonfliire  and  Cornwall  Th? 
king  haflened  with  his  forces  to  chaftife  this  revolt  ;  and 

*  Chron.  ''ax.  p.  173.  This  faft  is  3  full  proof  that  the  Normans  had  ccm- 
rn'.tterl  great  injuftice,  2nd  weie  the  ical  caufc-  of  the  infurre&ions  of  tiie 
Lnglirri. 

f  Hoveden,  p.  450.     Sim.  Duyelm.  p.  197.     Alur.  Beveil.  p.  \?j. 

%  Order.  Vital,  p.  510. 


182  HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 

C  II  A  P.  on  his  approach,  the  vvifcr  and  more  confiderable  citizens, 
IV.       fenfible  of  the  unequal  conteft,  perfuaded   the   people  to 

* - '  fubmit,  and  to  deliver  hoftages  for  their    obedience.     A 

ioM.  fudden  mutiny  of  the  populace  broke  this  agreement ;  and 
William,  appearing  before  the  walls,  ordered  the  eves  of 
one  of  the  hoflages  to  be  put  out,  as  an  earnefl  of  that 
Severity  which  the  rebels  niuft  expeft  if  they  perfevered  in 
their  revolt*.  The  inhabitants  were  anew  feized  with  ter- 
ror, and  furrendering  at  discretion,  threw  themfelves  at 
the  king's  feet,  and  funplicated  his  clemency  and  forgive- 
nefs.  William  was  not  deftitute  of  generofity,  when  his 
temper  was  not  hardened  either  by  policy  or  paffion  :  He 
was  prevailed  on  to  pardon  the  rebels,  and  he  fet  guards 
on  all  the  gates,  in  order  to  prevent  the  rapacity  and  info- 
lenccof  his  foldieryf.  Githa  efcaped  with  her  treafures 
to  Flanders.  The  malcontents  of  Cornwal  imitated  the 
examo'e  of  Exeter,  and  met  with  like  treatment  :  And 
the  king,  having  built  a  citadel  in  that  city,  which  he  put 
under  the  command  of  Baldwin,  fon  of  earl  Gilbert,  re- 
turned to  Winchefter,  and  difperfed  his  army  into  their 
quarters.  He  was  here  joined  by  his  wife  Matilda,  who 
had  not  before  vifited  England,  and  whom  he  now  ordered 
to  be  crowned  by  archbifhop  Aldred.  Soon  after,  fhe 
brought  him  an  acceffion  to  his  family  by  the  birth  of  a  fourth 
fon,  whom  he  named  Henry.  His  three  elder  fons,  Ro- 
bert, Richard,  and  William,  ilill  refided  in  Normandy. 

But  though  the  king  appeared  thus  fortunate  both  in 
public  and  dorneftic  life,  the  difcontentsof  his  Englilh  fub- 
jecls  augmented  daily  ;  and  the  injuries  committed  and 
fuffered  on  both  fides,  rendered  the  quarrel  between  them 
and  the  Normans  ablblutely  incurable.  The  infolence  of 
victorious  matters,  difperfed  throughout  the  kingdom,  feetn- 
cd  intolerable  to  the  natives  ;  and  wherever  they  found  the 
Normans,  feparate  or  alTembled  in  fmall  bodies,  they  fe- 
cretly  fet  upon  them,  and  gratified  their  vengeance  by  the 
flaughter  of  their  enemies.  But  an  infurreclion  in  the 
north  drew  thither  the  general  attention,  and  feemed  to 
threaten  more  important  confequences.  Edwin  and  Mor- 
car  appeared  at  the  head  of  this  rebellion  ;  and  thefe  po- 
tent noblemen,  before  they  took  arms,  ftipui&ted  for  foreign 
iurcours,  from  their  nephew  Blethyn,  prince  of  North 
Wales,  from  Malcolm  king  of  Scotland,  and  from  Sweyn 
king  of  Denmark.  Befides  the  general  difcontent  which 
had  feized  the  Englifh,  the  two  earls  were  incited  to  this 
revolt  by  private  injuries.  William, -in  order  to  infure  them 
to  his  tnterefts,  had,  on  his  acceffion,  promifed  his  daughter, 

*  Order.  Vital,  p.  510.  f  Ibid. 


WILLtAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  183 

in  marriage   to  Edwin  ;  but  either  he  had  never  ferioufly  CHAP, 
intended  to  perform  this  engagement,  or,  having  changed        IV. 
his  plan  of  admiuiitration    in  England   from  clemency  to  v— ■ v — J 
rigour,  he  though  it  was  to  little  purpofe,  if  he  gained  one      10^s* 
family,   while   he  enraged   the  whole  nation.     When  Ed- 
win, therefore,   renewed  his  applications,  he  gave  him  an 
abfolute  denial*;  and  tin's difappoiutment,  added  to  lo  ma- 
ny other  realons  of  dilguft,    induced   that  nobleman   and 
his  brother  to  concur  with  their  incenfed  countrymen,  and 
to  make  one  general  effort  for  the  recovery  of  their  ancient 
liberties.      William  knew  the    importance   of    celerity  in 
quelling  an  inlurreclion,  fuppcrted  bv  fuch  powerful  lea- 
ders,    and    (o  agreeable   to   the    wiihes    of    the    people  ; 
and  having  his  troops  always  in  readinefs,  he  advanced  by 
great  journies  to  the  north.     On  his  march  hegaveordeis 
to  fortify  the  caftle  of  Warwic,  of  which  he    left  Henry 
de  Beaumont  governor,  and  that  of  Nottingham,  which  he 
committed  to  the  cuftody   of    William  Peverell,    another 
Norman  captainf.     He  reached  York   before   the  rebels 
were  in  any  condition  for  refiflance,    or  were  joined    by 
any  of   the  foreign  fuccours  which  they  expected,  except  a 
fmall  reinforcement  from  Wales!;  and  the  two  carls  found 
no  means  of  lafety,  but  having  recourfe  to  the  clemency 
of  the  victor.     Archil,  a  potent  nobleman  in   thofe  parts, 
imitated  their  example,  and  delivered  his  fon  as  a  hoflage 
for  his  fidelity  ||;  nor  were  the  people,  thus  defer  ted  by  their 
leaders,  able  to  make  any  farther  refinance.  But  the  treat- 
ment which    William  gave  the  chiefs,  was  very    different 
from  that  which  fell  to  the  fhare  of  their    followers.     He 
oblerved  religioufly  the  terms  which  he   had  granted  to  the 
former,  and  allowed  them  for  the  prefent  to  keep  poiTeffion 
of  their  eftates  ;   but  he  extended  the  rigours  of  his  confis- 
cations over  the  latter,  and   gave  away    their  lands  to  his 
foreign  adventurers.    '1  hefe,  planted  throughout  the  whole 
country,  and  in  pofleffion  of  the  military  power,   left  Ed- 
win and  Morcar,  whom  he  pretended  to  fpare,  deftituteof 
all  fupport,  and  ready  to  fall,  whenever  he  fhould  think 
proper  to  command  their  ruin.     A  peace  which  he  made 
with   ?/ialcolm,  who   did   him  homage   for    Cumberland, 
feerned  at  the  fame  time  to  deprive  them  of  all   prylpectof 
foreign  affiflance**. 

The  Englilh  were  now  fenfible  that  their  final  deftruc-  Rigours  of 
lion  was  intended  ;  and  that  inflead  of  a  lovereign,  whom.  (He  NonB*n 
they  hod  hoped  to  gain   by  their  fubmiflions,    they  had  iV*" 
tamely  furrendered  themfelves,  without  refinance,  to  a  ty- 

•  Order,  Vi-.a!.  p.  511.  f  R  ;  !LvJ.  j  Ibid. 

*  ♦  ibid. 


184  HISTORY    OF     ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  rant  and  a  conqueror.     Though  the  early  confifcation  of 
IV.       Harold's  followers  might  feem  iniquitous  ;    Being  infli&ed 
v— — * '  on  men  who  had  never  fworn  fealty  to  the  duke  of  Nor- 
mandy,   who  were  ignorant  of  his  pretenftons,  and  who 
only   fought  in  defence  of  the   government  which  they 
themfelves  had  eftablifhed   in  their  own  country  :     Yet 
were  thefe  rigours,  however  contrary  to  the  ancient  Saxon 
laws,  excufed  on  account  of  the  urgent  neceffities  of  the 
prince  ;  and  thofe  who  were  not  involved   in  the  prefent 
ruin,  hoped  that  they  fliould  henceforth  enjoy,  without 
moleflation,  their  pofTeflions and  their  dignities.     But  the 
fucceffive  deflruclion  of  fo  many  other  families  convinced 
them,  thnt  the  king  intended  to  rely  entirely  on  the  fup- 
port  and  affections  of  foreigners  ;    and  they  forefaw  new 
forfeitures,  attainders,  and  acls  of  violence,  as  the  necef- 
fary  refultof  this  deftruclive  plan  of  adminiftration.  They 
obferved,  that  no  Englifhman  poflelTed  his  confidence,  or 
was  entrufted  with  any  command  or  authority  ;    and  that 
the  Grangers,  whom  a  rigorous  difcipline  cotild  have  but 
ill  reftrained,  were  encouraged  in  their  infolence  and  ty- 
ranny againft  them.     The  eafy  fubmiffion  of  the  kingdom 
on  its  ririt  invafion  had  expofed  Hie  natives  to  contempt  ; 
the  fubfequent  proofs  of  their  animofity  and  refentment 
had  made  them  the  object  of  hatred  ;  and  they  were  now 
deprived  of  every  expedient  by  which  they  could  hope  to 
make  themfelves  either  regarded  or  beloved  by  their  fove- 
reign.     Imprefled  with  the  fenfe  of  this  difmal  fituation, 
many  Englishmen  fled  into  foreign  countries,  with  an  in- 
tention  of  pafling  their  lives  abroad  free  from  opreffion, 
or  of  returning  on  a  favourable  opportunity  to  afiift  their 
friends  in  the  recovery  of  their  native  liberties*.     Edgar 
Atheling  himfelf,  dreading  the  infidious  carefles  of  Wil- 
liam, was  perfuaded  by  Cofpatric,  a  powerful  Northum- 
brian, to  efcape  with  him  into  Scotland  ;  and  he  carried 
thitfter  his  two  filters,  Margaret  and  Chriftina.      They 
were  well  received  by  Malcolm,  who  foon  after  efpoufed 
Margaret   the  elder  filler  ;   and   partly    with    a    view  of 
ftrengrhening  his  kingdom  by  the  acceffion    of  fo  many 
Grangers,  partly  in  hopes  of  employing  them  againft  the 
growittg  power  of  William,  he  gave  great  countenance  to 
all  the  Englifh  exiles.    Many  of  them  fettled  there  ;  and 
laid  the  foundation  of  families  which  afterwards  made  a 
figure  in  that  country. 

While  the  Englifh  fuffered  under  thefe  oppreffions, 
even  the  foreigners  were  not  much  at  their  cafe  ;  but  find- 

*  Order.  v;:.->i.  p.  50S.     ftj.  Weft.  p.  225.      M.  ra:is.  p.  4.     Sirs.  Dun. 
p.  157. 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR. 

ing  themfelves  furrounded  on  all  hands  by  enraged  ene- 
mies, who  took  every  advantage  againft  them,  and  me- 
naced them  with  flill  more  bloody  effe&s  of  the  public  re- 
fentment,  they  began  to  wilh  again  for  the  tranquillity  and 
fecurity  of  their  native  country.  Hugh  de  Grcntmefnil, 
and  Humphry  dc  Teliol,  though  entruited  with  great 
commands,  drfired  to  be  diimiiled  the  fervice  ;  and  tome 
others  imitated  their  example  :  A  defertion  which  was 
highly  refented  bv  the  king,  and  which  he  puniihed  hy 
the  confifcation  of  all  their  pofleiiions  in  England*.  But 
William's  bountv  to  his  followers  could  not  fail  of  alluring 
m.iiiv  new  adventurers  into  his  fervice;  and  the  rage  of 
the  vanquilhed  I'.nglith  ferved  only  to  excite  the  attention 
of  the  king  and  thofe  warlike  chiefs,  and  keep  them  in 
readinefs  to  fupprefs  every  commencement  of  domeftic  re- 
bellion or  foreigti  invafion. 

I  r  was  not  long  before  thev  found  occupation  for  their  1069. 
ptowefs  and  military  conduct.  Godwin,  Edmond,  and  x™  Wi; 
Magnus,  three  ions  of  Harold,  had,  immediately  after  rv"" i0ns" 
the  defeat  at  H.ifiings,  fought  a  retreat  in  Ireland  ;  where, 
having  met  with  a  kind  reception  from  Dermot  and  other 
princes  of  that  country,  they  projected  an  invafion  on 
England,  and  they  hoped!  that  all  the  exiles  from  Den- 
mark, Scotland,  and  Wales,  aliiited  by  forces  from  thefe 
ieveral  countries,  would  at  once  commence  hoftiliiies,  and 
roufe  the  indignation  of  the  En gliih  agai nil  their  haughty 
conquerors.  They  landed  in  Devouihire  ;  but  found 
Brian,  fon  of  the  count  of  Brittany,  at  the  head  of  fome 
foreign  tioops,  ready  to  oppofe  them  ;  and  being  defeat- 
ed in  feveral  adtions,  they  were  obliged  to  retreat  to  their 
(hips,  and  to  return  with  great  lofs  to  Iretandf.  The 
efforts  of  the  Normans  were  now  directed  to  the  north, 
where  a  (Fairs  had  fallen  info  the  utmoit  confufion. 
The  more  impatient  of  the  Northumbrians  had  attacked 
Robert  de  Coiiryn,  who  was  appointed  governor  of  Dur- 
ham ;  and  gaining  the  advantage  over  him  from  his  neg- 
ligence, thev  put  him  to  death  in  that  city,  with  feven 
hundred  of  his  followers^.  This  fuccefs  animated  the 
inhabitants  of  York,  who,  rifmg  in  arms,  ilew  Robert 
tntz-Richard  their  governor)] ;  and  befieged  in  the  caitlc 
William  Mallet,  on  whom  the  command  now  devolved. 
A  little  after,  the  Daniih  troops  landed  from  ^)0  velFels  : 

Vol.  I.  B  b 

*  Older.  Viulis,  p.  513.  7  Gul  Gtiiiel.  p.  296.      Order.   Vital,  p. 

113.     Anglia  sacu,  vol.  i.  p.  v^6.  J  Order.  Vital,  p.  --12.    Chroit.  ac 

Mi.lr.  p.  116.     Hoveden,  p.  450.     M.  Paris,  p.  5.  iiin.  Dun,  p.  1981 
Order.   Vital,  p.      1  - 


cog. 


i35  HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  Ofbcrne,  brother  to  king  Sweyn,  was  cntrufted  with  th<! 
W»  command  of  thefe  forces,  and  he  was  accompanied  by 
Harold  and  Canute,  two  fons  of  that  monarch.  Edgar 
Atheling  appeared  from  Scotland,  and  brought  along  with 
him  Cofpatric,  Waltheof,  Siward,  Bearne.  Merle  twain, 
Adeiin,  and  other  leaders,  who,  partly  from  the  hopes 
which  they  gave  of  ScottHh  fuccours,  partly  from  their 
authority  in  thofe  parts,  eafily  perfuaded  the  warlike  and 
difcontented  Northumbrians  to  join  the  infurredion.  Mal- 
Jet,  that  he  might  better  provide  for  the  defence  of  the  ci- 
tadel of  York,  let  fire  to  fome  houfes  which  lay  contigu- 
ous ;  but  this  expedient  proved  the  immediate  caufe  of  his 
deft  ruction.  The  flames,  fpreading  into  the  neighbour- 
ing it  reefs,  reduced  the  whole  city  to  alhes  :  The  enraged 
inhabitants,  aid-ed  by  the  Danes,  took  advantage  of  the 
confufion  to  attack  the  caftle,  which  they  carried  by  affault  ; 
and  the  garrifon,  to  the  number  of  3000  men  was  put  to 
the  (word  without  mercy*. 

Tins  fuccefs  proved  a  fignal  to  many  other  parts  of  Eng- 
land, and  gave  tbe  people  an  opportunity  of  (bowing  their 
malevolence  to  the  Normans.  Hereward,  a  Nobleman  in 
Eaft-Anglia celebrated  for  valour,  alTembled  his  followers, 
and  taking  (belter  in  the  Hie  oT  Ely,  made  inroads  on  all 
the  neighbouring  countryf .  The  Englilh  in  the  counties 
of  Sornerfet  and  Dorfet  rofeinarms,  and  aflaulted  Mont- 
acute  the  Norman  governor  ;  while  the  inhabitants  of 
Cornwal  and  Devon  inVefted  Exeter,  which  from  the  me- 
mory of  William's  clemency  ftill  remained  faithful  to  him. 
Edric  the  Forcfter,  calling  in  the  affiftanee  of  the  Welih, 
laid  fiege  to  Shrewsbury,  and  made  head  acainll  earl  Bri- 
ent  and  Fitz-Ofberne,  who  commanded  in  thofe  quartersj. 
The  Englifh,  every  where  repenting  their  former  eafy  fub- 
rniffion,  feemed  determined  to  make  by  concert  one  great 
effort  for  the  recovery  of  their  libeities,  and  fbr  the  ex- 
pulfion  of  their  opprellbrs.  j± 

William,  undifmayed  amidft  this  fcene  of  confufion, 
afiembled  his  forces,  and  animating  them  with  the  profpeel: 
of  new  confiscations  and  forfeitures,  he  marched  againft 
the  rebels  in  the  north,  whom  he  regarded  as  the  moft 
formidable,  and  whole  defeat  he  knew  would  tlrike  a  terror 
into  all  the  other  malcontents.  Joini-ng  policy  to  force,  he 
tried  before  his  approach  to  weaken  the  enemy,  by  detach- 
ing the  Danes  from  them  ;    and  he  engaged  Ofberne,  by 

*  Order.  Vital,  p.  5 1 3.     Hovedcn,  p.  451.  f  Ingulf,  p,  71.    Chron: 

Aib.  St.  Petri de  BcfcgOb  p.  47.  i  Order.  Vital,  p.  514. 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  iSy 

large  prefents,    and  by  offering  him  the  liberty  of  plun-  C  H  A  T- 
dering  the  lea-coaft,   to  retire,  without  committing  fanher       IV. 

hoftiKties,  into  Denmark*.     Cofpatric  alio,   in  defptnr  of  * ' 

fuccefs,  made  his  peace  with  the  king,  and  paying  a  ium  ' 
of  money  as  an  atonement  for  his  infui  rcclion,  was  receiv- 
ed into  favour,  and  even  invefted  with  the  earldom  cf  North- 
umberland.  Waltheof,  who  long  defended  York  with 
great  courage,  was  allured  with  this  appearance  of  cle- 
mency ;  and  as  William  knew  how  to  elleem  valour  even 
in  an  enemy,  that  nobleman  had  no  reafon  to  repent  of  this 
confidence-!*.  Even  Edric,  compelled  by  neceility,  fab- 
mitted  to  the  Conqueror,  and  received  forgivenefs,  which 
was  foon  after  followed  by  lomc  degree  of  truft  and  favour. 
Malcolm,  coming  too  late  to  fupport  his  confederates, 
was  constrained  to  retire  ;  and  all  the  Engliih  rebels  in 
other  parts,  except  Hercward,  who  (till  kept  id  his  faft- 
nefles,  difperfed  themfelves,  and  left  the  Normans  undif- 
puted  matters  of  the  kingdom.  Edgar  Atheling,  with 
his  followers,  fought  again  a  retreat  in  Scotland  from  the 
purfuitof  his  enemies. 

But  the  feeming  clemency  of  William  towards  the  107?- 
Englifh  leaders  proceeded  only  from  artifice,  or  from  his  Nfe '•'■' r,sours 
cfieem  of  individuals:  His  heart  was  hardened  againft  all  vctr.mer.t. 
companion  towards  the  people ;  and  he  fcrupled  nomeafure, 
however  violent  or  fevere,  which  teemed  icquifiteto  fup- 
port his  plan  of  tyrannical  administration.  Senfible  cf 
the  refllefs  difpofition  of  the  Northumbrians,  he  determin- 
ed to  incapacitate  them  ever  after  from  giving  disturbance, 
and  he  ltTued  order-  for  I  lying  entirely  wafte  that  fertite 
country  which  for  the  extent  of  Sixty  miles  lies  between 
the  Hufnber  and  the  Teesrf*  The  houfes  were  reduced 
to  aShes  by  the  mercilefs  Normans  ;  the  cattle  feized  acid 
driven  away;  the  instruments  of  hulbandry  deftroyed  ; 
and  the  inhabitants  compel  led  either  to  feek  for  a  fubfiStence 
in  theWouthern  parts  of  Scotland,  or  if  they  lingered  in 
England,  from  a  reluctance  to  abandon  their  ancient  habi- 
tations, they  pefifhed  mifcrably  in  the  woods  from  cold 
and  hunger.  The  lives  of  a  hundred  thoufand  jpcrfons. 
are  computed  to  have  been  Sacrificed  to  this  irroke  of  bar- 
barous policy'',',  which,  by  feeMnfg  a  remedy  for  a  tempo- 
rary evil,  thus  inflicted  a  lafting  wound  on  the  power  and 
tloufnefs  of  tb.e  nation. 

Petri  c!e  Bingo,  p.  .[7.  S!m.  Dun.  p.  :      . 
t  Malmef.  p,  1  14.     H.  Hunt.  p.  %  (  inon.  .sax.  p.  174. 

p.  .j',i.     (Jhron.  Ibb. !  t. 

.     .       .  .  .    , 


i88  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

But  William,  finding  himfclf  entirely  matter  of  a  peo* 
pie  who  had  given  him  luch  fenfible  proofs  of  their  impo- 
tent rage  and  animofity,  now  refolved  to  proceed  to  extre- 
1070.  rnities  againfl  all  the  natives  of  England  ;  and  to  reduce 
them  to  a  condition  in  which  they  mould  no  longer  he  for- 
midable to  his  government.  The  infurre£fions  and  con- 
fpiracies  in  (o  many  parts  of  the  kingdom,  had  involved 
the  bulk  of  the  landed  proprietors,  more  or  lefs,  in  the  guilt 
of  treaion  ;  and  the  king  took  advantage  of  executing  a- 
gainft  them,  with  the  utmoft  rigour,  the  laws  of  forfeiture 
and  attainder.  Their  lives  were  indeed  commonly  fpared  ; 
but  their  eflates  wereconhlcated,  and  either  annexed  to  the 
royal  demefnes,  or  conferred  with  the  mofl  profufe  bounty 
on  the  Normans  and  other  foreigners*.  While  the  king'sde- 
clared  intention  was  to  deprefs,  or  rather  entirely  extirpate 
the  Englilh  gentry  f,  it  is  eafy  to  believe  that  fcarcely  the 
form  of  juflice  would  be  obferved  in  thofe  violent  proceed- 
ings I ;  and  that  any  fufpicions  ferved  as  the  mofl  undoubt- 
ed proofs  of  guilt  agaiwft  a  people  thus  devoted  to  de- 
ftruction.  It  war,  crime  fufneient  in  an  Englifhman  to  be 
opulent,  or  noble,  or  powerful  ;  and  the  policy  of  the 
,  king,  concurring  with  the  rapacity  of  foreign  adventurers, 
produced  almofr.  a  total  revolution  in  the  landed  property 
of  the  kingdom.  Ancient  and  honourable  families  were 
reduced  to  beggary  ;  the  nobles  themfelves  were  every 
where  treated  with  ignominy  and  contempt  ;  they  had  the 
mortification  of  feeing  their  catties  and  manors  pofiefTed 
by  Normans  of  the  meanefl  birth  and  lowefl  ftations  N  , 
and  they  found  themfelves  carefully  excluded  from  every 
road  which  led  either  to  riches  or  preferment**. 
Introduc-  As  power  naturally    follows    property,  this  revolution 

tion  of  ihe  alone  gave  great  fecurify  to  the  foreigners  ;  but  William 
eu  i  aw.  ^  tjie  new  jH)}jtLltjons  which  he  eftablifhed,  took  alfo  care 
to  retain  for  ever  the  military  authority  in  thofe  hands 
which  had  enabled  him  to  fubdue  the  kingdom.  He  intro- 
duced into  England  the  feudal  law,  which  he  found  efla- 
blilhed  in  France  and  Normandv,  and  which,  during  that 
age,  was  the  foundation  both  of  the  liability  and  of  the 
diforders  in  mofl  of  the  monarchical  governments  of  Eu- 
rope. He  divided  all  the  lands  of  England,  with  very 
few  exceptions,  befide  the  royal  demefnes,  into  baronies  ; 
and  he  conferred  thefe,  with  the  refervation  of  ftated  i'ef- 
vices  and  payments,  on  the  mofl  confiderable  of  his  adven- 
turers.  Thefe  great  barons,  who  held  immediately  of  the 

•  Malmef.  p.  104.  f  H.  Hi  nt.  p.  370. 

X  See  note  [Hj  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 

!|  Order.  Viiaiis,  p.  521.     M.  Welt.  p.  r  19.  *  *  -ee  r:ote[I]  at  ike 

cud  of  the  volume. 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  189 

crown,  lharcd  out  a  great  part  of  their  lands  to  other  fo-  C  H  A  P. 
rei^ners,   who  were  denominated  knights  or  vafXals,    and        IV. 

who  paid  their  lord  the  fame  duty  and  fubmiffion  in  peace  v v — J 

and  war,  which  he  himfelf  owed  to  his  fovereign.  The  l°7(>- 
whole  kingdom  contained  about  700  chief  tenants,  and 
60,215  knights-fees*  ;  and  as  none  of  the  native  Englifh 
were  admitted  into  the  firft  rank,  the  few  who  retained 
their  landed  property  were  glad  to  be  received  into  the 
fecond,  and  under  the  protection  of  fome  powerful  Nor- 
man, to  load  themfelvesand  their  pofterity  with  this  grie- 
vous burthen,  for  eftates  which  they  had  received  free  from 
their  anceftorsf.  The  fmall  mixture  of  Englifh  which  en- 
tered into  this  civil  or  military  fabric  (for  it  partook  of 
both  fpecies),  was  fo  retrained  by  fubordination  under 
the  foreigners,  that  the  Norman  dominion  feemed  now  to 
be  fixed  on  the  moil  durable  bafis,  and  to  defy  all  the  ef- 
forts of  its  enemies. 

The  better  to  unite  the  parts  of  the  government,  and  to 
bind  them  into  one  fyftem,  which  might  ferve  both  for 
defence  againft  foreigners,  and  for  the  fupport  of  domeftic 
tranquillity,  William  reduced  the  ecclefiaftical  revenues 
under  the  fame  feudal  law;  and  though  he  had  courted  the 
church  on  his  invahon  and  acceffion,  he  now  fubjetted  it 
to  fervices  which  the  clergy  regarded  as  a  grievous  flavery, 
and  as  totally  unbefitting  their  profelliou.  The  bifhops 
and  abbots  were  obliged,  when  required,  to  furnifh  to  the 
king,  during  war,  a  number  of  knights  or  military  tenants, 
proportioned  to  the  extent  of  property  poflefled  by  each 
fee  or  abbey  ;  and  they  were  liable,  in  cafe  of  failure,  to 
the  lame  penalties  which  were  exacted  from  the  laity  J. 
The  pope  and  the  ecclefiaftics  exclaimed  again!!  this  ty- 
ranny, as  they  called  it  ;  but  the  king's  authority  was  i'o 
well  cftablifhed  over  the  army,  who  held  every  thing  from 
his  bounty,  that  fuperftition  itfelf,  even  in  that  age  when 
it  was  moll  prevalent,  was  conftrained  to  bend  under  hi* 
fuperior  influence. 

But  as  the  great  body  of  the  clergy  were  flill  natives, 
the  king  had  much  reafon  to  dread  the  effects  of  their  re- 
ientment  :  He  therefore  ufed  the  precaution  of  expelling 
the  Englifh  from  all  the  confiderable  dignities,  and  of  ad- 
vancing foreigners  in  their  place.  The  partiality  of  the 
ConfelVor  towards  the  Normans  had  been  io  great,  that, 
aided  by  their  fuperior  learning,  it  had  promoted  them  to 

*  Orler.  Vitalis.  p.Jaj.  Secretum  Abbatis,  apud  Selden,  I  it  les  of  Honour, 
V-  575-     Spclffl.  GlofT.  in  verbo  Feodum.     Sir  Robert  Cotton. 

fM.  Weft.  p.  i?j.  M.  Paris,  p.  4.  Eia^ton,  lib.  1.  Mp.  11.  num.  x. 
Kleta,  iib.  1.  cap.  8.  n.  2. 

;  M.  Paris,  p.  j.     Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  i.  p.  aa3. 


190 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


1070. 


CHAP,  many  of  the  fees  in  England  ;  and  even  before  the  period 
IV.       of  the  conqueft,  fcarcely  more  than   fix  or  feven  of  the 

v i — ■*  prelates  were   natives  of  the  country.     But  among   thefe 

was  Stigand,  archbifhop  of  Canterbury  ;  a  man  who,  by 
his  addrefsand  vigour,  by  the  greatnefs  of  his  family  and 
alliances,  by  the  extent  of  his  poffeflions,  as  well  as  by  the 
dignity  of  his  office,  and  his  authority  among  the  Englifh, 
gave  jealoufy  to  the  king*.  Though  William  had  on  his 
acceffion  affronted  this  prelate,  by  employing  the  arch- 
bifhop of  York  to  officiate  at  his  confecration,  lie  was  care- 
ful on  other  ocqafions  to  load  him  with  honours  and  caref- 
fes,  and  to  avoid  giving  him  farther  offence  till  the  oppor- 
tunity fhould  offer  of  effecling  his  final  deflruclionf.  The 
fuppreffionof  the  late  rebellions, and  the  total  fubjetlion  of 
the  Englifh,  made  him  hope  that  an  attempt  againft  Stigand, 
however  violent,  would  becovered  by  hisgreat  fuccelTes,  and 
beoverlooked  amidft  the  other  important  revolutionswhich 
affected  fo  deeply  the  property  and  liberty  of  the  kingdom. 
Yet,  notwithllanding  thefe  gi eat  advantages,  he  did  not 
think  it  fafe  to  violate  the  reverence  ufually  paid  to  the 
primate  ;  but  under  cover  of  a  new  fuperftition,  which  he 
was  the  great  inftrument  of  introducing  into  England. 

The  doctrine  which  exalted  the  papacy  above  all  hu- 
man power,  had  gradually  diffufed  itfelf  from  the  city  and 
court  of  Rome  ;  and  was,  during  that  age,  much  more 
prevalent  in  the  fouthern  than  in  the  northern  kingdoms 
of  Europe.  Pope  Alexander,  who  had  affifled  William 
in  his  conquefts,  naturally  expected  that  the  French  and 
Normans  would  import  into  England  the  fame  reverence 
for  his  facred  character  with  which  they  were  impreiTed  in 
their  own  country  ;  and  would  break  the  fpiritual  as  well 
as  civil  independency  of  the  Saxons,  who  had  hitherto 
conducted  their  ecclefiaftical  government  with  an  acknow- 
ledgment indeed  of  primacy  in  the  fee  of  Rome,  but  with- 
out much  idea  of  its  title  to  dominion  or  authority.  As, 
foon,  therefore,  as  the  Norman  prince  fcemed  fully  efta- 
bliihed  on  the  throne,  the  pope  difpatched  Ermenfrcy, 
bifho-p  of  Sion,  as  his  legate  into  England  ;  and  this  pre- 
late was  the  firft  that  h^d  ever  appeared  with  that  character 
in  any  part  of  the  Britiih  iflands.  The  king,  though  he 
was  probably  led  by  principle  to  pay  this  lubmiflion  to, 
Rome,  determined,  as  is  ufual,  to  employ  the  incident  as 
a  means  of  ferving  his  political  purpofes,  and  of  degrading 
thofe  Englifh  prelates  who  were'  become  obnoxious  to  him. 
The  legate  fubmitted  to  become  the  inftrument  of  his  ty-- 
rariny  ;  and  thought  that  the  more  violent  the  exertion  of 


Innovation 
in  ecclefi- 
aftical gOi 
vemment. 


*  Paiker,  p.  161. 


t  Ib'.d.  p.  164. 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  Iff 

power,  the  more  certainly  did  it  confirm  the  authority  of  C  H  A  P. 
that    court   from  which   he  derived   his  coinmitTicn.     He        IV. 

fummoned,  therefore,  a  council  of  the  prelates  and  abhots  ' « ' 

at  Winchefier  ;   and  being  affifted  by  two  cardinals,  Peter      l'1'-' 
and  John,  lie  cited  before  him  Stigand,  archhiihop  of  Can- 
terbury, to  anfwer  for  his  con  dud.     1  he  primate  was  ac- 
cufed  of  three  crimes;  the  holding  of  the  fee  of  Winches- 
ter, together  with  that  of  Canterbury  ;   the  officiating  in 
the  pall  of  Robert  his  predecefi'or  ;   and  the  having  receiv- 
ed his  own  pall  from  Benedict   IX.     who  was  afterwards 
depoled  for  fimony,  and   for  intrufion  into    the  papacy*. 
Thefe  crimes  of  Stigand  were  mere  pretences ;  fince  the 
firft  had  been  a  practice  not  unul'ual  in  England,  and  was 
never  any  where  fubjected  to  a  higher  penalty  than  a   re- 
fignation  of  one  of  the  fees  ;   the  fecond  was  a  pure  cere- 
monial ;  and  as  Benedict  was  the  only  pope  who  then  offi- 
ciated, and  his  acts  were  never  repealed,  all  the  prelates 
of  the  church,  efpccially  thofe  who  lay  at  a  diftance,  were 
excufable  for  making  their  applications  to  him.    Stigand's 
ruin,  however,  was  refolved  on,  and  was  profecuted  with 
great  feverity.      The  legate  degraded  him  from  his  digni- 
ty :    The  king  confiicated  hiseftate,  and  cafi  him  into  pri- 
fon,  where  he  continued  in  poverty  and  want  during  the 
remainder  of  his  life.     Like  rigour  was  exert  ifed   againft 
the   other  Englilh    prelates:   Agelric,   bifhop  of  Selefev, 
and   Ageimare  of  Elmham,  were  depoied  by  the  legate, 
and  imprifoned  by  the    king.     Many   confiderable  abbots 
i'l.ired    the   fame  fate  :   Egelwin,  bifhop  of  Durham,  fled 
the  kingdom:  Wulftanof  Worcefter,  a  man  of  an  inofien- 
five   character,  was  the  only  Englith  prelate   that  efcaped 
this  [general  profcriptionf,  and   remained    in  poiTefiion  of 
his   dignity.     Aldred,  rrchbiihop  of  York,  who  had  fet 
the  crown  on  William's  l>ead,  had  died  a  little  before   of 
grief  and  vexation,  and  had  left   his  malediction   to  that 
prince,  on  account  of  the  breach  of  his  coronation  oath, 
and  of  the  extreme  tyranny  with  which  he  law  he  was  de- 
termined to  treat  his  Englifh  lubjeclsj. 

It  was  a  fixed  maxim  in  this  reign,  as  well  as  in  fome 
of  the  fubfequent,  that  no  native  of  the  ifland  fhould  ever 

*  Hoyeden,  p.  453.  biccto,  p.  482.  Knygliton,  p.  2J45.  Air-lia  Sacra, 
vol.  i.  p.  5,  ('<.      Ypod.  Neuft.  p-  .;  ; '-. 

f  Brampton  relates,  that  Wulftan  v;is  alio  deprived  bv  the  iVno-l  :  but  re- 
filling  to  deliver  his  p.dtoral  ftaff  and  ting  to  any  but  the  pcrlon  liom  whor.i 
he  firft  received  it,  he  went  ini mediately  1  1  king  Edward's  tomb,  and  (truck  the 
ftaff  fo  deeply  into  the  Hone,  that  none  but  himfelf  was  able  to  pull  it  out  : 
l'|)on  which  he  was  allowed  to  keep  h's  biCnt  ,iTic.     This  infUnce   way   i 

ot  many,  as  a  ipeciracn  of  the  uAonkifh  mitiiclos.     See  atlfo  the  Annals 
c?  Burton,  p.  2S4. 

*  Malmel.  de  Gcft.  Font,  p.  154. 


193  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  be  advanced  to  any  dignity,  ecclefiaflical,  civil  or 
IV.       ry*.    The  king,  therefore,  upon  Stigand'sdepofitio 

moted  Lanfrac,  a  Milanefe  monk,  celebrated  for  his  learn- 


»»7°.  ing  3nd  piety,  to  the  vacant  lee.  This  prelate  was  rigid 
in  defending  the  prerogatives  of  his  flation  ;  and  after  a 
Jong  procefs  before  the  pope,  he  obliged  Thomas,  a  Nor- 
man monk,  who  had  been  appointed  to  the  fee  of  York, 
to  acknowledge  the  primacy  of  the  archbilhop  of  Canter- 
bury. Where  ambition  can  be  lb  happy  as  to  cover  its  en- 
terprifes,  even  to  the  perfon  himlelf,  under  the  appearance 
of  principle,  it  is  the  mofi  incurable  and  inflexible  of  all 
human  paffions.  Hence  Lanfranc's  zeal  in  promoting  the 
interefts  of  the  papacy,  by  which  he  himlelf  augmented 
his  own  authority,  was  indefatigable  ;  and  met  with  pro- 
portionable fuccefs.  The  devoted  attachment  to  Rome 
continually  increafed  in  England  ;  and  being  favoured  by 
the  fentimentsof  the  conquerors,  as  well  as  by  the  mona- 
dic eflablifhments  formerly  introduced  by  Edred  and  by 
Edgar,  it  foon  reached  the  fame  height  at  which  it  had, 
during  fome  time,  flood  in  France  and  ltalyll.  It  after- 
wards went  much  farther  ;  being  favoured  by  that  very  re- 
mote fituation  which  had  at  firfl  obflrudled  its  progrefs  ; 
and  being  lefs  checked  by  knowledge  and  a  liberal  educa- 
tion, which  were  flill  fomewbat  more  common  in  the 
fouthern  countries. 

The  prevalence  of  this  fuperflitious  fpirit  became  dan- 
gerous to  fome  of  William's  fucceflbrs,  and  incommodious 
to  moft  of  them  :  But  the  arbitrary  fway  of  this  king  over 
the  Englifh,and  his  extenfive  authority  over  the  foreigners, 
kept  him  from  feeling  any  immediate  inconvenjencies  from 
it.  He  retained  the  church  in  great  fubjedlion,  as  well  as 
his  lay  fubjedls  ;  and  would  allow  none,  of  whatever  cha- 
racter, to  difpute  his  fovereign  will  and  pleafure.  He  pro- 
hibited his  fubjedls  from  acknowledging  any  one  for  pope 
whom  hehimfelf  had  not  previoufly  received:  He  requir- 
ed that  all  the  ecclefiaflical  canons,  voted  in  any  fynod, 
fhould  firfl  be  laid  before  him,  and  be  ratified  by  his  autho- 
rity ;  Even  bulls  or  letters  from  Rome  could  not  legally  be 
produced,  till  they  received  the  fame  fandlion  :  And  none 
of  his  miniflers  or  barons,  whatever  offences  they  were 
guilty  of,  could  be  fubjedted  to  lpiritual  cenfures  till  he 
himfelf  had  given  his  confent  to  their  excommunication^. 
Thefe  regulations  were  worthy  of  a  fovereign,  and  kept 

»  Ingulf,  p.  70,  71. 

||  M.  Weft.  p.  228.  Lanfranc  wrote  in  defence  of  the  real  prefenee  againft 
Berengarius ;  and  in  thofe  ages  of  ftupidity  and  ignorance,  he  was  greatly  ap- 
plauded for  that  performance. 

X  Eadmer,  p.  6.  x 


WILLIAM   THE   CONQUEROR.  193 

united  the  civil  and  ecclefiauical  powers,  which  the  prin-  CHAP, 
ciples  introduced  by  this  prince  himfelf,  had  an  immediate       IV; 
tendency  to  feparate.  ' * — M 

Bur  the  Englifh  had  the  cruel  mortification  to  find  that  ,07°« 
their  king's  authority,  however  acquired  or  however  ex- 
tended, was  all  employed  in  their  oppreffion  ;  and  that 
the  lcheme  of  their  fubjecfion,  attended  with  every  cir- 
cumftauce  of  infultand  indignityf,  was  deliberated  form- 
ed by  the  prince,  and  wantonly  profecuted  by  his  follow- 
ers$.  William  had  even  entertained  the  difficult  project. 
of  totally  abolifhing  the  Englifh  language  ;  and,  for  that 
purpofe,  he  ordered  that  in  all  fchools  throughout  the 
kingdom  the  youth  fhould  be  inftruCted  in  the  French 
tongue  ;  a  practice  which  was  continued  from  cuflom  till 
after  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  and  was  never  indeed  total- 
ly dilcontinued  in  England.  The  pleadings  in  the  fu- 
preme  courts  of  judicature  were  in  French  || :  The  deeds 
were  often  drawn  in  the  fame  language  :  The  laws  were 
compofed  in  that  idiom**  :  No  other  tongue  was  ufed  at 
court  :  It  became  the  language  of  all  fafhionable  compa- 
ny ;  and  the  Englifh  themfelves,  afhamed  of  their  own 
country,  affccled  to  excel  in  that  foreign  dialect.  From 
this  attention  of  William,  and  from  the  extenhve  foreign 
dominions  long  annexed  to  the  crown  of  England,  pro- 
ceeded that  mixture  of  French  which  is  at  prefent  to  be 
found  in  the  Englifh  tongue,  and  which  compofes  the 
greated  and  bed  part  of  our  language.  But  amidft  thofe 
endeavours  to  deprefs  the  Englifh  nation,  the  king,  moved 
by  the  remonftrances  of  fome  of  his  prelates,  and  by  the 
earneft  defires  of  the  people,  reftored  a  few  of  the  laws  of 
king  Edwardff;  which,  thoftgh  feemingly  of  no  great 
importance  towards  the  protection  of  general  liberty,  gave 
them  extreme  fatisfadtion,  as  a  memorial  of  their  ancient 
government,  and  an  unufualmark  of  complaiiance  in  their 
imperious  conquerors  \  %. 

The  fituatioo  of  the  two  great  earls,  Morcar  and  Ed-  I 
win,  became  now  very  difagreeable.  Though  they  had 
retained  their  allegiance  during  this  general  infurrection  of 
their  countrymen,  thev  had  not  gained  the  king's  confi- 
dence, and  they  found  themfelves  expofed  to  the  malignity 
of  the  courtiers,  who  envied  them  on  account  of  their  opu- 
lence and   greatnefs,  and  at  the  fame  time  involved  them 

Vol.  I.  Cc 

t  Order.  Vital,  p.  513.     H.  Hunt.  p.  370.  +  Ingulf,  p.  71. 

||  36  Ed.  III.  cap.  15.     SeldenSp'cile*.  adEadmrr.  p.    189.     FortelVue  dtt 

ttf.  Angl.  cap.  48.  *  *    Chron.  Rothom.  A.  L).  10(16. 

ft   Ingulf,  p.  88.     Brompton,   p.  9S2.      Knvshion,  p.  2355.     hovcrien,  p. 
X  t  See  note[K]  at  i\to  end  of  the  tokime. 


-:.- 


194  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  in  that  general   contempt  which  they  entertained  for  the 
IV.       Englifh.    Senfible  that  they  had  entirely  loft  their  dignity, 

.* — «r— '  and  could  not  even  hope  to  remain  long  in  fafety  ;  they 
,07»«  determined,  though  too  late,  to  (hare  the  fame  fate  with 
their  countrymen.  While  Edwin  retired  to  his  eftate  in 
the  north,  with  a  view  of  commencing  an  infurreclion, 
Morcar  took  flielter  in  the  Ifle  of  Ely  with  the  brave  Here- 
ward,  who,  fecured  by  the  inacceffible  fituation  of  the 
place,  ftill  defended  himfelf  againft  the  Normans.  But 
this  attempt  ferved  only  to  accelerate  the  ruin  of  the  few 
f  Englifh,  who  had  hitherto  been  able  to  preferve  their 
rank  or  fortune  during  the  paft  convulfions.  William  em- 
ployed all  his  endeavours  to  fubdue  the  Ifle  of  Ely  ;  and 
having  furrounded  it  with  flat-bottomed  boats,  and  made  a 
caufeway  through  themoraflesto  the  extent  oftwo  miles, he 
obliged  therebelstoiurrenderatdifcretion.  Herewardalone 
forced  his  way,  fword  in  hand,  through  the  enemy  ;  and 
ftill  continued  his  hoftilities  by  fea  againft  the  Normans, 
till  at  laft  William,  charmed  with  his  bravery,  received 
him  into  favour,  and  reftored  him  to  his  eftate.  Earl  Mor- 
car, and  Egelwin  bilhop  of  Durham,  who  had  joined  the 
malcontents,  were  thrown  into  prifon,  and  the  latter  foon 
after  died  in  confinement.  Edwin,  attempting  to  make  his 
efcape  into  Scotland,  was  betrayed  by  fome  of  his  follow- 
ers, and  was  killed  by  a  party  of  Normans,  to  the  great 
affliction  of  the  Englifh,  and  even  to  that  of  William, 
who  paid  a  tribute  of  generous  tears  to  the  memory  of  this 
gallant  and  beautiful  youth.  The  king  of  Scotland,  in 
hopes  of  profiting  by  thele  convulfions,  had  fallen  upon 
the  northern  counties  ;  but  on  the  approach  of  William  he 
retired  ;  and  when  the  king  entered  his  country,  he  was 
glad  to  make  peace,  and  to  pay  the  ufual  homage  to  the 
Englifh  crown.  To  complete  the  king's  profperity,  Ed- 
gar Atheling  himfelf,  defpairing  of  fuccefs,  and  weary  of 
a  fugitive  life,  fubmitted  to  his  enemy  ;  and  receiving  a 
decent  penfion  for  his  fubfiftence,  was  permitted  to  live  in 
England  unmolefted.  But  thefe  a<5\s  of  generofity  towards 
the  leaders  were  difgraced,  as  ufual,  by  William's  rigour 
againft  the  inferior  malcontents.  He  ordered  the  hands  to 
be  loft  off,  and  the  eyes  to  be  put  out,  of  many  of  the  pri- 
fdners  whom  he  had  taken  in  the  Ifle  of  Ely  ;  and  he  dif- 
perfed  them  in  that  miferable  condition  throughout  the 
country,  as  monuments  of  his  feverity. 
I073,  The  province  of  Maine  in  France  had,  by  the  will  of 

Herbert  the  latt  count,  fallen  under  the  dominion  of  Wil- 
liam fome  years  before  his  conqueft  of  England  ;  but  the 
inhabitants,  difl'atisfied  with  the  Norman  government,  and 
inftigated  by  Fulk  count  of  Anjou,  who  had  lome  preten- 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQ.UEROR.  195 

fions  to  the  fucceflion,  now  role  in  rebellion,  and  expelled  CHAP, 
the  magiflrates  whom  the  king  had  placed  over  them.  The        IV. 

full  fettlement  of  England   afforded   him  leifure  to  punifh  v v ' 

this  infult  on  his  authority  ;  but  being  unwilling  to  remove  1073* 
ills  Norman  forces  from  this  iiland,  he  carried  over  a  con- 
fiderable  army,  compofed  almolt  entirely  of  Englifh  ;  and 
joining  them  to  fome  troops  levied  in  Normandy,  he  en- 
tered the  revolted  province.  The  Englifh  appeared  ambi- 
tious of  diftinguiihing  themfelves  on  this  occafion,  and  of 
retrieving  that  character  of  valour  which  had  long  been 
national  among  them  ;  but  which  their  late  eafy  fubjedtion 
under  the  Normans  had  fomewhat  degraded  andobfcured. 
Perhaps  too  they  hoped  that,  by  their  zeal  and  activity, 
they  might  recover  the  confidence  of  their  fovereign,  as  , 
their  anceftors  had  formerly,  by  like  means,  gained  the 
affections  of  Canute  ;  and  might  conquer  his  inveterate 
prejudices  in  favour  of  his  own  countrymen.  The  king's 
military  conduct,  feconded  by  thefe  brave  troops,  foon 
overcame  all  oppofition  in  Maine  :  The  inhabitants  were 
obliged  to  fubmit,  and  the  count  of  Anjou  relinquifhed  his 
pretentions. 

But  during  thefe  tranfa£tions  the  government  of  Eng- 
land  was  greatly   difturbed  ;  and    that    too  by   thofe  very  inf'urrec- 
foreigners  who  owed  every  thing  to  the  king's  bounty,  and  ,ioriof  the 
who  were  the  fole  object  of  his  friendfhip  and  regard.  The  ba^™." 
Norman  barons,  who  had   engaged  with  their  duke  in  the 
conqueft  of  England,  were  men  of  the   moll  independent 
Mpirit  ;  and  though  they  obeyed  their  leader  in  the  field, 
they  would    have  regarded  with  difdain  the  richeft  acqui- 
fitions,  had  they  been  required  in  return  to  fubmit,  in  their 
civil  government,  to  the  arbitrary   will  of  one  man.     But 
the  imperious   character  of   William,  encouraged   bv  his 
abfolute  dominion  over  the  Englifh,  and  often  impelled  by 
the  neceflity  of  his  affairs,    had   prompted   him   to  ft  retch 
his  authority  over  the   Normans   themfelves  beyond  what 
the  free  genius  of  that  victorious  people  could  eafilv  bear. 
Thedilcontents  were  become  general  among  thofe  haugh- 
ty nobles ;   and   even  Roger,    earl    of  Hereford,    fon  and 
heir  of  Fitz-Oiberne,  the  king's  chief  favourite,  was  ftrong- 
ly  infected  with  them.   This  nobleman,   intending  to  mar- 
ry his  filter  to  Ralph  dc   Guader,   eurl    of  Norfolk,    had 
thought  it  his  duty  to  inform  the  king  of  his  purpofe,  and 
todefire  the  royal  confcnt  ;  but  meeting  with  a  refufal,  he 
proceeded    neverthelefs  to  complete  the  nuptials,    and  af- 
iembled  all  his  friends,  and  thole  of  Guader,  to  attend  the 
folemnity.     The  two  e  rls,  di  I  gulled  by  the  denial  of  their 
requell,  and  dreading  William's  relentmeut  for   their   dif- 
obedience,  here  prepared  meafures  for   a  revolt  ;  and  dur- 


,96  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  i'ng  tne  gaiety  of  the  feftival,  u  bile  the  company  was  heated 
IV.       with  wine,  they  opened  the  defign  to  their  guefts.     They 

v '  inveighed  againft  the   arbitrary  conduit   of  the  king;    his 

1074.  tyranny  over  the  Englifh,  whom  they  afr"e6ted  on  thisoc- 
cafion  to  commiferate  ;  his  imperious  behaviour  to  his  ba- 
rons of  the  nobleft  birth  ;  and  his  apparent  intention  of  "re- 
ducing the  viclors  and  the  vanquifhed  to  a  like  ignomini- 
ous fervitude.  Amidft  their  complaints,  the  indignity  of 
fubmitting  to  a  baflard  *  was  not  forgotten  ;  the  certain 
profpecf  of  fuccefs  in  a  revolt,  by  the  affiftance  of  the 
Danes  and  the  difcontented  Emzlifh,  was  infilled  on  ;  and 
the  whole  company,  inflamed  with  the  fame  lentiments, 
and  warmed  by  the  jollity  of  the  entertainment,  entered, 
by.  a  folemn  engagement,  into  the  defign  of  (baking  off 

/  the  royal  authority.     Even  earl   Waltheof,  who  was  pre- 

sent, inconfiderately  exprefied  his  approbation  of  the 
confpipacy,  and  promifed  his  concurrence  towards  its  fuc- 
cefs. 

This  nobleman,  the  laft  of  the  Englifh  who,  for  fome 
generations,  poffelTed  any  power  or  authority,  had,  after 
his  capitulation  at  York,  been  received  into  favour  by  the 
Conqueror;  had  even  married  Judith,  niece  to  that  prince; 
and  had  been  promoted  to  the  earldoms  of  Huntingdon  and 
Northampton*!".  Cofpatric,  earl  of  Northumberland,  hav- 
ing, on  fome  new  difguft  from  William,  retired  into  Scot- 
land, where  he  received  the  earldom  of  Dunbar  from  the 
bounty  of  Malcolm  ;  Waltheof  was  appointed  his  fuccef- 
for  in  that  important  command,  and  feemed  ftill  to  polTeft 
the  confidence  and  friendlhip  of  his  fovereign  $.  But  as 
he  was  a  man  of  generous  principles,  and  loved  his  coun- 
try, it  is  probable  that  the  tyranny  exercifed  over  the  Eng- 
lifh lay  heavy  upon  his  mind,  and  defiroyed  all  the  fatis- 
faclion  which  he  could  reap  from  his  own  grandeur  and 
advancement.  When  a  profpetSr,  therefore,  was  opened 
of  retrieving  their  liberty,  he  haft ily  embraced  it ;  while 
the  fumes  of  the  liquor,  and  the  ardour  of  the  company, 
prevented  him  from  reflecting  on  the  confequences  of  that 
ram  attempt.  But  after  his  cool  judgment  returned,  he 
forefaw,  that  the  confpiracy  of  thole  difcontented  barons 
was  not  likely  to  prove  fuccefsfu!  againft  the  eflablifhed 
power  of  William  ;  or  if  it  did,  that  the  flavery  of  the 
Englifh,  inflead  of  being  alleviated  bv  that  event,  would 
become  more  grievous  under  a  multitude  of  foreign  leaders, 

*  William  waj  fo  little  afiiamed  cf  his  birth,  that  he  affumed   the  appella- 
fion   of  Baftard  5n  fome  of  his  letteis  and  chatters.      Spelm.    Glofl".    in  veib. 
Baftardus.     Camden  in  Richmond/' he. 
■   f  Order.  Vital,  p.  522.     Ho\eden,p.  454.  \  Sim.  Cun.  p.  20^, 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQ_UEROR. 

factious  and  ambitious,  whofe  union  and  whofe  difcord  C 
would  be  equally  oppreffive  to  the  people.  Tormented 
with  thefe  reflections,  he  opened  his  mind  to  his  wife  Ju- 
dith, of  whole  fidelity  he  entertained  no  fufpicion  ;  but  x°74 
who,  having  fecretly  fixed  her  affections  on  another,  took 
this  opportunity  of  ruining  her  eafy  and  credulous  hufband. 
She  conveyed  intelligence  of  the  confpiracy  to  the  king, 
and  aggravated  every  circumftance,  which,  fhe  believed, 
would  tend  to  incenfe  him  againft  Waltheof,  and  render 
him  abfolutely  implacable }|.  Meanwhile  the  earl,  (till 
dubious  with  regard  to  the  part  which  he  fhould  a£f,  dif- 
cover^d  the  fecret  in  confeffion  to  Lanfranc,on  whofe  pro- 
bity and  judgment  he  had  a  great  reliance  :  He  was  per- 
fuaded  by  the  prelate,  that  he  owed  no  fidelity  to  thofe  re- 
bellious barons,  who  had  by  furprife  gained  his  confent  to 
a  crime  ;  that  his  firft  duty  was  to  his  fovereign  and  bene- 
factor, his  next  to  himfelf  and  his  family  ;  and  that,  if  he 
ieized  not  the  opportunity  of  making  atonement  for  his 
guilt  by  revealing  it,  the  temerity  of  the  confpirators  was 
fo  great,  that  they  would  give  fome  other  perfon  the  rnean^ 
of  acquiring  the  merit  of  the  difcovery.  Waltheof,  con- 
vinced by  thefe  arguments,  went  over  to  Normandy  ;  but 
though  he  was  well  received  by  the  king,  and  thanked 
for  his  fidelity,  the  account,  previoufly  tranfmitted  by  Ju- 
dith, had  funk  deep  into  William's  mind,  and  had  defiroy- 
ed  alt  the  merit  of  her  hufband's  repentance. 

The  confpirators  hearing  of  Waltheof's  departure,  im- 
mediately concluded  their  defigntobe  betrayed;  and  flew 
to  arms  before  the  fchemes  were  ripe  for  execution,  and 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Danes,  in  whofe  aid  they  placed 
their  chief  confidence.  Thc-earl  of  Hereford  was  check- 
ed by  Walter  de  Lacy,  a  great  baron  in  thofe  parts,  who, 
fupported  by  the  bilhop  of  Worcefter  and  the  abbot  of 
Evelham,  raifed  fome  forces,  and  prevented  the  earl  from 
paffing  the  Severne,  or  advancing  into  the  heart  of  the 
kingdom.  The  earl  of  Norfolk  was  defeated  at  Fagadun, 
near  Cambridge,  by  Odo,  the  regent,  affifted  by  Richard 
de  Bienfaite  and  William  de  Warrenne,  the  two  jufticia- 
ries.  The  prifoners  taken  in  this  action  had  their  right 
foot  cut  off,  as  a  punifhment  of  their  treafon  :  The  earl 
himfelf  efcaped  to  Norwich,  thence  to  Denmark  ;  where 
the  Danifh  fleet,  which  had  made  an  unfuccefsful  attempt 
upon  the  coafl  of  England*,  foon  after  arrived,  and 
brought  him  intelligence,  that  all  his  confederates  were 
fuppreffed,  and  were  either  killed,  banifhed,  or  taken  pri- 
ll Order.  Vital,  p.  536. 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  i8j.   M.   Paris,  p.  7. 


19*  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  foners*.     Ralph  retired  in  defpair  to  Britanny,  where  he 
IV.       poffeffed  a  large  eftate  and  extenfive  jurifdiclions. 

* 1 '       The  king,  who  haftened  over  to  England  in   order  to 

io74-  fupprefs  the  mfurreclion,  found  that  nothing  remained  but 
the  punifhment  of  the  criminals,  which  he  executed  with 
great  feverity.  Many  of  the  rebels  were  hanged;  fome  had 
their  eyes  put  out ;  others  their  hands  cut  ofF.  But  Willi- 
am, agreeably  to  his  ufual  maxims,  fhowed  more  lenity  to 
their  leader,  the  earl  of  Hereford,  who  was  only  condemn- 
ed to  a  forfeiture  of  his  eftate,  and  to  imprifonment  during 
pleafure.  The  king  feemed  even  difpofed  to  remit  this  laft 
part  of  the  punifhment ;  had  not  Roger,  by  a  frefh  info- 
lence,  provoked  him  to  render  his  confinement  perpetual. 
But  Waltheof,  being  an  Englifhman,  was  not  treated  with 
fo  much  humanity  ;  though  his  guilt,  always  much  inferior 
to  that  of  the  other  conf  pirators,  was  atoned  for  by  an  early 
repentance  and  return  to  his  duty.  William,  inftigated 
by  his  niece,  as  well  as  by  his  rapacious  courtiers,  who 
longed  for  fo  rich  a  forfeiture,  ordered  him  to  be  tried,  con- 

agth  Apr.  demned,  and  executed.  The  Engliih,  whoconfidered  this 
nobleman  as  the  laft  refource  of  their  nation,  grievoufly 
lamented  his  fate,  and  fancied  that  miracles  were  wrought 
by  hisreliques,  as  ateftimony  of  his  innocence  and  fancti- 
ty.  The  infamous  Judith,  falling  foon  after  under  the 
king's  difp'.eafure,  was  abandoned  by  all  the  world,  and 
palled  the  reft  of  her  life  in  contempt,  remorfe,  and  mi- 
fery. 

Nothing  remained  to  complete  William's  fatisfa£tion 
but  the  punilbment  of  Ralph  de  Guader  ;  and  he  haftened 
over  to  Normandy,  in  order  to  gratify  his  vengeance  on 
that  criminal.  But  though  the  conteft  feemed  very  unequal 
between  a  private  nobleman  and  the  king  of  England, 
Ralph  was  fowell  fupported  both  by  the  earl  of  Britanny 
and  the  king  of  France,  that  William,  after  befieging  him 
for  fome  time  in  Dol,  was  obliged  to  abandon  the  enter- 
prife,  and  make  with  thofe  powerful  princes  a  peace,  in 
which  Ralph  himfelf  was  included.  England,  during  his 
•  abfence,  remained  in  tranquility  ;  and  nothing  remarka- 
ble occurred,  except  two  ecclefiaftical  fynods  which  were 
fummoned,  one  at  London,  another  at  Winchefter.  In 
the  former,  the  precedency  among  the  epifcopal  lees  was 
fettled,  and  the  feat  of  fome  of  them  was  removed  from 
fmall  villages  to  themoft  confiderable  town  within  thedio- 

*  Many  of  the  fugitive  Normans  are  fuppofed  to  have  fled  into  Scotland  ; 
where  they  were  protected,  as  well  as  the  fugitive  Englifh,  by  Malcolm. 
"Whence  come  the  many  French  and  Noiman  families,  which  are  found  at  pre- 
fent  in  that  country. 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  199 

cefe.     In  the  fecond  was  tranfacted  a  bufinefsof  more  im-  CHAP, 
portance.  IV. 

The  induftry  andperfeveranccare  furprifing,  with  which  * ,. — <* 

the  popes  had  been  treafuring  up  powers  and  pretentions  .!"7'" 
during  fo  many  ages  of  ignorance;  while  each  pontiff  cm-  bout^nvef- 
ployed  every  fraud  for  advancing  purpofes  of  imaginary  titures. 
piety,  and  cheriihed  all  claims  which  might  turn  to  the 
advantage  of  his  fucceilbrs,  though  he  himfelf  Gould  not 
expect  ever  to  reap  any  benefit  from  them.  All  this  im- 
menfe  (lore  of  f pi  ritual  and  civil  authority  was  now  devolv- 
ed on  Gregory  VII.  of  the  name  of  Hildebrand,  the  mod. 
enterprifing  pontirFthat  had  ever  filled  that  chair,  and  the 
leaf!  retrained  by  fear,  decency,  or  moderation.  Not  con- 
tent with  making ofK  the  yoke  of  the  emperors,  who  had 
hitherto  exerciled  the  power  of  appointing  the  pope  on 
every  vacancy,  at  leaf!  of  ratifying  his  election  ;  he  under- 
took the  arduous  tafk  of  entirely  disjoining  the  ecclefiaffi- 
cal  from  the  civil  power,  and  of  excluding  profane  laymen 
from  the  right  which  they  had  aliumed,  of  filling  the  va- 
cancies of  bilhoprics,abbies,  and  other  fpiritual  dignities*. 
The  fovereigns,  who  had  long-  exerciled  this  power,  and 
who  had  acquired  it,  not  bv  encroachments  on  the  church, 
but  on  the  people,  to  whom  it  originally  belongedf,  made 
great  opposition  to  this  claim  of  the  court  of  Rome  ;  and 
Henry  IV.  the  reigning  emperor,  defended  this  prerogative 
of  his  crown  with  a  vigour  and  refolution  fuitable  to  its 
importance.  The  few  ofhees,  either  civil  or  military, 
which  the  feudal  infiitutions  left  the  fovereign  the  power 
of  bellowing,  made  the  prerogative  of  conferring  the  paf- 
toral  ring  and  ftaff  the  mod  valuable  jewel  of  the  royal 
diadem  ;  elpecially  as  the  general  ignorance  of  the  age 
bellowed  a  confequence  on  the  ecclefiaftical  offices,  even 
beyond  the  great  extent  of  power  and  property  which  be- 
longed to  them.  Superilition,  the  child  of  ignorance,  in- 
vefted  the  clergy  with  an  authority  almofl  facred  ;  and 
as  they  ingrolTed  the  little  learning  of  the  age,  their  inter - 
pofition  became  rcquifite  in  all  civil  bufinefs,  and  a  real 
ufefulnefs  in  common  life  was  thus  iupcradded  to  the  fpiri-  . 
tual  fanttity  of  their  charadter. 

When  the  ufurpations,  therefore,  of  the  church  liad 
come  to  fuch  maturity  as  to  embolden  her  to  attempt  ex- 
torting the  right  of  inveftitures  from  the  temporal  power, 
Europe,  efpecially  Italy  and  Germany,  was  thrown  into 
the  moll  violent  convulfions,  and  the  pope  and  the  emperor 
waged  implacable  war  on  each  other.     Gregory  dared    to 

*  L'Abbe  Cone,  torn  :  x.  p.  371,  J72.  com.  2. 
■f  i'adre  Paolo  foj;u  bcuef.  ecclel.  [>.  j<>. 


2oo  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  fulminate  the  fentence  of  excommunication  againft  Henry 
IV.       and  his  adherents,  to  pronounce  him  rightfully  depofed,  to 

1 » '  free  his  fubje&s  from  their  oaths  of  allegiance;  and,  inftead 

I®76-  of  fhocking  mankind  by  this  grofs  encroachment  on  the 
civil  authority,  he  found  the  ftupid  people  ready  to  fecond 
his  moll  exorbitant  pretenfions.  Every  minifter,  fervant, 
or  vaffal  of  the  emperor,  who  received  any  difguft,  covered 
his  rebellion  under  the  pretence  of  principle;  and  even 
the  mother  of  this  monarch,  foigetting  all  the  ties  of  na- 
ture, was  feduced  to  countenance  the  infolence  of  his  ene- 
mies. Princes  themfelves,  not  attentive  to  the  pernicious 
confequences  of  thofe  papal  claims,  employed  them  for 
their  prelent  purpofes  :  And  the  controverfy,  fpreading 
into  every  city  of  Italy*  engendered  the  parties  of  Guelf 
and  Ghibbelin  ;  the  mod  durable  and  mod  inveterate  facti- 
ons that  ever  arofe  from  the  mixture  of  ambition  and  reli- 
gious zeal.  Befides  numberlefs  aflafiinations,  tumults,  and 
convulfions,  to  which  they  gave  rife,  it  is  computed  that 
the  quarrel  occafioned  no  lefs  than  fixty  battles  in  the  reign 
of  Henry  IV.  and  eighteen  in  that  of  his  fucceflbr,  Henry 
V.  when  the  claims  of  the  fovereign  pontiff  finally  pre- 
vailed*. 

But  the  bold  fpiritof  Gregory,  notdifmayed  with  the 
vigorous  oppofition  which  he  met  with  from  the  emperor* 
extended  his  ufurpations  all  over  Europe  ;  and  well  know- 
ing the  nature  of  mankind,  whofe  blind  aftonifliment  ever 
inclines  them  to  yield  to  the  moft  impudent  pretentions, 
he  feemed  determined  to  fet  no  bounds  to  the  fpiritual,  or 
rather  temporal  monarchy,  which  he  had  undertaken  to 
erect.  He  pronounced  the  fentence  of  excommunication 
againft.  Nicephorus,  emperor  of  the  Eaft;  Robert  Guifcard, 
the  adventurous  Norman  who  had  acquiied  the  dominion 
of  Naples,  was  attacked  by  the  fame  dangerous  weapon: 
He  degraded  Boleflas,  king  of  Poland,  from  the  rank  of 
king  ;  and  even  deprived  Poland  of  the  title  of  a  king- 
dom :  He  attempted  to  treat  Philip  king  of  France  with 
the  fame  rigour  which  he  had  employed  againft:  the  em- 
perorf :  He  pretended  to  the  entire  property  and  dominion 
of  Spain;  and  he  parcelled  it  out  amongfl  adventurers,  who 
undertook  to  conquer  it  from  the  Saracens,  and  to  hold  it 
in  vaiTalage  under  the  fee  of  Rome  J:  Even  the  Chrifiian 
bifheps,  on  whofe  aid  he  relied  for  fubduing  the  temporal 
princes,  faw  that  he  was  determined  to  reduce  them  to  fer- 


*  Padre  Paolo  fopra  benef.  ecclei".  p.  1 13. 
t  Epift.  Greg.  VII.  epift.  32.  35.  lib.  2.  epift. 
X  Epift.  Greg.  VII.  lib.  1.  epift.  7. 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  201 

vitude  ;  and  by  affuming  the  whole  legiflative  and  judicial  CHAP, 
power  of  the  church,  to   centre  all  authority  in  the   love-       IV. 
reign   pontiff*.  ' «" — J 

William  the  Conqueror,  the  1110ft  potent,  the  mofthaugh-  io76" 
ty,and  thsmofi  vigorous  prince  in  Europe,  was  not,aniidft 
all  his  fplendid  fucceflcs,  iecure  from  the  attacks  of  thisen- 
terprifing  pontiff.  Gregory  wrote  himaletter,requiringhim 
to  fulfil  his  proniife  in  doiig  homage  for  the  kingdom  of 
England  to  the  fee  of  Rome,  and  to  fend  him  over  that  tri- 
bute, which  all  his  predecelTors  had  been  accuftomed  to 
pay  to  the  vicar  of  Chrift.  By  the  tribute,  he  meant  Pe- 
ter's pence  ;  which,  though  at  fir  ft  a  charitable  donation 
of  the  Saxon  princes,  was  interpreted,  according  to  the 
ufcal  practice  of  the  Romifh  court,  to  be  a  badge  of  fub- 
jection  acknowledged  by  the  kingdom.  William  replied, 
that  the  money  fhould  be  remitted  as  ufual ;  but  that  nei- 
ther had  he  promifed  to  do  homage  to  Rome,  nor  was  it  in 
the  leart  his  purpofe  to  impofe  that  fervitude  on  his  ftatef. 
And  the  better  to  fhow  Gregory  his  independence,  he  ven-  ' 

tured,  notwithftanding  the  frequent  complaints  of  the  pope, 
to  refute  to  the  Englilh  bilhops  the  liberty  of  attending  a 
general  council  which  that  pontiff  had  fummoned  againft 
his  enemies. 

But  though  the  king  difplayed  this  vigour  in  fupporting 
the  royal  dignity,  he  was  infected  with  the  general  fuper- 
ftition  of  the  age,  and  he  did  not  perceive  the  ambitious 
fcope  of  thofe  inftitutions,  which,  under  colour  of  ftrift- 
nefs  in  religion,  were  introduced  or  promoted  by  the  court 
of  Rome.  Gregory,  while  he  was  throwing  all  Europe 
into  combuftion  by  his  violence  and  impoftures,  affe&ed 
an  axious  care  for  the  purity  of  manners  ;  and  even  the 
chafte  pleafuresof  the  marriage-bed  were  inconfiftent,  in 
his  opinion,  with  the  fanctity  of  the  facerdptal  character. 
He  had  iflued  a  decree  prohibiting  the  marriage  of  priefts, 
excommunicating  all  clergymen  who  retained  their  wive*, 
declaring  fuch  unlawful  commerce  to  be  fornication,  and 
rendering  it  criminal  in  the  laity  to  attend  divine  worfhip 
when  fuch  profane  pri-rfts  officiated  at  the  altar  %.  This 
point  was  a  great  object  in  the  politics  of  the  Roman  pon- 
tiffs; and  itcoft  them  infinitely  more  pains  to  eftablifh  it, 
than  the  propagation  of  any  fpeculative  abfurdity  which 
they  had  ever  attempted  to  introduce.  Many  fyneds  were 
fummoned  in  different  parts  of  Europe,  before  if  was  final- 
ly fettled  ;  and  it  was  there  conftantly  remarked,  that  the 
'  Vol.  1.  Dd 


■..  Eplft.  i;b.2.  epift.  55.  triad  Eadrocr,  p.  4. 

X  Hoveden,  p.  455.  457.     Hor.  Wigorn.  p,    I  p. 

A.  U.  1076. 


202  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

younger  clergymen  complied  cheerfully  with  the  pope's 
decrees  in  this  particular,  and  that  the  chief  reluctance  ap- 
peared in  thofe  who  were  more  advanced  iu  years :  An 
1076.  event  fo  little  conionant  to  men's  natural  expectations,  that 
it  could  not  fail  to  be  glotTed  on,  even  in  that  blind  and  fu- 
perftltious  age.  William  allowed  the  pope's  legate  to  af- 
iemble,  in  hisabfence,  a  lynod  at  Winchefler,  in  order  to 
eftabliih  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy  ;  but  the  church  of  Eng- 
land could  not  vet  be  carried  the  whole  length  expecled. 
The  f'ynod  was  content  with  decreeing,  that  the  bifhops 
fhould  not  thenceforth  ordain  any  priefls  or  deacons  with- 
out exacting  from  them  a  promife  of  celibacy  ;  but  they 
enacted,  that  none,  except  thofe  who  belonged  to  colle- 
giate or  cathedral  churches,  fhould  be  obliged  to  feparate 
from  their  wives. 
Revolt  of  The  king  pafled  fome  years  in  Normandy ;  but  his 
ben.6  °  ^onS  refidence  there  was  not  entirely  owing  to  his  declared 
preference  of  that  dutchy  :  His  prefence  was  alfo  neceflary 
for  compofing  thole  dill urbances  which  had  arifen  in  that 
favourite  territory,  and  which  had  even  originally  proceed- 
ed from  his  own  family.  Robert,  his  eldeft  Ion,  furnamed 
Gambaron  orCourthofe,  from  his  fhort  legs,  was  a  prince 
who  inherited  all  the  bravery  of  his  family  and  nation; 
but  without  that  policy  and  diflimulation,  by  which  his 
father  was  fo  much  diltinguifhed,  and  which,  no  lefs  than 
his  military  valour,  had  contributed  to  his  great  fuccefles. 
Greedy  of  fame,  impatient  of  contradiction,  without  re- 
ferve  in  his  friendihips,  declared  in  his  enmities,  this 
prince  could  endure  no  control  even  from  his  imperious 
father,  and  opewly  afpired  to  that  independence,  to  which 
his  temper,  as  well  as  fome  circumflances  in  his  fituation, 
ftrongly  invited  him*.  When  William  firft  received  the 
fubmiilions  of  the  province  of  Maine,  he  had  promifed  the 
inhabitants  that  Robert  fhould  be  their  prince;  and  before 
he  undertook  the  expedition  againfl  England,  he  had,  on 
the  application  of  the  French  court,  declared  him  his  fuc- 
ceflbr  in  Normandy*  and  had  obliged  the  barons  of  that 
dutchy  to  do  him  homage  as  their  future  fovereign.  By  this 
artifice,  he  had  endeavoured  to  appeafe  the  jealoufy  of  his 
neighbours,  as  affording  them  a  profpe£t  of  feparating 
England  from  his  dominions  on  the  continent ;  but  when 
Robert  demanded  of  him  the  execution  of  thofe  engage- 
ments, he  gave  him  an  abfolute  refufal,  and  told  him,  ac- 
cording to  the  homely  faying,  that  he  never  intended  to 
throw  ofFhls  tlothes  till  he  went  to  bed+.     Robert  openly 

*  Order.  Vital,  p.  545.     Hoveden,  p.  457.     Flor.  Wigom.  p.  639. 
f  C'hroii.  de  Mailr.  p.  160. 


WILLIAM    THE   CONQUEROR.  203 

declared  his  difcontent ;  and  was  fufpe&ed  of  fecretly  in-  c  II  A  P. 
ftigating  the  king  of  France  and  the  earl  of   Britanny  to        IV- 

the    oppofition  which  they  made   to  William,  and  which  V «—— ' 

had  formerly  fruftrated  his  attempts  upon  the  town  of  Dol.  1076- 
And  as  the  quarrel  (till  augmented,  Robert  proceeded  to 
entertain  a  ftrong  jealoufy  of  his  two  furviving  brothers 
Wiliiam  and  Henrv  (for  Richard  was  killed  in  hunting 
by  a  flag),  who,  by  greater  fubmiflion  and  complaifance, 
had  acquired  the  affections  of  their  father.  In  thisdifpoti- 
tion,  on  both  fides,  the  greater!  trifle  fufRced  to  produce  a 
rupture  between  them. 

The  three  princes,  refiding  with  their  father  in  the  caf- 
tle  of  1' Aigle  in  Normandy,  were  one  day  engaged  in  fport 
together ;  and  after  fome  mirth  and  jollity,  the  two  young- 
er took  a  fancy  of  throwing  over  fome  water  on  Robert  as 
he  paCTed  through  the  court  on  leaving  their  apartment*  ; 
a  frolic,  which  he  would  naturally  have  regarded  as  inno- 
cent, had  it  not  been  for  the  l'uggeftions  of  Alberic  de 
Grentmefnil,  fon  of  that  Hugh  de  Grentmefnii,  whom 
William  had  formerly  deprived  of  his  fortunes,  when  that 
baron  deferted  him  during  his  greateft  difficulties  in  Eng- 
land. The  young  man,  mindful  of  the  injury,  perfuaded 
the  prince  that  this  action  was  meant  as  a  public  affront, 
which  it  behoved  him  in  honour  to  refent;  and  the  chole- 
ric Robert,  drawing  his  fword,  ran  up  (lairs,  with  an  in- 
tention of  taking  revenge  on  his  brothers  f.  The  whole 
callle  was  filled  with  tumult,  which  the  king  himfelf,  who 
haftened  from  his  apartment,  found  fome  difficulty  to  ap~ 
peafe.  But  he  could  by  no  means  appeafe  the  refentment 
of  his  eldeft  fon,  who,  complaining  of  his  partiality,  and 
fancying  that  no  proper  atonement  had  been  made  him  for 
the  inlultj  left  the  court  that  very  evening,  and  haftened 
to  Rouen,  with  an  intention  of  feizing  the  citadel  of  that 
place  J.  But  being  diiappointed  in  this  view  by  the  pre- 
caution and  vigilance  of  Roger  de  Iverv,  the  governor,  he 
fled  to  Hugh  cb  Neufehatcl,  a  powerful  Norman  baron, 
who  gave  him  pro'eclion  in  his  caftles;  and  he  openly  le- 
vied war  againfl  hisfather||.  The  popular  character  of  the 
prince,  and  a  hmilarity  of  manners,  e  igaged  ail  the  young 
nobility  of  Normandy  and  Maine,  as  wei!  as  of  Anjou 
and  Britanny,  to  take  part  with  him;  ^nd  it  was  fufpedted 
that  Matilda,  his  mother,  whole  favourite  he  was,  fupport- 
ed  him  in  his  rebellion  by  tecret  remittances  of  money, 
and  by  the  encouragement  which   the    gave    his  partifans. 

•  Order.  Viral,  p.  545.  t    I^d.  *  'tid. 

||  Order.  Viu^.  p.  5^5.     Ho.eden,  p.    45-7.     .Sim.    Dun.    p.   ?ic.    Diceto, 
P-  -1S7. 


204  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  AfcL  the  hereditary  provinces  of  William,  as  well  as 
IV.        Ms  family,  were,  during  feveral  years,  thrown  into  convul- 

v v '  lions  by  this  war;  and  he   was  at  laft  obliged  to  have  re- 

1079-'  courfe  to  England,  where  that  fpec»es  of  military  govern- 
ment which  he  had  eltabiifhed  gave  him  greater  authority 
than  the  ancient  feudal  inftitutions  permitted  him  to  exer- 
cife  in  Normandy.  He  called  over  an  army  of  Englifh 
under  his  ancient  captains,  who  foon  expelled  Robert  and 
his  adherents  from  their  retreats,  and  reftored  the  authority 
of  the  fovereign  in  all  his  dominions.  The  young  pr;i;^.j 
was  obliged  to  take  Ihelterin  the  caftle  of  Gerberoy  in  the 
Beauvoifis,  which  the  king  of  France,  who  fecretly  fo- 
mented all  thefe  diflfenfions,  had  provided  for  him.  In 
this  fortrefs  he  was  clofely  beficged  by  his  father,  againfr. 
whom,  having  a  flrong  garrifon,  he  made  an  obftinate  de- 
fence. There  palled  under  the  walls  of  this  place  many 
rencounters,  which  refembled  more  the  fingle  combats  of 
chivalry,  than  the  military  actions  of  armies;  but  one  of 
them  was  remarkable  for  its  circumftances  and  its  event. 
Robert  happened  to  engage  the  king,  who  was  concealed 
by  his  helmet;  and  both  of  them  being  valiant,  a  fierce 
combat  enfued,  till  at  laft  the  young  prince  wounded  his 
father  in  the  arm,  and  unhorfed  him.  On  his  calling  out 
for  afftfiance,  his  voice  difcovered  him  to  his  fon,  who, 
(truck  with  remorle  for  his  paft  guilt,  and  aflonifhed  with 
the  apprehenfions  of  one  much  greater,  which  he  had  fo 
nearly  incurred,  inftantly  threw  himfelf  at  his  father's  feet, 
craved  pardon  for  his  offences,  and  offered  /o  purchafe 
forgivenefs  by  any  atonement*.  ^THe  refentment  harbour- 
ed by  William  was  fo  implacable,  that  he  did  not  imme- 
diately correfpond  to  this  dutiful  fubmiffion'of  his  fon  with 
like  tendernefs  ;  but  giving  him  his  malediction,  departed 
for  his  own  camp,  on  Robert's  horfe,  which  that  prince  had 
affifted  him  to  mount.  He  foon  after  raifed  the  fiege,and 
marched  with  his  army  to  Normandy  ;  where  the  interpo- 
lation of  the  queen,  and  other  common  friends,  brought 
about  a  reconcilement,  which  wa"  probably  not  a  little  for- 
warded by  the  generality  of  the  fon's  behaviour  in  this  ac- 
tion, and  by  the  returning  fenle  of  his  paft  mifcondu6t. 
The  kingfeemcd  fo  fully  appealed,  that  he  even  took  Ro- 
bert with  him  into  England;  where  he  intruded  him  with 
the  command  of  an  army,  in  order  .to  repel  an  inroad  of 
Malcolm  king  of  Scotland,  and  to  retaliate  by  a  like  inroad 
into  that  country.  The  Welm,  unable  to  refift  William's 
power,  were,  about  the  fame  time,    necefiitatcd   to  pay  a 

*  Malmef.  p.  106.  H.  Hunt.  p.  369.  Hoveden,  p.  457.'  Flor.  Wig.  p. 
639.  Sim.  Dun.  p.  210.  Diceto,  p.  2S7.  Knyghton,  p.  2351.  .".l::r. 
Bcverl.  p.  135. 


WILLIAM    THE    CONQUEROR.  205 

compenfation  for  their  incurfions;  and  every  thing  was  re-  CHAP. 
duced  to  full  tranquillity  in  this  ifland.  IV. 

This  irate  of  affairs  gave  William  leifure  to  begin  and  * « J 

finifhan  undertaking,  which  proves  his  extenfivc   genius,  )i 

and  does  honour  to  his  memory  :  It  was  a  general  furvey  \2ok. 
of  all  the  lands  in  the  kingdom,  their  extent  in  each  dil- 
tricl,  their  proprietors,  tenures,  value;  the  quantity  of 
meadow,  p?.fture,  wood,  and  arable  land,  which  they  con- 
tained ;  and  in  fome  counties  the  number  of  tenants,  cot- 
tagers, and  flaves  of  all  denominations,  who  lived  upon 
them.  He  appointed  commiiTioners  for  this  purpofe,  who 
entered  every  particular  in  their  rcgifter  by  the  verdict  of 
juries;  and  after  a  labour  of  fix  years  (for  the  work  was 
lb  long  in  finifhing)  brought  him  an  cxaCl  account  of  all 
the  landed  property  cf  his  kingdom*.  This  monument, 
called  Domefday-book  the  moft  valuable  piece  of  anti- 
quitv  poflefled  by  any  nation,  is  ftill  preferved  in  the  Ex- 
chequer ;  and  though  only  fome  extracts  of  it  have  hitherto 
been  published,  it  ferves  to  illuftrate  to  us,  in  many  parti- 
culars, the  ancient  ftate  of  England.  The  great  Alfred 
had  finifhed  a  like  furvey  of  the  kingdom  in  his  time,  which 
was  long  kept  at  Winchefter,  and  which  probably  ferved 
as  a  model  to  William  in  this  undertakingf. 

The  king  was  naturally  a  great  ceconomifl ;  and  though 
no  prince  had  ever  been  more  bountiful  to  his  officers  and 
fervants,  it  was  merely  becaufe  he  had  rendered  himfelf 
univerfal  proprietor  of  England,  and  had  a  whole  kingdom 
to  beflow.  He  referved  an  ample  revenue  for  the  crown  ; 
and  in  the  general  distribution  of  land  among  his  follow- 
ers, he  kept  polTeilion  of  no  lefs  than  1422  manors  in 
different  parts  of  England %,  which  paid  him  rent  either  in 
money,  or  in  corn,  cattle,  and  the  ufual  produce  of  the 
foil.  An  ancient  hiftorian  computes,  that  his  annual  fixed 
income,  befides  efcheats,  fines,  reliefs,  and  other  cafual 
profits  to  a  great  value,  amounted  to  near  400,000  pounds 
a  year  ||;  a  fum  which,  if  all  circumftances  be  attended  to, 
will  appear  wholly  incredible.  A  pound  in  that  age,  as 
we  have  already  obferved,  contained  three  times  the  weight 
of  filverthat  it  does  atprefent  ;  and  the  fame  weight  of  fil- 
ver,by  the  moft  probable  computation,  would  purchafenear 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  190.       Ingulf,  p.  79.       Chron.    T.    Wykes,  p.    53.       |f. 
Hunt.  p.  370.     Hoveiien,  p.  460.     M.  Weft.  p.  229.     Flor.  \\  igorn.  p.   641. 
.  Abb.  St.  Petri  de  Burgo,  p.  5 1 .     M.   Paris,  p.  8.     The  more  northern 
s  were  not  comprehended  in  this  furvey  ;  I    fuppofe    becaufe    of  their 
uncultivated  fiate. 
t  Ingulf,  p.  8.  "• 

$   V>  •  Into  t he  manner  of  creating  peers,  p.  34. 

||  Oder.  Vital,  p.  523.  He  fays  1060  pounds  and  fome  odd  (hillings  and 
pence   a  da/. 


ao6  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  ten  times  more  of  the  neceflaries  of  life,  though  not  in  the 
IV.       fame  proportion  of  the  finer  manufactures.     This  revenue, 

*■  «  ••■'  therefore,  of  William  wouW  be  equal  to  at  leaft  nine  or  ten 
Ja*u  millions  at  prefent ;  and  as  that  prince  had  neither  fleet 
nor  army  to  fupport,  the  former  being  only  an  occafional 
expence,  and  the  latter  being  maintained,  without  any 
charge  to  him,  by  his  military  vavlals,  we  muft  thence  con- 
clude, that  no  emperor  or  prince,  in  any  age  or  nation, 
can  be  compared  to  the  Conqueror  for  opulence  and  riches. 
This  leads  us  to  fufpe<St  a  great  miftake  in  the  computation 
of  the  hiftorian;  though,  if  we  confider  that  avarice  is  al- 
ways imputed  to  William  as  one  of  his  vices,  and  that  hav- 
ing by  the  fword  rendered  himfelf  mafter  of  all  the  lands 
in  the  kingdom,  he  would  certainly  in  the  partition  retain  a 
great  proportion  for  his  own  (hare ;  we  can  fcarcely  be  guil- 
ty of  any  error  in  aflerting,  that  perhaps  no  king  of  ring- 
land  was  ever  more  opulent,  was  more  able  to  fupport,  by 
his  revenue,  the  fplendourand  magnificence  of  a  court,  or 
could  bellow  more  on  his  p'.eafures,  or  in  liberalities  to  his 
fervantsand  favourites*. 

Thenew  There  was  one  pleafure,  to  which  William,  as  well  as 

rxc6s'  all  the  Normans  and  ancient  Saxons,  was  extremely  ad- 
dicted, and  that  was  hunting:  But  this  pleafure  he  indulged 
more  at  the  expence  of  his  unhappy  fubje&s,  whofe  inter- 
efts  he  always  difregarded,  than  to  the  lofs  or  diminution 
of  his  own  revenue.  Not  content  with  thofe  large  forefts, 
which  former  kings  noffefled  in  all  parts  ot  England  ;  he 
refolved  to  make  a  new  foreft  near  Winchefter,  the  ufuai 
place  of  his  refidence  :  And  for  that  purpofe,  he  laid  wafle 
the  country  in  Hamplhire  for  an  extent  of  thirty  miles, 
expelled  the  inhabitants  from  their  houfes,  feized  their 
property,  even  demolifhed  churches  and  convents,  and 
made  the  fufferers  no  compenfation  for  the  injury  f.  At 
the  fame  time,  he  enacled  new  laws,  by  which  he  prohibi- 
ted all  his  fubje&s  from  hunting  in  any  of  his  forefts,  and 
rendered  the  penalties  more  feverethan  ever  had  been  in- 
flicted for  fuch  offences.  The  killing  of  a  deer  or  boar, 
or  even  a  hare,  was  punifhed  with  the  lofs  of  the  delin- 
quent's eyes  ;  and  that  at  a  time,  when  the  killing  of  a 
man  could  be  atoned  for  by  paying  a  moderate  fine  or 
compofition. 

The  tranfaftions  recorded  during  the  remainder  of  this 
reign,  may  be  confidered  more  as  domeftic  occurrences, 
which  concern  the  prince,  than  as  national  events,  which 
regard  England.     Odo,  bifhopof  Baieux,  the  king's  ute- 

*  Fortefcue,  de  Dom.  rep.  &  politic,  cap   111. 

f  Malmef.  p.  3.     H,  Hunt.,  p.  731,     Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  1.  p.  *58. 


WILLIAM  THE  CONQUEROR.  207 

rine  brother,  whom  he  had  created  earl  of  Kent,  and  en-  CHAP* 

trufted  with  a  great  fhare  of  power  during  his  whole  reign,       IV. 

hadamafled  immeni'e  riches  j  and  agreeably  to   the  ufual  * ■> — J 

progrefsof  human  wifhes,  he  began  to  regard  his  prefent  lo!ia* 
acquifitionsbut  as  a  ftep  to  farther  grandeur.  He  had  formed 
the  chimerical  project  of  buying  the  papacy  ;  and  though 
Gregory,  the  reigning  pope,  was  not  of  advanced  years, 
the  prelate  had  confided  fo  much  in  the  predictions  of  an 
aftrologer,  that  he  reckoned  upon  the  pontiff's  death,  and 
upon  attaining,  by  hisown  intrigues  and  money,  that  en- 
vied ftate  of  greatnefs.  Refolving,  therefore,  to  remit  all 
his  riches  to  Italy,  he  had  perfuaded  many  confiderable 
barons,  and,  among  the  reft,  Hugh  earl  of  Chefter,  to  take 
the  fame  courfe;  in  hopes  that,  when  he  fhould  mount  the 
papal  throne,  he  would  beftow  on  them  more  confiderable 
eftablifhments  in  that  country.  The  king,  from  whom  all 
thefe  projects  had  been  carefully  concealed,  at  laft  got  intel- 
ligence of  the  defign,and  ordered  Odo  to  be  arretted.  His 
officers,  from  refpect  to  the  immunities  which  the  ecclefi- 
aftics  now  aflumed,  fcrupled  to  execute  the  command,  till 
the  king  himlelf  was  obliged  in  perfon  to  feize  him  ;  and 
when  Odo  infilled  that  he  was  a  prelate,  and  exempt  from 
all  temporal  jurildiction,  William  replied,  that  he  arretted 
him,  not  as  bilhop  of  Baieux,  but  as  earl  of  Kent.  He 
was  lent  prifoner  to  Normandy  ;  and  notwithftanding  the 
remonftrances  and  menaces  of  Gregory,  was  detained  in 
cuftody  during  the  remainder  of  this  reign. 

Another  domeftic  event  gave  the  king  much  more 
concern  :  It  was  the  death  of  Matilda,  his  confort,  whom  10*** 
he  tenderly  loved,  and  for  whom  he  had  ever  preferved 
the  moft  fincere  friendfhip.  Three  rears  afterwards  he 
palfed  into  Normandy,  and  carried  with  him  Edgar  Athc- 
ling,  to  whom  he  willingly  granted  permilfion  to  make  a 
pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Land.  He  was  detained  on  the  ,o8_ 
continent  by  a  mifunderftanding,  which  broke  out  between  War  with, 
him  and  the  king  of  France,  and  which  was  occafioned  by  Fr*nce« 
inroads  made  into  Normandy  by  fome  French  barons  on 
the  frontiers.  It  was  little  in  the  power  of  princes  at  that 
time  to  reftrain  their  licentious  nobility;  but  William  fuf- 
pe6ted,  that  theie  barons  durft  not  have  provoked  his  in- 
dignation, had  they  not  been  allured  of  the  countenance  and 
protection  of  Philip.  His  difpleafure  was  increafed  by  the 
account  he  received  of  fome  railleries  which  that  monarch 
had  thrown  out  againft  him.  William,  who  was  become 
corpulent,  had  been  detained  in  bed  fome  time  by  ficknefs ; 
upon  which  Philip  expreffed  his  turpi  ife  that  his  brother  of 
England  fhould  be  fo  long  in  being  delivered  of  his  big 
belly.     The  king  fent  him  word,  that,  as  foon  as  he  was 


208 


HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 


CHAP. 
IV. 

1C87. 


fth  Sept. 
Death 


and  charac- 
ter of  Wil- 
liam   the 
Conqueror. 


up,  he  would  prefent  (o  many  lights  at  Notre-dame,  as 
would  perhaps  give  little  pleafure  to  the  king  of  France  ; 
alluding  to  the  ulual  practice  at  that  time  of  women  after 
child-birth.  Immediately  on  his  recovery,  he  led  an  army 
into  L'llie  de  France,  and  laid  every  thing  wafte  with  fire 
and  fword.  He  took  the  town  of  Mante,  which  he  reduced 
to  afhes.  But  the  progrefs  of  thele  hoftilities  was  ftopped 
by  an  accident,  which  loon  after  put  an  end  to  William's 
life.  His  horfe  darting  afide  of  a  hidden,  he  bruifed  his 
belly  on  the  pommel  of  the  faddle;  and  being  in  a  bad 
habit  of  body,  as  well  as  fomewhat  advanced  in  years,  he 
began  to  apprehend  the  confeqi-ences,  and  ordered  himfelf 
to  be  carried  in  a  litter  to  the  tnonailery  of  St,  Gervas. 
Finding  his  illnefs  increafe,  and  being  fenfible  of  the  ap- 
proach of  death,  he  difcovered  at  laft  the  vanity  of  all  hu- 
man grandeur,  and  was  (truck  with  remorfe  for  thofe  hor- 
rible cruelties  and  acts  of  violence,  which,  in  the  attain- 
ment and  defence  of  it,  he  had  committed  during  the 
courle  of  hU  reign  over  England.  He  endeavoured  to  make 
atonement  by  presents  to  churches  and  monafteries ;  and 
he  itlued  orders,  that  earl  Morcar,  Siward  Bearne,  and 
other  Englith  prifoners,  lhould  be  fet  at  liberty.  He  was 
even  prevailed  on,  though  not  without  reluclance,  to  con- 
fent,  with  his  dying  breath,  to  releafe  his  brother  Odo, 
againfl:  whom  he  was  extremely  incenled.  He  left  Nor- 
mandy and  Maine  to  his  eldefi  fon  Robert :  He  wrote  to 
Lanfranc,  dcfiring  him  to  crown  William  king  of  England: 
He  bequeathed  to  Henry  nothing  but  the  poffeffions  of  his 
mother  Matilda  :  but  foretold,  that  he  would  one  day  fur- 
pafs  both  his  brothers  in  power  and  opulence.  He  expired 
in  the#fixty-third  year  of  his  age,  in  the  twenty-firft  year 
of  his  reign  over  England,  and  in  the  fifty-fourth  of  that 
over  Normandy. 

Few  princes  have  been  more  fortunate  than  this  great 
monarch,  or  were  better  entitled  to  grandeur  and  profperi- 
ty,  from  the  abilities  and  the  vigour  of  mind  which  he  dif- 
played  inall  his  conduct.  His  ipirit  was  bold  and  enter- 
prising, yet  guided  by  prudence:  His  ambition,  which 
was  exorbitant,  and  lay  little  under  the  reflraints  of  juf- 
tice,  (till  lefs  under  thofe  of  humanitv,  ever  fubmitted  to 
the  dictates  of  found  policy.  Born  in  an  age  when  the 
minds  of  men  were  intractable  and  unacquainted  with  fub- 
miflion,  he  was  yet  able  todire£t  them  to  his  purpofes  ;  and 
partly  from  the  afcendant  of  his  vehement  character,  part- 
ly from  art  and  diflimulation,  to  eOablifh  an  unlimited 
authority.  Though  not  infenfible  to  generofitv,  he  was 
hardened  againfl  companion;  and  he  feemed  equally  oflen- 
tatious  and  equally  ambitious  of  fhow  and  parade  in  his 


WILLIAM   THE   CONQUEROR.  209 

clemency  and  in  his  feveritv.    The  maxims  of  hisadminif-  CHAP. 
tration  were  auftere ;  but  might  have  been  ufeful,  had  they       jy. 
been  folely  employed  to    preferve  order  in  an  eftablifhed  v       „      t 
government*  :  They  were  ill  calculated   for  foftening  the      1087. 
rigours,  which,  under  the  mod   gentle  management,  are 
inseparable  from  conqueft.     His  attempt  againft  England 
was  the  laft  great  enterprife  of  the  kind,  which,  during 
thecourfe  of  feven  hundred  years,  has  fully  fucceeded  in 
Europe ;  and  the  force  of  his  genius  broke  through   thofe 
limits,  which  firft  the  feudal  inftitutions,  then  the  refined 
policy  of  princes,  have  fixed  to  the  feveral  dates  of  Chrift- 
endom.     Though  he  rendered  himfelf  infinitely  odious  to 
his  Englifh  fubjetls,  he  tranfmitted  his  power  to  his  poile- 
rity,  and  the  throne  is  dill  filled  by    his  defendants  :  A 
proof,  that  the  foundations  which  he  laid   were  firm  and 
iblid,  and  that,  amidlt   all  his  violence,  while  he  teemed 
only  to  gratify  the  prefent  paffion,  he  had  Mill  an  eye  to- 
wards futurity. 

Some  writers  have  been  defirousofrefufing  to  this  prince 
the  title  of  Conqueror,  in  the  fenfe  which  that  term  com- 
monly bears  ;  and,  on  pretence  that  the  word  is  fometimes 
in  old  books  applied  to  fuch  as  make  an  acquifition  of  ter^ 
ritory  by  any  means,  they  are  willing  to  reject  William's 
title,  by  right  of  war,  to  the  crown  of  England.  It  is 
needlefsto  enter  into  a  controverfy,  which,  by  the  terms 
of  it,  mud  neceflarily  degenerate  into  a  difpute  of  words. 
It  fuffices  to  fay,  that  the  duke  of  Normandy's  firft  inva- 
sion of  the  ifland  was  hoftile;  that  his  fubfequent  adminif- 
tration  was  entirely  Supported  by  arms;  that  in  the  very 
frame  of  his  laws  he  made  a  diftinction  between  the  Nor- 
mans and  the  Englifh,  to  the  advantage  of  the  former  f  ; 
that  he  acted  in  every  thing  asabfolute  mafter  over  the  na- 
tives, whofe  intereft  and  affections  he  totally  disregarded  ; 
and  that  if  there  was  an  interval  when  he  afiumed  the  ap- 
pearance of  a  legal  fovcreign,  the  period  was  very  fhort, 
and  was  nothing  but  a  temporary  facrifice,  which  he,  as 
has  been  the  cafe  with  mod  conquerors,  was  obliged  to 
make,  of  his  inclination  to  his  prefent  policy.  Scarce  any 
of  thofe  revolutions,  which,  both  in  hiflory  and  in  com- , 
mon  language,  have  always  been  denominated  conquefls, 
appear  equally  violent,  or  were  attended  with  fo  fuddenf 
an  alteration  both  of  power  and  property.  The  Roman 
flate,  which  fpread  its  dominion  over  Europe,  left  the 
rights  of  individuals  in  a  great  meafurc  untouched  ,•  and 

Vol.  I.  E  e 

*  M.  Weft.  p.  230.     AngliaSacia,  vol,  i.Tp.  25S. 
j  Hoveden,  p.    600. 


216  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  thofe  civilized  conquerors,  while  they  made    their  own 
IV.       country  the  feat    of  empire,  found  that  they  could    draw 

v— — v '  moft  advantage  from  the  fubje£ted  provinces,  by  fecuring 

10S7.  to  the  natives  the  free  enjoyment  of  their  own  laws  and  of 
their  private  poffeffions.  The  barbarians,  who  fubdued 
the  Roman  empire,  though  they  fettled  in  the  conquered 
countries,  yet  being  accuftomed  to  a  rude  uncultivated  life, 
found  a  part  only  of  the  land  fufficient  to  fupply  all  their 
wants  ;  and  they  were  not  tempted  to  feize  extenfive  pof- 
feflions, which  they  knew  neither  how  to  cultivate  nor  en- 
joy. But  the  Normans  and  other  foreigners,  who  followed 
the  flandard  of"  William,  while  they  made  the  vanquifhed 
kingdom  the  feat  of  government,  were  yet  fo  far  advanced 
in  arts  as  to  be  acquainted  with  the  advantages  of  a  large 
property  i  and  having  totally  fubdued  the  natives,  they 
puttied  the  rights  ofconqueft  (very  extenhve  in  the  eyes  of 
avarice  and  ambition,  however  narrow  in  thofe  of  reafon) 
to  the  utmoft  extremity  againft  them.  Except  the  former 
conquell  of  England  by  the  Saxons  themfelve?,  who  were 
induced,  by  peculiar  circumftances,  to  proceed  even  to  the 
extermination  of  the  natives,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find 
in  all  hiftory  a  revolution  more  deftrudlive,  or  attended  with 
a  more  complete  fubjeclion  of  the  ancient  inhabitants. 
Contumely  feems  even  to  have  been  wantonly  added  to  op- 
preffion*;  and  the  natives  were  univerfally  reduced  to  fuch 
a  (late  of  meannefs  and  poverty,  that  the  Englifh  name  be- 
came a  term  of  reproach  ;  and  feveral  generations  elapfed 
before  one  family  of  Saxon  pedigree  was  railed  to  any  con- 
fiderable  honours,  or  could  fo  much  as  attain  the  rank  of 
baron  of  the  realmf.  Thefe  fa£ts  are  fo  apparent  from 
the  whole  tenour  of  the  Englifh  hiflory,  that  none  would 
have  been  tempted  to  deny  or  elude  them,  were  they  not 
heated  by  the  controverfies  of  faction  ;  while  one  party  was 
abfurdly  afraid  of  thofe  abjurd  confequences  which  they 
faw  the  other  party  inclined  to  draw  from  this  event.  But 
it  is  evident  that  the  prefent  rights  and  privileges  of  the 
people,  who  are  a  mixture  of  Englifh  and  Normans,  can 
never  be  arFecled  by  a  tranfaclion,  which  patted  feven  hun- 
dred years  ago;  and  as  all  ancient  authors %,  who  lived 
neaieft  the  time,  and  beft  knew  the  ftate  ofv'the  country, 
unanimoufly  fpeakof  the  Norman  dominion  as  a  conqueft 

*  H.  Hunt.  p.  370.     Erompton,  p.  980.  f  .So  late  as  the  reign 

of  king  Stephen,  the  earl  of  Albemarle,  before  the  battle  of  the  flandard,  ad- 
dieficd  the  officers  of  his  army  in  thefe  terms,  Proceres  Angllee  clarijfimi,  fef  ge- 
nre Normanni,  &c.  Brompton,  p.  io?6.  See  farther,  *  bbas  rUeval,  p.  339, 
&c.  All  the  barons  and  military  men  of  England  llill  called  themfelves  Nor- 
mans. 

i  See  note  [LJ  «t  the  end  of  the  volume. 


WILLIAM    THE   CONQJJEROR.  211 

by  war  and  arms,  no  reafonablr  man,  from  the  fear  of  ima-  CHAP, 
ginary  coniequences,  will  ever  be  tempted  to  rejedt  their        IV. 
concurring  and  undoubted  teflimony.  ,       *— v — — ' 

King  William  had  iil'ue,  befides  his  three  fons  who  Io87- 
furvived  him,  five  daughters,  to  wit,  (1.;  Cicily,  a  nun 
in  the  monaftery  of  Fell  hamp,  afterwards  abbefs  in  the 
holy  Trinity  at  Caen,  where  {he  died  in  1127.  (2.) 
Conftantia,  married  to  Alan  Fergant,  earl  of  Brifanny. 
She  died  without  iflue.  (3.)  Alice,  contracted  to  Harold. 
(4.)  Adela,  married  to  Stephen  earl  of  Blois,  by  whom 
fhe  had  four  fons,  William,  Theobald,  Henry,  and  Ste- 
phen ;  of  whom  the  elder  was  neglected  on  account  of  the 
imbecility  of  his  understanding.  (5.)  Agatha,  who  died 
a  virgin,  but  was  betrothed  to  the  king  of  Gallicia.  She 
died  on  her  journey  thither,  before  fhe  joined  her  bride* 
groom. 


(      212      ) 


CHAP.      V. 


WILLIAM     RUFUS. 


Accejfisn  of  William,  Rufus Conspiracy  againjl  the  king 

lnvafion  of  Normandy The   Cru fades Ac- 

quifition  of  Normandy Quarrel   with    Anfelm   the 

primate Death and  character  of  William  Rufus* 


CHAP  "TXriLLIAM,  firnamed  Rufus,  ox  the  Red,  from  rhe 
v  V  V     colour  of  his  hair,  had  no  fooner  procured  his  fa- 

ther's recommendatory  letter,  to  Lanfranc  the  primate,  than 
he  haftened  to  take  meaiures  for  fecuring  to  himfelf  the 
government  of  England.  Senfible  that  a  deed  fo  unformal, 

Ruf^"liam  and  fo  Htt,e  PrePared>  which  violated  Robert's  right  of 
primogeniture,  might  meet  with  great  oppofition,  he  truft- 
ed  entirely  for  fuccefs  to  his  own  celerity  ;  and  having  left 
St.  Gervas,  while  William  was  breathing  his  laft,  he  ar- 
rived in  England  before  intelligence  of  his  father's  death 
had  reached  that  kingdom*.  Pretending  orders  from  the 
king,  he  fecured  the  fortrefles  of  Dover,  Pevenfey,  and 
Haftings,  whofe  fituation  rendered  them  of  the  greatcft  im- 
portance ;  and  he  got  pofleflion  of  the  royal  treafure  at 
Winchefter,  amounting  to  the  fum  of  fixty  thoufand 
pounds,  by  which  he  hoped  to  encourage  and  increafe  his 
partifans+.  The  primate,  whofe  rank  and  reputation  in 
the  kingdom  gave  him  great  authority,  had  been  entrufted 
with  the  care  of  his  education,  and  had  conferred  on  him 
the  honour  of  knighthood^;  and  being  connected  with  him 
by  thefe  ties,  and  probably  deeming  his  pretentions  jufr, 
declared  that  he  would  pay  a  willing  obedience  to  the  laft 

*  W.  Malmef.  p.  120.     M.  Paris,  p.  10.  fChron.  Sax.  p.  192. 

Brompton,  p.  983.  £  W.  Malmes.  p.    120.      M.   Paris,    p.    10. 

Thom.  Rutlborne,  p.   263. 


W  I  L  L  I  A  M     R  U  F  U  S.  213 

will  of  the  Conqueror,  his  friend  and  benefa&or.     Having  CHAP. 
aiTembled  fome  bifhops,  and  fome  of  the  principal  nobility,         V. 

he  inftantly  proceeded  to  the  ceremony  of    crowning  the  < ' 

new  king*;  and  by  this  difpatch  endeavoured  to  prevent       lo87* 
all  faction   and  refinance.     At  the  fame  time  Robert,  who 
had  been  already  acknowledged  fuccetfar   to  Normandy, 
took   peaceable  poffeffion  of  that  dutchy. 

But  though  this  partition  appeared  to  have  been  made  Confpira- 
without  any  violence  or  oppofition,  there  remained  in  Eng-  ^  aga,nil 
laud  many  caufes of  difcontent,  which  feemed  to  menace 
that  kingdom  with  a  fudden  revolution.  The  barons,  who 
generally  pofleiTed  large  eftatesboth  in  England  and  in  Nor- 
mandy, were  uneafv  at  the  fepa ration  of  thofe  territories;  fore- 
faw,that  as  it  would  be  impoflible  for  them  to  preferve  long 
their  allegiance  to  two  matters,  they  muft  necelTarily  refign 
either  their  ancient  patrimony  or  their  new  acquifitionsf. 
Robert's  title  to  the  dutchy  thev  efteemed  inconteflable  ; 
his  claim  to  the  kingdom  plaufible;  and  thev  all  defired 
that  this  prince,  who  alone  had  any  pretentions  to  unite 
thefe  ftates,  fhould  be  put  in  poffeffion  of  both.  A  com- 
panion alfo  of  the  perlonal  qualities  of  the  two  brother* 
led  them  to  give  the  preference  to  the  elder.  The  duke 
was  brave,  open,  fincere,  generous:  Even  his  predomi- 
nant faults,  his  extreme  indolence  and  facility,  were  not 
difagreeable  to  thofe  haughty  barons  who  affected  inde- 
pendence, and  fubmitted  with  reluctance  to  a  vigorous 
adminiftration  in  their  fovereign.  The  king,  though 
equally  brave,  was  violent,  haughty,  tyrannical,  and  feem- 
ed difpofed  to  govern  more  by  the  fear  than  by  the  love  of 
his  fubjedts.  Odo  bifhop  of  Baieux,  and  Robert  earl  of 
Mortaigne,  maternal  brothers  of  the  Conqueror,  envying 
the  great  credit  of  Lanfranc,  which  was  increafed  by  his 
late  fervices,  enforced  all  thefe  motives  with  their  parti- 
fans,  and  engaged  them  in  a  formal  confpiracy  to  dethrone 
the  king.  They  communicated  their  defign  to  Euflace 
count  of  Bologne,  Roger  earl  of  Shrewfbury  and  Arun- 
del, Robert  de  Belefme,  hiseldeft  fon,  William  bifhop  of 
Durham,  Robert  de  Moubray,  Roger  Bigod,  Hugh  de 
Grentmefnil;  and  theyeafily  procured  the  aflent  of  thefe 
potent  noblemen.  The  confpirators,  retiring  to  their  caf- 
tles,  haftened  to  put  themfelves  in  a  military  poflure;  and 
expecting  to  be  foon  fupported  by  a  powerful  army  from 
Normandy,  they  had  already  begun  hoftilities  in  many 
places. 

T  he  king,  fcnfible  of  his  perilous  fituation,  endeavour- 
ed to  engage  the  affections  of  the  native  Engiifh.     As  that 

•  Hoveden,  p.  461.  f  Order.  Vitaiis  p»  666. 


214  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  people  were  now  fo  thoroughly  fubdued  that  they  no  lon- 
V.       ger  afpired  to  the  recovery  of  their  ancient   liberties,  and 

* ■ '  were  content  with  the  profpecl  of  fome  mitigation  in    the 

iojj7.  tyranny  of  the  Norman  princes,  they  zealoully  embraced 
William's  caufe,  upon  receiving  general  promifes  of  Rood 
treatment,  and  of  enjoying  the  licence  of  hunting  in  the 
royal  forefls.  The  king  was  foon  in  a  fituation  to  take  the 
field  ;  and  as  he  knew  the  danger  of  delay,  he  fuddenly 
marched  into  Kent;  where  his  uncles  had  already  feized 
the  fortreffes  of  Pevenfev  and  Rochefter.  Theie  places 
he  fucceffively  reduced  by  famine  ;  and  though  he  was 
prevailed  on  by  the  earl  of  Chefter,  William  de  Warrenne, 
and  Robert  Fitz  Hammon,  who  had  embraced  his 
caufe,  io  fpare  the  lives  of  the  rebels,  he  confifcated  ail 
their  eftates,  and  banifhed  them  the  kingdom*.  This  fuc- 
cefs  gave  authority  to  his  negociations  with  Roger  earl  of 
Shrevfbury,  whom  he  detached  from  the  confederates  ; 
And  as  his  powerful  fleet,  joined  to  the  indolent  conduct 
of  Robert,  prevented  the  arrival  of  the  Norman  fuccours, 
all  the  other  rebels  found  no  refource  but  inflight  or  fub- 
miflion.  Some  of  them  received  a  pardon;  but  the  great- 
er part  were  attainted  ;  and  the  king  beftowed  their  eftates 
on  the  Norman  barons,  who  had  remained  faithful  to 
him. 
iaSg.  Wiilliam,  freed  from  the  danger  of  thefe  infurredlions, 

took  littlecare  of  fulfilling  his  promifes  to  the  Englifh,who 
itill  found  themfelves  expofed  to  the  fame  oppreflions  which 
they  had  undergone  during  the  reign  of  the  Conqueror, 
and  which  were  rather  augmented  by  the  violent  impetuous 
temper  of  the  prefent  monarch.  The  death  of  Lanfranc, 
who  retained  great  influence  over  him,  gave  foon  after  a 
full  career  to  his  tyranny  ;  and  all  orders  of  men  found 
reafon  to  co'mplain  of  an  arbitrary  and  illegal  adminiftra- 
tion.  Even  the  privileges  of  the  church,  held  facred  in 
thofe  days,  were  a  feeble  rampart  againft  his  ufurpations. 
He  feized  the  temporalities  of  all  the  vacant  bifhoprics  and 
abbies;  he  delayed  the  appointing  of  fucceffors  to  thofe 
dignities,  that  he  might  the  longer  enjoy  the  profits  of  their 
revenue  ;  he  beflowed  fome  of  the  church  lands  in  pro- 
perty on  his  captains  and  favourites  ;  and  he  openly  fet  to 
fale  fuch  fees  and  abbies  as  he  thought  proper  to  difpofe  of. 
Though  the  murmurs  of  the  ecclefiaftics,  which  were 
quickly  propagated  to  the  nation,  rofe  high  againft  this 
grievance,  the  terror  of  William's  authority,  confirmed  by 
the  fuppreffion  of  the  late  infurre&ions,  retained   every 

•  Chron.  Sax.  p.  195.     Order.  Vital,  p.   668. 


WILLIAM     RUFUS,  215 

one  in  fubjecYion,    and    preferved  general  tranquillity  in  CHAP. 
England.  ^. 

The  king  even  thought  himfelf  enabled  to  difturb  his  ' 
brother  in  the  pofleffion  of  Normandy.  The  loofe  and  ,rva,,0n0f 
negligent  adminiftration  of  that  prince  had  emboldened  Normandy, 
the  Norman  barons  to  affect  a  great  independencv  ;  and 
their  mutual  quarrels  and  devaluations  had  rendered  that 
whole  territory  a  icene  of  violence  and  outrage.  Two  of 
them,  Walter  and  Odo,  were  bribed  by  William  to  deliver 
the  fortreffes  of  St.  Valoriand  Albemarle  into  his  hands  J 
Others  foon  after  imitated  the  example  of  revolt;  while  Phi- 
lip, king  of  France,  who  ought  to  have  protected  his  vaflfal 
in  the  pofleffion  of  his  fief,  was, after  making  Tome  efforts  iu 
his  favour,  engaged  by  large  prefents  to  remain  neuter. 
The  duke  had  alfo  reafon  to  apprehend  danger  from  the 
intrigues  of  his  brother  Henry.  This  young  prince,  who 
had  inherited  nothing  of  his  father's  great  poiieflions,  but 
fome  of  his  money,  hid  furnifhed  Robert,  while  he  was 
making  his  preparations  againfl  England,  with  the  turn  of 
three  thoufand  marks  ;  and,  in  return  for  fo  llender  a  fup- 
ply,  had  been  put  in  poffeflion  of  the  Cotentin,  which 
comprehended  rnear  a  third  of  the  dutchy  of  Normandy* 
Robert  afterwards,  upon  fome  fufpicion,  threw  him  into 
prifon;  but  finding  himfelf  expofed  to  invafion  from  the 
king  of  England,  and  dreading  the  conjunction  of  the 
two  brothers  againfl  him,  he  now  gave  Henry  his  liberty, 
and  even  made  ufe  of  his  afhuahce  in  fupprefling  the  in- 
surrections of  his  rebellious  fubjeCls.  Conan,  a  rieh  bur- 
gefs  of  Rouen,  had  entered  into  a  confpiracy  to  deliver 
that  city  to  William;  but  Henry,  on  the  detection  of  his 
guilt,  carried  the  traitor  up  to  a  high  tower,  and  with  his 
own  hands  flung  him  from  the  battlements. 

The  king  appeared  in  Normandy  at  the  head  of  an 
army  ;  and  affairs  feemed  to  have  come  to  extremity  be- 
tween the  brothers;  when  the  nobility  on  both  fides, 
ftrongly  connected  by  intereft  and  alliances,  interpofed 
and  mediated  an  accommodation.  The  chief  advantage 
of  this  treaty  accrued  to  William,  who  obtained  poffefli- 
on of  the  territory  of  Eu,  the  towns  of  Aumale,  Felcamp, 
and  other  places:  But  in  return  he  promifed  that  he  would 
affift  his  bio  her  in  fubduing  Maine,  which  had  rebelled; 
and  that  the  Norman  barons,  attainted  in  Robert's  caufe, 
fhould  be  reflored  to  their  eftates  in  England.  The  two 
brothers  alfo  ftipulated,  that  on  the  demife  of  either  with- 
out lffue,  the  furvivor  fhould  inherit  all  his  dominions  ; 
and  twelve  of  the  mofl  powerful  barons  on  each  fide  fwore, 
that  they  would  employ  their  power  to  infure  the  effectual 


2i6  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  execution  of  the    whole  treaty  *  :  A   ftrong   proof  of  the 
V*        great  independence  and  authority  of  the  nobles  in  thofe 


1090. 


1091 


ages 


Prince  Henry,  difgufted  that  fo  little  care  had  been 
taken  of  his  interefts  in  this  accommodation,  retired  to  St. 
Michael's  Mount,  a  ftrong  fortrels  on  the  coaft  of  Norman- 
dy, and  infefted  the  neighbourhood  with  his  incurfions. 
Robert  and  Wiiliam,  with  their  joint  forces,  befieged  him 
in  this  place,  and  had  nearly  reduced  him  by  the 
fcarcity  of  water  ;  when  the  elder,  hearing  of  his  dif- 
trefs,  granted  him  permiffion  to  (upply  himfelf,  and  alfo 
fenthim  fome  pipes  of  wine  for  his  own  table.  Being  re- 
proved by  William  for  this  ill-timed  generofity,  he  repli- 
ed, What^Jhall  1  fuffer  my  brother  to  die  of  tkirfl  ?  Where 
ffiall  we  find  another  when  he  is  gone?  The  king  alfo,  du- 
ring this  fiege,  performed  an  a6t  of  generofity  which  was 
lefs  fuitable  to  his  character.  Riding  out  one  day  alone, 
to  take  a  furvey  of  the  fortrefs,  he  was  attacked  by  two  fol- 
diers  and  demounted.  One  of  them  drew  his  fword  in 
order  to  difpatch  him;  when  the  king  exclaimed,  Hold, 
knave!  I  am  the  king  of  England.  The  foldier  fufpended 
his  blow;  and  raifing  the  king  from  the  ground,  with  ex- 
preffions  of  refped,  received  a  handfome  reward,  and  was 
taken  into  his  lervice.  Prince  Henry  was  foon  after  oblig- 
ed to  capitulate;  and  being defpoiled  of  all  his  patrimony, 
wandered  about  for  fome  time  with  very  few  attendants,  and 
often  in  great  poverty. 

The  continued  inteftine  difcord  among  the  barons  was 
alone  in  that  age  deftrudtive :  The  public  wars  were  com- 
monly fhort  and  feeble,  produced  little  bloodfhed,  and 
were  attended  with  no  memorable  event.  To  this  Norman 
war,  which  was  fo  foon  concluded,  there  fucceeded  hofti- 
lities  with  Scotland,  which  were  not  of  longer  duration. 
Robert  here  commanded  his  brother's  army,  and  obliged 
»«93-  Malcolm  to  accept  of  peace,  and  do  homage  to  the  crown  of 
England.  This  peace  was  not  more  durable.  Malcolm, 
two  years  after,  levying  an  army,  invaded  England  ;  and 
after  ravaging  Northumberland,  he  laid  fiege  to  Alnwic, 
where  a  party  of  earl  Moubray's  troops  failing  upon  him 
byfurprile,  a  (harp  adtion  enfued,  in  which  Malcolm  was 
flain.  This  incident  interrupted  for  fome  years  the  regu- 
lar fucceflion  to  the  Scotiilh  crown.  Though  Malcolm 
left  legitimate  fons,  his  brother  Donald,  on  account  of  the 
youth  of  thefe  princes,  was  advanced  to  the  throne:  but 
kept  no  long  pofleffion  of  it.     Duncan,    natural  fon   of 

*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  197.  W.  Malm.  p.  121.  Hoveden,  p.  462.  M.  Paris, 
p.  11.  Anna!.  Waved,  p.  137.  W.  Heming.  p.  463.  Sim.  Dunelru.  p* 
916.     Brompton,  p.  986. 


WILLIAM      RUFUS.  217 

Malcolm,  formed  a  confpiracy   agalnft    him;  and-   being  CHAP, 
aflifted  bv  William  with  a  fmall  force,  made  himfelf  mafter         V. 

of  the  kingdom.  New  broils  enlued  with  Normady.  The  v » ' 

frank,  open,    remifs    temper  of  Robert  was    ill    fitted   to 
withftand    the  interefted   rapacious  character  of  William, 
who,  fupported  by   greater  power,  was  fiill  encroaching  on 
his  brother's  polteffions,  and  inftigating  his  turbulent   ba- 
rons to    rebellion  againlt  him.     The  king,  having  gone      1094. 
over  to  Normandv  to  fupport  his  partifans,  ordered  an  army 
of  twenty  thoufand  men  to  be  levied  in  England,  and  to 
be  conducted  to  the  fea-coaft,  as  if  they  were  inftantly  to 
be  embarked.    Here  Ralph  Flambard,  the  king's  minifter, 
and  the  chief  instrument    of  his  extortions,  exacted    ten 
fhillingsa-piece  from  them,  in  lieu  of  their  fervice,  and 
then  di  (miffed  them  into  their  feveral  counties.    This  mo- 
ney was  fofkilfully  employed  by  William,  that  it  rendered 
him  better  fervice   than  he  could   have  expected  from  the 
army.     He  engaged  the  French   king  by  new  prefents  to 
depart  from  the  protection  of  Robert;  and  he  daily  bribed 
the  Norman  barons  to  deiert  his  fervice  :  But  was  prevented 
from  pufhing  his  advantages  by  an  incurfion  of  the  Welfli, 
which  obliged  him  to  return    to  England.      He  found  no 
difficulty  in  repelling  the  enemy;  but  was  not  able  to  make 
any  confiderable   impreffion  on  a  country  guarded   by  its      io95« 
mountainous  Situation.     A    confpiracy  of  his  own  barons, 
which  was  detected  at  this  time,  appeared  a  more  ferious 
concern,  and    engroffed  all   his  attention.     Robert  Mou- 
bray,  eafl  of  Northumberland,  was  at    the  head  of  this 
combination ;  and  he  engaged  in  it  the  count  d'r£u,  Richard 
de  Tunbridge,  Roger  de  Lacey,  and  many  others.     The 
purpofeof  the  conipirators  was  to  dethrone  the  king,  and 
to  advance  in  hisftead  Stephen,  count  of  Aumale,  nephew 
to  the  Conqueror.     William's  difpatch  prevented    the  de- 
fign  from  taking  effect,  and  difconcerted  the  conipirators. 
Moubray  made  lome  refinance;  but  being  taken  priibner, 
was  attainted,  and  thrown  into  confinement,  where  he  died      io9c- 
about  thirty  years  after.     The  count  d'Eu  denied  his  con- 
currence in  the  plot  ;  and  to  juftify   himfelf  fought,  in  the 
prefence  of  the  court  at  Windfor,   a   duel   with  Geoffrey 
Bainard  who  accufed  him.     But  being  worfled  in  the  com- 
bat, he  was  ci  .1    to  be  caftrated,   and  to  have   his 
eyes  put  out.    William  de  Alderi,  another  confpirator,  was 
fuppofed  to  be  treated  with  more  rigour  when  he  was  fen- 
tenced  to  be  hanged. 

But    the  noifeof  thefe  petty  wars  and  commotions  was  Tfce  crq 
quite   funk  in  the  tumult  of  the  crufades,  which  now  en-  : 
groffed  the  attention  of  Europe,  and  have  ever  fince    en- 
gaged the  curiofity  of  mankind,  as  the  molt  fignaland  moft 
Vol.  1.  F  f 


2i8  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAT,  durable  monument  of  human  folly  that  has  yet  appeared 
V.        inanyageor  nation.     After  Mahomet  had,  by  means  of 

*— — v '  his  pretended   revelations,  united  the  difperfed   Arabians 

1096.  under  one  head,  th<*y  iffued  forth  from  their  deferts  in  great 
multitudes;  and  being  animated  with  zeal  for  their  new 
religion,  and  iupported  by  the  vigour  of  their  new  govern- 
ment, they  made  deep  im predion  on  the  eaftern  empire, 
which  was  far  in  the  decline,  with  regard  both  to  military 
difcipline  and  to  civil  policy.  Jerufalem,  by  it<  fituation, 
became  one  of  their  mod  early  conquefts;  and  the  Cbrifli- 
ans  had  the  mortification  to  fee  the  holy  fepuhhre,  and  the 
other  places,  confecrated  by  the  prefence  of  their  religious 
founder,  fallen  into  the  pofleffion  of  infidels.  But  the 
Arabians  or  Saracens  were  fo  employed  in  military  enter- 
prifes,  by  which  they  fpread  their  empire  in  a  few  years 
from  the  banks  of  the  Ganges  to  the  Streightsof  Gibraltar, 
that  they  had  no  leifure  for  theological  controverfy  :  And 
though  the  Alcoran,  the  original  monument  of  their  faith, 
feems  to  contain  fome  violent  precepts,  they  were  much 
lefs  infected  with  the  fpirit  of  bigotry  and  perlecution, 
than  the  indolent  and  fpeculative  Greeks,  who  were  con- 
tinually refining  on  the  feveral  articles  of  their  religious 
i'yftem.  They  gave  little  diflurbance  to  thofe  zealous  pil- 
grims, who  daily  flocked  to  Jeiufalem;  and  they  allowed 
every  man,  after  paying  a  moderate  tribute,  to  vifit  the 
holy  fepulchre,  to  perform  his  religious  duties,  and  to  re- 
turn in  peace.  But  the  Turcomans  or  Turks,  a  tribe  of 
Tartars,  who  had  embraced  Mahometanifm,  having  wref- 
ted  Syria  from  the  Saracens,  and  having  in  the  year  1065 
made  themfelvcs  mafiers  of  Jerufalem,  rendered  the  pil- 
grimage much  more  difficult  and  dangerous  to  the  Chrilli- 
ans.  The  barbarity  of  their  manners,  and  the  confuhons 
attending  their  unfe.ttled  government,  expofed  the  pilgrims 
to  many  infults,  robberies,  and  extortions;  and  thel'e  zea- 
lots, returning  from  their  meritorious  fatigues  and  fufier- 
ings,  filled  all  Chriflendom  with  indignation  againft  the 
infidels,  who  profaned  the  holy  city  by  their  prefence,  and 
derided  the  fa  red  myfteries  in  the  very  place  or  their 
completion.  Gregory  Vll.  among  the  other  vaft  ideas 
which  he  entertained,  had  formed  the  defign  of  uniting  all 
the  weftern  Chriftians  againft  the  Mahometans  ;  but  the 
egregiousand  violent  invafionsof  that  pontiffon  the  civil 
power  of  princes,  had  treated  him  fo  many  enemies,  and 
had  rendered  his  fchemes  fo  fufpicious,  that  he  was  notable 
to  make  great  progrefs  in  this  undertaking.  The  work 
wasreferved  for  a  meaner  inflrument,  whole  low  conditi- 
on in  life  expofed  him  to  no  jealoufy,  and  whofe  folly  was 


WILLIAM     RUFUS.  219 

well  calculated  to  coincide  with  the  prevailing  principles  C  H  A  P. 
of  the  times.  ▼  • 

Peter,  commonly  called  the  Hermit,  a  native  of  Ami-  ' » J 

ens  in  Picardy,  had  made  the  pilgrimage  to  Jerufalem.  1C96, 
Being  deeply  arfecled  with  the  dangers  to  which  that  act 
of  pietv  now  expoled  the  pilgrims,  as  well  as  with  the  in- 
ftances  of  opprelhon  under  which  the  eafierri  Chriitians 
laboured,  he  entertained  the  bold,  and  in  all  appearance 
impracticable  project  of  leading  into  Afia,  from  the  farthefl 
extremities  of  the  Weft,  armies  fuffiuent  to  fubdue  thoie 
potent  and  warlike  nations  which  now  held  the  holy  city 
in  fubjecrion*.  He  propoied  his  views  to  Martin  II.  who 
filled  the  papal  chair,  and  who,  though  fenfible  of  the  ad- 
vantages which  the  head  of  the  Chrifiian  religion  mud  reap 
from  a  religious  war,  and  though  he  efteemed  the  blind 
zeal  of  Peter  a  proper  means  for  effecting  the  purpofef, 
rclblved  not  to  interpofe  his  authority,  till  he  faw  a  greater 
probability  of  fuccefs.  He  fummoned  a  council  at  Pla- 
centia,  which  confifted  of  four  thoufand  ecclefiaftics,  and 
thirty  thoufand  feculars ;  and  which  was  fo  numerous  that 
no  hall  could  contain  the  multitude,  and  it  was  neceffary 
to  hold  the  aiTembly  in  a  plain.  The  harangues  of  the 
Pope,  and  of  Peter  himfelf,  reprefenting  the  difmal  fitu- 
ation  of  their  brethren  in  the  eafi,  and  the  indignity  fuf- 
fered  by  the  Chriftian  name,  in  allowing  the  holy  city  to 
remain  in  the  hands  of  infidels,  here  found  the  minds  of 
men  fo  well  prepared,  that  the  whole  multitude  fuddenly 
and  violently  declared  for  the  war,  and  folemnly  devoted 
themfelves  to  perform  this  fervice,  fo  meritorious  as  they 
believed  it  to  God  and  religion. 

But  though  Italy  feemed  thus  to  have  zealoufly  embra- 
ced the  enterprise,  Martin  knew,  that,  in  order  to  infure 
fuccefs,  it  was  neceffary  to  enlift  the  greater  and  more  war- 
like nations  in  the  fame  engagement  ;  and  having  previ- 
oufly  exhorted  Peter  to  vifit  the  chief  cities  and  fovereigns 
of  Chriftendom,  he  fummoned  another  council  at  Cler- 
mont in  AuvergneJ.  The  fame  ©f  this  great  and  pious  de- 
fign,  being  now  univerfally  diffufed,  procured  the  atten- 
dance of  the  greateft  prelates,  nobles,  and  princes  ;  and 
when  the  pope  and  the  hermit  renewed  their  pathetic  ex- 
hortations, the  whole  aiTembly,  as  if  impelled  by  an  im- 
mediate infpiration,  not  moved  by  their  preceding  irnpref- 
fions,  exclaimed  with  one  voice,  //  is  the  will  of  Gcd,  It 
is  the  will  of  God !  Words  deemed  fo  memorable,  and  fo 

*  Gul.  Tyrius,  lib.  i.  cap.  n.     M.  Paris,  p.  17. 

+  Gul.  Tyrius,  lib.  J.  cap.  ij. 

J  Cencil.  torn.  x.     Co  Ma.th.  Pans,  p.  ;6.     \I.  Weft.  p.  2^3. 


220  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  much    the  re fu It  of  a  divine  influence,  that  they  were  em-* 
V.         ployed  as  the  fignal  of  rendezvous  and  battle  in   all   the 

I v '  future  exploits  of  thofe  adventurers*.     Men  of  all  ranks 

1096.  flew  to  arms  with  the  utmoft  ardour;  and  an  exterior  fym- 
bol  too,  a  circumftance  of  chief  moment,  was  here  choferi 
by  the  devoted  combatants.  The  fign  of  the  crofs,  which 
had  been  hitherto  io  much  revered  among  Chriftians,  and 
which,  the  more  it  was  an  object  of  reproach  among  the 
Pagan  world,  was  the  more  paffionately  cherilhed  by  them, 
became  the  badge  of  union,  and  was  affixed  to  their  right 
fhoulder,  by  all  who  enlifted  themfelves  in  this  facred  war- 
faref. 

Europe  was  at  this  time  funk  into  profound  ignorance 
and  iuperflition:  The  ecclefiafiics  had  acquired  the  great- 
eft  aicendant  over  the  human  mind:  The  people,  whoj 
being  little  reftrained  by  honour,  and  lefs  by  law,  aban- 
doned themfelves  to  the  worft  crimes  and  diforders,  knew 
of  no  other  expiation  than  the  obfervances  impofed  on 
them  by  their  fpiritual  paftors  :  And  it  was  eafy  to  repre- 
fent  the  holy  war  as  an  equivalent  for  all  penances  %,  and 
an  atonement  for  every  violation  of  juftice  and  humanity. 
But,  amidft  the  abject  fuperftition  which  now  prevailed, 
the  military  fpirit  alfo  had  univerfally  diffufed  itfelf;  and 
though  not  fupported  by  art  or  difcipline,  was  become  the 
general  paffion  of  the  nations  governed  by  the  feudal  law. 
All  the  great  lords  pofieffed  the  right  of  peace  and  war  : 
They  were  engaged  in  perpetual  hoftilities  with  each 
other  :  The  open  country  was  become  a  fcene  of  outrage 
and  diforder  :  The  cities,  flill  mean  and  poor,  were  neither 
guarded  by  walls  nor  protected  by  privileges,  and  were 
expofed  to  every  intuit :  Individuals  were  obliged  to  de- 
pend for  fafety  on  their  own  force,  or  their  private  allian- 
ces: And  valour  was  the  only  excellence  which  was  held 
in  efteem,  or  gave  one  man  the  pre-eminence  above  ano- 
ther. When  all  the  particular  fuperftitions,  therefore, 
were  here  united  in  one  great  object,  the  ardour  for  mili- 
tary enterpriies  took  the  fame  direction  ;  and  Europe,  im- 
pelled by  its  two  ruling  paffions,  was  loofened,  as  it  were, 
from  its  foundations,  and  feemed  to  precipitate  itfelf  in  one 
united  body  upon  the  eafl. 

All  orders  of  men,  deeming  the  crufades  the  only  road 
Io  heaven,  enlifted  themfelves  under  thefe  facred  banners, 
and  were  impatient  to  open  the  way  with  their  fword  to 
the  holy  city.  Nobles,  artifans,  peafants,  even  piiefts||, 
inrolled  their  names  ;  and  to  decline  this  meritorious  fer- 

*  Hiftoria  Bell.  Sacri,  torn.  i.  Mufaei  Ital. 

f  Hift.  Bell.  Sacri,  torn.  i.  Muf.  Ital,     Order.   Vital,  p.  721. 

%  Oidsr,  Vital,  p.  720,  ||  Ibid, 


W  I  L  L  I  A  M      R  U  F  U  S.  221 

vice  was  branded  with  the  reproach  of  impiety,  or  what  CHAP, 
perhaps  was  efteemed  ftill  more  difgraceful,  of  cowardice        V. 

and  pufillanimity*.     The  infirm  and  aged  contributed  to  « . ' 

the  expedition  by  prefents  and  money  ;  and  many  of  them,  ,096« 
not  fatisfied  with  the  merit  of  this  atonement,  attended  it 
in  perfon,  and  were  determined,  if  poffible,  to  breathe 
their  laft  in  fight  of  that  city  where  their  Saviour  had  died 
for  them.  Women  themfelves,  concealing  their  fex  under 
the  difguife  of  armour,  attended  the  camp  ;  and  commonly 
forgot  ftill  more  the  duty  of  the  fex,  by  proftituting  them- 
felves, without  refervc,  to  the  armyf.  The  greateft  cri- 
minals were  forward  in  a  fervice,  which  they  regarded 
as  a  propitiation  for  all  crimes;  and  the  mod  enormous 
diforders  were,  during  the  courfe  of  thofe  expeditions, 
committed  by  men  enured  to  wickednefs,  encouraged  by 
example,  and  impelled  by  necelTity.  The  multitude  of 
the  adventurers  foon  became  fo  great,  that  their  more  faga- 
cious  leaders,  Hugh  count  of  Vermandois,  brother  to  the 
French  king,  Raymond  count  of  Touloufe,  Godfrey  of 
Bouillon  prince  of  Brabant,  and  Stephen  count  of  BloisJ, 
became  apprehenfive  left  the  greatnefs  itfelf  of  the  arma- 
ment fhould  difappoint  its  purpofe;  and  they  permitted  an 
undifciplined  multitude,  computed  at  300,000  men,  to  go 
before  them,  under  the  command  of  Peter  the  Hermit  and 
Walter  the  Moneylefs||.  Thefe  men  took  the  road  to- 
wards Conftantinople  through  Hungary  and  Bulgaria  ; 
and  trufting  that  Heaven,  by  fupernatural  afliftance,  would 
iupply  all  their  neceflities,  they  made  no  provifion  forfub- 
fiftence  on  their  march.  They  foon  found  themfelves 
obliged  to  obtain  by  plunder,  what  they  had  vainly  expec- 
ted from  miracles;  and  the  enraged  inhabitants  of  the  coun- 
tries through  which  they  palled,  gathering  together  in 
arms,  attacked  the  diforderly  multitude,  and  put  them  to 
flaughter  without  refiftance.  The  more  difciplined  armies 
followed  after;  and  pafling  the  (freights  at  Conftantinople, 
they  were  muftered  in  the  plains  of  Afia,  and  amounted 
in  the  whole  to  the  number  of  700,000  combatants**. 

Amidst  this  univerfal  frenzy,  which  fpread  itfelf  by 
contagion  throughout  Europe,  efpecially  in  France  and 
Germany,  men  were  not  entirely  forgetful  of  their  prefent 
interefts;  and  both  thofe  who  went  on  this  expedition,  and 
thofe  who  ftayed  behind,  entertained  fchcmes  of  gratify- 
ing, by  its  means,  their  avarice  or  their  ambition.  The 
nobles  who  enlifted  themfelves  were  moved,  from  the  ro- 
mantic fpiritof  the  age,  to  hope  for  opulent  eftablifhments 

*  W.  Malm.  p.  133.  t  Vertot  Hift.  de  Chev.  de  Malte,  vol.  i. 

p.  46.  +  Sim.  Dunelra.  p.   aae.  [\  Matth.  Parij,  p.  17. 

**  Mauh.Parb,  p.  20,  21. 


222  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  in  the  eaft,  the  chief  feat  of  arts  ?nd    commerce  during 
V.       thofe  ages  ;  and  in  purfuit  of    thefe   chimerical  projects, 

* v — '  they  fold  at  the  lowed  price  their  ancient  caftles  and   in- 

,c9  •       heritances,  which  had  now  loft  all   value    in    their  eyes. 
The  greater    princes,  who  remained  at  home,  befides  efta- 
bliming    peace   in    their  dominions  by   giving  occupation 
abroad   to  the  inquietude  and   martial  difpofition   of  their 
fubjecls,  took  the  opportunity  of  annexing  to  their  crown 
many  confiderable  fiefs,  either  by  purchafe,  or  by  the  ex- 
tinction of   heirs.     The  pope  frequently  turned  the  zeal 
of  the  crufades  from  the  infidels  againft    his  own  enemies 
whom  he  represented  as  equally  criminal  with  the  enemies 
of  Chrift.     The  convents  and    other    religious   focieties 
bought  the  poiTeflions  of  the  adventurers;  and  as  the  con- 
tributions of  the  faithful  were  commonly  entrufted  to  their 
management,  they  often  diverted  to  this  purpofe  what  was 
intended  to  be  employed  againft  the  infidels  *.      But  no 
one  was  a  more  immediate  gainer  by   this  epidemic  fury 
than  the  king  of  England,  who  kept  aloof  from  all  con- 
nexions with  thofe  fanatical  and  romantic  warriors. 
Acquifition        Robert  duke  of  Normandy,  impelled  by  the  bravery 
of  Norman-  ancj  mjrtaken  generofity  of  his  fpirit,   had  early  enlifted 
himfelf  in  the  crufade  ;  but  being  always  unprovided  with 
money,  he  found  that  it  would  be  impracticable  for  him  to 
appear  in  a  manner  fuitable  to  his  rank  and  Nation  at  the 
head  of  his  numerous  vaflals  and  fubjecls,  who,  tranfport- 
ed  with  the  general  rage,  were  determined  to   follow  him 
into  Afia.     He  refolved,  therefore,  to  mortage,  or  rather 
to  fell  his  dominions,  which  he  had  not  talents  to  govern  ; 
and  he  offered  them  to  his  brother  William,   for  the  very 
unequal  fum  of  ten  thoufand  marks  f.     The  bargain  was 
foon  concluded  :  The  king  raifed  the  money   by  violent 
extortions  on  his  fubjecls  of  all  ranks,  even  on  the  con- 
vents, who  were  obliged   to  melt  their  plate  in   order  to 
furnilh  the  quota  demanded  of  themj:  He  was  put  in  pof- 
feffion  of  Normandy  and  Maine,  and   Robert,  providing 
himfelf  with  a  magnificent  train,  fet  out  for  the  Holy  Land, 
in  purfuit  of  glory,  and  in  full  confidence  of  fecuring  his 
eternal  falvation. 

The  fmallnefsof  this  fum,  with  the  difficulties  which 
William  found  in  railing  it,  fuflfices  alone  to  refute  the  ac- 
count which  is  heedlefsly  adopted  by  hiftorians,  of  the  en- 
ormous revenue   of  the  Conqueror.     Is  it  credible,  that 

*  Padre  Paolo  Hift.  dclle  benef.  eccleliaft.  p.  128. 

f  W.  Malm.  p.  1 2 j.  Chron.  T.  Wvkes,  p.  24.  Annal.  Waverl.  p.  139. 
W.  Heining.  p.  467.  Flor.  Wig.  p.  648.  Sim.  Dunelm.  p.  222.  Knygh- 
ton,  p.  2j'j4» 

%  Eadmer.  p.  35.     W.  Malm.  p.  I23.     W.  Heming.  p.  467. 


1090. 


WILLIAM     RUFUS.  223 

Robert  would  confign  to  the  rapacious  hands  of  his  brother  CHAP, 
fuch  confiderable  dominions,  for  a  futn,  which,  according  v« 
to  that  account,  made  not  a  week's  income  of  his  father's 
Englim  revenue  alone? Or  that  the  king  of  England  could 
not  on  demand,  without  oppreffing  his  i'ubjects,  have  been 
able  to  pay  him  the  money  ?  The  Conqueror,  it  is  agreed, 
was  frugal  as  well  as  rapacious  ;  yet  his  treafare,  at  his 
death  exceeded  not  60,000  pounds,  which  hardly  amount- 
ed to  his  income  for  two  months:  Another  certain  refuta- 
tion of  that  exaggerated  account. 

The  fury  of  the  crufades,  during  this  age,  lefs  infected 
England  than  the  neighbouring  kingdoms  ;  probably  be- 
caufe  the  Norman  conquerors,  finding  their  lettlement  in 
that  kingdom  iliil  fomewhat  precarious,  durfl  not  abandon 
their  homes  in  queft  of  diftant  adventures.  The  felfifh 
interefledfpirit  alfo  of  the  king,  whichkept  him  from  kin- 
dling in  the  general  flame,  checked  its  progrefs  among  his 
fubje&s;  and  as  he  is  accufedof  open  profanenefs*,  and  was 
endued  with  a  (harp  witf,  it  is  likely  that  he  made  the  ro- 
mantic chivalry  of  the  crufaders  the  object  of  his  perpetual 
raillery.  As  an  inftance  of  his  irreligion,  we  are  told, 
that  he  once  accepted  of  fixty  marks  from  a  Jew,  whofe 
fon  had  been  converted  to  Chrifiianity,  and  who  engaged 
him  by  that  prefent  to  affift  him  in  bringing  back  the  youth 
to  Judaifm.  William  employed  both  menaces  and  perfua- 
fion  for  that  purpofe  ;  but  finding  the  convert  obfiinate  in 
his  new  faith,  he  lent  for  the  father  and  told  him,  that  as 
he  had  not  fucceeded,  it  was  not  juft  that  he  mould  keep 
the  prefent ;  but  as  he  had  done  his  utmoft,  it  was  but  equi- 
table that  he  fhould  be  paid  for  his  pains  ;  and  he  would 
therefore  retain  only  thirty  marks  of  the  money+.  At 
another  time,  it  is  faid,  he  lent  for  fome  learned  Chriflian 
theologians  and  fome  rabbies,  and  bade  them  fairly  difpute 
the  queftion  of  their  religion  in  his  prefence :  He  was  per- 
fectly indifferent  between  them;  had  his  ears  open  to  rea- 
fon  and  conviction;  and  would  embrace  that  doctrine 
which  upon  companion  fhould  be  found  fupported  by  the 
niofl  folid  arguments  ||.  If  this  flory  be  true,  it  b  probable 
that  he  meant  only  to  amufe  himfelf  by  turning  both  into 
ridicule  :  But  wemuft  be  cautious  of  admitting  every  thing 
related  by  the  monkifh  hiflotiansto  the  difadvantage  of  this 
prince;  Me  had  the  misfortune  to  he  engaged  in  quarrels 
with  the  ecclefiaftics,  particularly  with  Anlelm,  commonly 
called  St.  Anlelm,  archbilhop  of  Canterbury  ;  and   it  is 

»  G.  Newbr.  p.    358.     W.  Gemet.  p.  ku,  f  W.  Malm.  p.  122. 

X  Eadmeivp.  47.  I,  \v.  Malm.  p.  123. 


224 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


1C96. 

Quarrel 
with  An- 
felm,    the 

primate. 


no  wonder  his  memory  fhould  be  blackened  by  the  hiftori>» 
ans  of  that  order. 

After  the  death  of  Lanfranc,  the  king  for  feveral  years 
retained  in  his  own  hands  the  revenues  of  Canterbury,  as 
he  did  thofe  of  many  other  vacant  bifhoprics;  but  falling 
info  a  dangerous  ficknefs,  he  was  feized  with  remorfe,and 
the  clergy  reprefented  to  him,  that  he  wa^  in  danger  of 
eternal  perdition,  if  before  his  death  he  did  not  make 
atonement  for  thofe  multiplied  impieties  and  facrileges,  of 
which  he  had  been  guilty*.  He  refolved  therefore  to  fup- 
ply  inftantly  the  vacancy  of  Canterbury ;  and  for  that  pur- 
pofe  he  fent  for  Anfelm,  a  Piedmontefe  by  birth,  abbot  of 
Bee  in  Normandy,  .who  was  much  celebrated  for  his  learn- 
ing and  piety.  The  abbot  earneftly  refufed  the  dignity, 
fell  on  his  knees,  wept,  and  entreated  the  king  to  change 
hispurpofef;  and  when  he  found  the  prince  obftinate  in 
forcing  the  pafloral  ftaff  upon  him,  he  kept  his  fift  fo  faft 
clenched,  that  it  required  the  utmoft  violence  of  the  byftan- 
ders  to  open  it,  and  force  him  to  receive  that  enfign  of 
fpiritual  dignity!.  William  foon  after  recovered  ;  and 
his  paffions  regaining  their  wonted  vigour,  he  returned  to 
his  former  violence  and  rapine.  He  detained  in  prifon 
feveral  perfons  whom  he  had  ordered  to  be  freed  during 
the  time  of  his  penitence;  he  ftiil  preyed  upon  the  eccle- 
fiaftical  benefices;  the  fale  of  fpiritual  dignities  continued 
as  open  as  ever ;  and  he  kept  pofleflion  of  a  confiderable  part 
of  the  revenues  belonging  to  the  fee  of  Canterburyll.  But 
he  found  in  Anfelm  that  perfevering  oppofition,  which  he 
had  reafon  to  expe£t  from  the  oftentatious  humility  which 
that  prelate  had  difplayed  in  refufing  his  promotion. 

The  oppofition  made  by  Anfelm  was  the  more  dange- 
rous on  account  of  the  character  of  piety  which  he  foon 
acquired  in  England,  by  his  great  zeal  againft  all  abufes, 
particularly  thofe  in  drefs  and  ornament.  There  was  a 
mode,  which,  in  that  age,  prevailed  throughout  Europe, 
both  among  men  and  women,  to  give  an  enormous  length 
to  theirfhoes,  to  draw  the  toe  to  a  fharp  point,  and  to  affix 
to  it  the  figure  of  a  bird's  bill,  or  fome  fuch  ornament, 
which  was  turned  upwards,  and  which  was  often  fuftained 
by  gold  or  filver  chains  tied  to  the  knee*  *.  The  eccle- 
fiaftics  took  exception  at  this  ornament,  which,  they  laid, 
wasan  attempt  to  bely  the  Scripture,  where  it  is  affirmed, 


*  Eadmer,  p.  16. 
Diceto,  p.  4 o.j. 
Chton.  Sax.  p.  199. 
Knyghton,  p.  2369. 


Chron,  Sax.  p.   198.  f  Eadmer,  p.  17. 

J  Eadmer,  p.  18.  ||  Eadmer,  p.  19.  43. 

*  *  Order.  Vital,  p.  682.     \V,  Malmef.  p.  123. 


WILLIAM     RUFUS,  225 

that  no  man  can  add  a  cubit  to  his  ftature ;  and  they    de-  CHAP, 
claimed  againlt  it  with  great    vehemence,   nay  aflembled        V. 

fomefynods,  who  absolutely  condemned  it.     But,  fuch  are  * >> * 

the  ftrange  contradictions  in  human  nature  !  though  the  1096* 
clergy,  at  that  time,  could  overturn  thrones,  and  had  au- 
thority fufficient to  fend  above  a  million  of  men  on  their 
errand  to  the  deferts  of  Afia,  they  could  never  prevail 
againfi  thefe  long-pointed  fhoes:  On  the  contrary,  that 
caprice,  contrary  to  all  other  modes,  maintained  its  ground 
during  feveral  centuries;  and  if  the  clergv  had  not  at  laft 
defifted  from  their  perfecution  of  it,  it  might  ftill  have  been 
the  prevailing  fafhion  in  Europe. 

Bur  Anfelm  was  more  fortunate  in  decrying  the  parti- 
cular mode  which  was  the  object  of  hisaverfion,  and  which 
probably  had  not  taken  fuch  faft  hold  of  the  affections  of 
the  people.  He  preached  zealouily  againft  the  long  hair 
and  curled  locks  which  were  then  fafhionable  among  the 
courtiers;  he  refuted  the  alhes  on  Afh  Wednefdav  to  thole 
who  were  fo  accoutred  ;  and  his  authority  and  eloquence 
had  fuch  influence,  that  the  young  men  univerfally  aban- 
doned that  ornament,  and  appeared  in  the  cropt  hair,  which 
was  recommended  to  them  by  the  fermons  of  the  primate. 
The  noted  hiftorianof  Anfelm,  who  was  alfo  his  compani- 
on and  fecretary,  celebrates  highly  the  effort  of  his  zeal 
and  piety*. 

When  William's  profanenefs  therefore  returned  to  him 
with  his  health,  he  was  foon  engaged  in  controverfies  with 
this  auffere  prelate.  There  was  at  that  time  a  fchifm  in 
the  church  between  Urban  and  Clement,  who  both  pre- 
tended to  the  papacy f;  and  Anfelm,  who,  as  abbot  of 
Bee,  had  already  acknowledged  the  former,  was  determi- 
ned, without  the  king's  confent,  to  introduce  his  autho- 
rity into  England^.  William,  who,  imitating  his  father's 
example,  had  prohibited  his  fubjeclsfrom  recognizing  any 
pope  whom  he  had  not  previoufly  received,  was  enraged 
at  this  attempt ;  and  fummoned  a  fynod  at  Rockingham, 
with  an  intention  of  depofing  Anfelm  :  But  the  prelate's 
fufFragans  declared,  that,  without  the  papal  authority,  they 
knew  of  no  expedient  for  inflicting  that  punifhment  on 
their  primate  ||.  The  king  was  at  laft  engaged  by  other 
motives  to  give  the  preference  to  Urban's  title  ;  Anfelm 
received  the  pall  from  that  pontiff;  and  matters  feemed  to 
he  accommodated  between  the  king  and  the  primate**, 
when  the  quarrel  broke  out  afrefh  from  a  new  caule.  Wil- 
Vol.  1.  Gg 

*   F.j<lmer.  p.  9j,  f  Hoveden,  p.  463.  J'Eadmer, 

p.  2q.     M.  Paris,  j.  13,     Dketo,  p.    49-).      Spelm.  C09C.    vol.    ii.   p.    16. 
IflMT,  p.  30.  •  •  Diceto,  p.  495. 


226  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Ham  had  undertaken  an  expedition  againft  Wales,  and  re* 
V.        quired  the  archbifhop  to  furnilh  his  quota    of  foldiers  for 

'       * '  that  fervice  ;  but   Anfelm,  who   regarded  the  demand  as 

109°-       an  oppreffion  on  the  church,  and  yet  durft  not  refufe  com- 
pliance, fent   them  fo  miferably  accoutred,  that  the  king 
was  extremely  difpleafed,  and  threatened  him  with  a  pro- 
tection*.    Anfelm,  on  the  other  hand,  demanded    pofi- 
tively  that  all  the  revenues  of  his  fee  mould  be  reftored  to 
him  ;  appealed  to  Rome  againft  the  king's  injufticef ;  and 
affairs  came  to  fuch  extremities,  that  the  primate,  finding 
it  dangerous  to  remain  in  the  kingdom,  defired  and  obtain- 
ed the  king's  permiflion  to  retire  beyond  fea.  All  his  tem- 
poralities weie   feizedj;  but  he    was  received  with    great 
refpecl  by  Urban,  who  confidered  him  as  a  martyr  in  the 
caufeof  religion,  and  even  menaced  the  king,  on  account 
of  his  proceedings  againft  the  primate  and  the  church,  with 
the  lenience  of  excommunication.     Anfelm  affifted  at  the 
council  of  Bari,  where,  befides  fixing  the  controverfy  be- 
tween the  Greek  and  Latin  churches  concerning  the  pro- 
ceflion  of  the  Holy  Ghcfl||,  the  right  of  election  to  church 
preferments  was  declared  tobelong  to  the  clergy  alone,  and 
fpiritual  cenfures  were  denounced  againft  all  ecclefiaftics 
Who  did  homage  to  laymen  for  their  fees  or  benefices,  and 
againft  all  laymen  who  exacted  it**.  The  rite  of  homage, 
by  the  feudal  cuftoms,  was,  that  the  vaflal  fhould  throw 
himfelf  on  his  knees,  fhould  put  his  joined  hands  between 
thofe  of  his  fuperior,  and  fhould  in  that  pofiure  fwear  feal- 
ty tohimff.     But  the  council  declared  it  execrable,  that 
pure  hands,  which  could  create  God,  and  could  offer  him 
Up  as  a  facrifice  for  the  falvation  of  mankind,  lhould    be 
put,  after  this  humiliating  manner,  between  profane  hands 
which,  befides  being  inured  to  rapine  and  bloodfhed,  were 
employed  day  and  night  in  impure  purpofes  and  obfcene 
conta&sjj.     Such  were  the  reafonings  prevalent   in  that 
age;  reafonings  which,  though  they  cannot  be  paffed  over 
in  filence,  without  omitting   the  moft  curious,  and,   per- 
haps, not  the  leaft  inftrudiive  part  of  hiftory,  can  fcarcely 
be  delivered  with  the  requifite  decency  and  gravity. 
1097.  The  cefhon  of  Normandy  and  Maine  by  duke  Robert 

increafed  the  king's  territories;  but  brought  him  no  great 
increafe  of  power,  becaufe  of  the  unfettled  ftate  of  thofe 
countries,  the  mutinous  difpofition  of  the  barons,  and  the 
vicinity  of  the  French  king,  who  fupported  them  in  all 

*  Eadmcr,  p.  37.  43.  f  Ibid.  p.  40.  +m.  Paris,  p.  13. 

Parker,  p.  178.  li  Eadmer,  p.  49.     M.  Paris,  p.  13.  Sim.  Dun. 

P-  354.  **  M.  Paris,  p.  14.  ff  Speiman,  DuCange, 

in  verb.  Homagium.,  XX  W.  Heming,  p,  467,     Flor.  Wigorn.  p. 

649.     Sim.  Dunelm.  p.  924.     Brompton,  p.  994. 


WILLIAM      RUFUS.  227 

their  infurre&ions.  Even  Helie,  lord  of  la  Fleche.a  fmall  CHA  P. 
town  in  Anjou,  was  able  to  give  him  inquietude;  and  this         V. 

great   monarch  was    obliged  to   make  leveral  expeditions  v— — v ' 

abroad,  without  being  able  to  prevail  over  fo  petty  a  baron,  1097- 
who  had  acquired  the  confidence  and  affections  of  the  in- 
habitants of  Maine.  He  was,  however,  fo  fortunate,  as 
at  laft  to  take  him  prifoner  in  a  rencounter ;  but  having  re- 
leafed  him,  at  the  interceflion  of  the  French  king  and  the 
count  of  Anjou,  he  found  the  province  of  Maine  (till  ex- 
pofed  to  his  intrigues  and  incurfions.  Helie,  being  intro- 
duced by  the  citizens  into  the  town  of  Mans,  befieged  the 
garrifon  in  the  citadel :  William,  who  was  hunting  in  the 
new  foreft,  when  he  received  intelligence  of  this  hofUle 
attempt,  was  fo  provoked,  that  he  immediately  turned  his  I009f 
horfe,  and  galloped  to  the  fea-fhore  at  Dartmouth  ;  declar- 
ing, that  he  would  not  flop  a  moment  till  he  had  taken  ven- 
geance for  the  offence.  He  found  the  weather  lo  cloudy 
and  tempefiuous,  that  the  mariners  thought  it  dangerous  to 
put  to  lea  :  But  the  king  hurried  on  board,  and  ordered 
them  to  fet  fail  inftantly  ;  telling  them,  that  they  never  yet 
heard  of  a  king  that  was  drowned*.  By  this  vigour  and 
celerity,  he  delivered  the  citadel  of  Mans  from  its  prefent 
danger;  and  purfuing  Helie  into  his  own  territories,  he  laid 
fiege  to  Majol,  a  fmall  caftle  in  thofe  parts:  But  a  wound, 
which  he  received  before  this  place,  obliged  him  to  raife  Ilod' 
the  fiege;  and  he  returned  to  England. 

The  weaknefs  of  the  greateft  monarchs,  during  this 
age,  in  their  military  expeditions  againft  their  neareft 
neighbours,  appears  the  more  furpriling,  when  we  confi- 
der  the  prodigious  numbers,  which  even  petty  princes, 
feconding  the  enthutiaftic  rage  of  the  people,  were  able 
to  alTemble,  and  to  conduct  in  dangerous  enterprifes  to  the 
remote  provinces  of  Afia.  William,  earl  of  Poitiers  and 
duke  of  Guienne,  inflamed  with  the  glory,  and  not  difcou- 
raged  by  the  misfortunes,  which  had  attended  the  former 
adventurers  in  the  crufades,  had  puthimfelf  at  the  head  of 
an  immenfe  multitude,  computed  by  fome  hiflorians  to 
amount  to  60,000  horfe,  and  a  much  greater  number  of 
footf,  and  he  pu  roofed  to  lead  them  into  the  Holv  Land 
againft  the  infidels.  He  wanted  money  to  forward  the  pre- 
parations requihte  for  this  expedition,  and  he  offered  to 
mortgage  all  his  dominions  to  William,  without  entertain- 
ing any  fcruple  on  account  of  that  rapacious  and  iniqui-* 
toushand,  to  which  he  reiblved  to  confign  them  |.  The 
king  accepted  the  offer;  and  had  prepared  a  fleet  and   an 

*  W.  Malm,  p.  194.      H.  Hunt.  p.  3 7S.       M.  Paris,  p.  36.       Jfpod.  Xeiift, 
p.  442.  f  \V.  Malm,  pi  140.    Thev  lei  Vital, 

p.  7J9,  to  amoun'  to  300,000  min.  .  M.iuii.f.  p.  127. 


228 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


sd  Auguft 


Death 


and  cha- 
racter cf 
William 
Rufus. 


p.  army,  in  order  to  efcort  the  money,  and  take  poffefTion 
of  the  rich  provinces  of  Guienne  and  Poi£tou  ;  when  an 
accident  put  an  end  to  his  life,  and  to  all  his  ambitious  pro- 
jects, lie  was  engaged  in  hunting,  the  fole  amufement 
and  indeed  the  chief  occupation  of  princes  in  thole  rude 
times,  when  focicty  was  little  cultivated,  and  the  arts  af- 
forded few  objects  worthy  of  attention.  Walter  Tyrrel, 
a  French  gentleman,  remarkable  for  his  addrefs  in  archery, 
a  tended  him  in  this  recreation  of  which  the  new  foreft 
was  the  fcene ;  and  as  William  had  demounted  after  a 
chafe,  Tyrrel,  impatient  to  fhow  his  dexterity,  let  fly  an 
arrow  at  a  ftag,  which  fuddenly  ftarted  before  him.  The 
arrow,  glancing  from  a  tree,  firuck  the  king  in  the  bread, 
and  inftantly  flew  him*;  while  Tyrrel,  without  informing 
any  one  of  the  accident,  put  fpurs  to  his  horfe,  haflened  to 
the  fea  fhore,  embarked  for  France,  and  joined  the  crufade 
in  an  expedition  to  Jerufalem ;  a  penance  which  he  impofed 
on  himfelf  for  this  involuntary  crime.  The  body  of  Wil- 
liam was  found  in  the  foreft  by  the  country-people,  and 
was  buried  without  any  pomp  or  ceremony  at  Winchefter. 
His  courtiers  were  negligent  in  performing  the  laft  duties 
to  a  matter  who  was  fo  little  beloved  ;  and  every  one  was 
too  much  occupied  in  the  i ntereft in g  object  of  fixing  his 
fucceffor,  to  attend  the  funeral  of  a  dead  Sovereign. 

The  memory  of  this  monarch  is  tranfmitted  to  us  with 
little  advantage  by  the  churchmen,  whom  he  had  offended  ; 
and  though  we  may  fufpe£t,  in  general,  that  their  account 
of  his  vices  is  fomewhat  exaggerated,  his  conduct  affords 
little  reafon  for  contradi£tingthe  character  which  they  have 
affigned  him,  or  for  attributing  to  him  any  very  eftimable 
qualities.  lie  feems  to  have  been  a  violent  and  tyrannical 
prince;  a  perfidious,  encroaching,  and  dangerous  neigh- 
bour; an  unkind  and  ungenerous  relation.  He  was  equally 
prodigal  and  rapacious  in  the  management  of  his  treafury  ; 
and  if  he  poflelTed  abilities,  he  lay  io  much  under  the  go- 
vernment of  impetuous  paflions,  that  he  made  little  ufe  of 
them  in  his  adminiftration ;  and  he  indulged,  without  re- 
serve, that  domineering  policy  which  fuited  his  temper, 
and  which,  if  fupported,  as  it  was  in  him,  with  courage 
and  vigour,  proves  often  more  luccefsful  in  diforderly 
times,  than  the  deepeft  forefight  and  mod  refined  artifice. 
The  monuments  which  remain  of  this  prince  in  Eng- 
land, are  the  Tower,  Weftminfter-hall,  and  London- 
bridge,  which  he  built.  The  moft  laudable  foreign  en- 
terprise which  he  undertook,  was  the   fending  of  Edgar 


*  W.  Maim.  p.  126.     H.  Hunt.  p.  37S.     M.    Paris,    p.  37. 
p.   110. 


Petr.  Blefs. 


WILLIAM      RUFUS.  229 

Atheling  three  years  before  his  death,  into  Scotland  with  CHAP, 
a  fmall  army,  to  reftore  prince  Edgar,  the  tine  heir  of  that        V. 

kingdom,  fon  of  Malcolm,  and  of  Margaret,  fiftcr  of  Ed-  * •— J 

gar  Atheling;  and  the  enterprife  proved  fuccefsful.  It  IIO°' 
was  remarked  in  that  age,  that  Richard,  an  elder  brother 
of  William's,  perimed  by  an  accident  in  the  new  foreftj 
Richard,  his  nephew,  natural  fon  of  duke  Robert,  loft  his 
life  in  the  fame  place,  after  the  fame  manner  :  And  all 
men  upon  the  king's  fate,  exclaimed,  that,  as  the  Conque- 
ror had  been  guiltv  of  extreme  violence,  in  expelling  all 
the  inhabitants  of  that  large  diftrict  to  make  room  for  his 
game,  the  juft  vengeance  of  heaven  was  fignalized,  in  the 
fame  place,  by  the  daughter  of  his  poflerity.  William 
was  killed  in  the  thirteenth  year  of  his  reign,  and  about 
the  fortieth  of  his  age.  As  he  was  never  married,  he  left 
no  legitimate  ifl'ue. 

In  the  eleventh  year  of  their  reign,  Magnus,  king  of 
Norway,  madeadefcent  on  the  ifle  of  Anglefea  ;  but  was 
repulfed  by  Hugh,  earl  of  Shrewfbury.  This  is  the  lafl 
attempt  made  by  the  northern  nations  upon  England.  That 
reftlefs  people  feem  about  this  time  to  have  learned  the 
practice  of  tillage,  which  thenceforth  kept  them  at  home, 
and  freed  the  other  nations  of  Europe  from  the  devaluations 
fpread  over  them  by  thofe  piratical  invaders.  This  proved 
one  great  caufe  of  the  fubfequent  fettlement  and  improve- 
ment of  the  fouthern  nations. 


(      230      ) 


CHAP.      VI. 


H 


N      R 


I. 


The  Crufades AcceJJion  of  Henry  - 

king——'InvaJion    by  duke    Robert 


Marriage  of  the 

—Accommodation 

Attack    of  Normandy Conquejl    of 


with  Robert — 

Normandy Continuation  of  the  quarrel  with  Anfelmy 

the  primate Compronvfe  with  him Wars  abroad 

Death  of  prince  William King's  fecond  marri~ 

age Death and  characler  of  Henry.  '. 


r  H  A  P     A  FTER  the  adventurers  in  the  holy  war  were  affem- 
Vj      *  IX.  bled  on  the  banks  of  the  Bofphorus,oppofite  to  Con- 


1 1  DO. 

The  cru- 
fades. 


ftantinople,  they  proceeded  on  their  enterprise  ;  but  im- 
mediately experienced  thofe  difficulties  which  their  zeal 
had  hitherto  concealed  from  them,  and  for  which,  even  if 
they  had  fore  fee  n  them,  it  would  have  beenalmoft  impof- 
fible  to  provide  a  remedy.  The  Greek  emperor,  Alexis 
Comnenus,  who  had  applied  to  the  Weftern  Christians 
forfuccour  againft  the  Turks,  entertained  hopes,  and  thofe 
but  feeble  ones,  of  obtaining  fuch  a  moderate  fupply,  as, 
atling  under  his  command,  might  enable  him  to  repulfe 
the  enemy  :  But  he  was  extremely  aftonifhed  to  fee  his 
dominions  overwhelmed,  on  a  fudden,by  fuchan  inunda- 
tion of  licentious  barbarians,  who,  though  they  pretended 
friendfhip,  defpifed  his  fubjecls  as  unwarlike  and  detefled 
them  as  heretical.  By  all  the  arts  of  policy,  in  which  he 
excelled,  he  endeavoured  to  divert  the  torrent  ;  but  while 
he  employed  profeffions,  careffes,  civilities,  and  feeming 
Cervices  towards  the  leaders  of  the  crufade,  he  fecretly  re- 
garded thofe  imperious  allies  as  more  dangerous  than  the 
open  enemies  by  whom  his  empire  had  been  formerly  inva- 
ded,    Having  effected  that  difficult  point  of  difembarking 


HENRY      t.  231 

them  fafely  in  Afia,  he  entered  into  a   private  correfpon-  C 
dence  with  Soliman,  emperor  of  the  Turks  ;  and  pracliied 
every  infidious   art,  which  his  genius,  his  power,    or  his 
fituation  enabled  him  to  employ,  for  difappointing  the  en- 
terprile,  and  difcouraging  the  Latins  from  making  thence- 
forward anv  fuch  prodigious  migrations.     His  dangerous 
policy  was  feconded  by  the  diforders  infeparable  from   lb 
vafi  a  multitude,  who  were  not  united  under  one  head,  and 
were  conducted  by  leaders  of  the  moft  independent  intrac- 
table fpirit,   unacquainted  with  military  difcipline,  and  de- 
termined enemies  to  civil  authority  and  lubmiffion.     The 
lcarcify  of  provifions,  the  excefles  of  fatigue,  the  influence 
of  unknown    climates,  joined  to  the  want  of    concert  in 
their  operations,  and  to  the  lword  of  a  warlike  enemy,  de- 
flroyedthe  adventurersby  thoufands,and  would  haveabated 
the  ardour  of  men  impelled  to  war  by  lefs  powerful  motives. 
Their  zeal  however,  their  bravery*  and    their   irrefiflible 
force  ftill  carried  them  forward,  and  continually  advanced 
them  to  the  great  end  of  their  enterprife.     After  an  obfli- 
nate  fiege,  they  took  Nice,  the   feat  of  the  Turkifh    em- 
pire; they    defeated  Soliman  in    two  great  battles;  they 
made  themfelves  mafiers  of  Antioch;  and  entirely  broke 
the  force  of  the  Turks,  who  had  lb   long  retained  thofe 
countries  in  fubjedtion.     The  foldan  of  Egypt,  whofe  al- 
liance they  had  hitherto  courted,  recovered,  pn  the  fall  of 
the  Turkifh  power,  his  former  authority  in  Jerufalem ;  and 
he   informed  them  by  his  ambafladors,   that  if   they  came 
difarmed  to  that  city,  they  might  now  perform  their  reli- 
gious vows,  and  that  all   Chriflian   pilgrims,  who  fiiould 
thenceforth  vifit  the  holy  fepulchre,  might  expeel  the^  fame 
good  treatment  which  they  had  ever  received  from  his  pre- 
de.effors.    The  offer  was  rejected  ;  the  foldan  was  requir- 
ed to  yield  up  the  city  to  the  Chriflians;  and  on  his  refufal, 
the  champions  of  the  crofs  advanced  to  the  fiege  of  Jeru- 
falem, which  they  regarded  as  the  confummation  of  their 
labours.     By  the  detachments  which  they  had  made,  and 
the  difafiers  which  they  had  undergone,  they  were  dimi- 
nilhed   to  the  number  of  twenty  thouiand  foot  and  fifteen 
hundred  horfe;  but  thefe  were  ftill  formidable,  from  their 
valour,  their  experience,  and  the  obedience  which,  from 
paft  calamities,  they  had  learned  to  pay  to  their  leaders. 
After  a  fiege  of  five  weeks,  they  took  Jerufalem  by  aflault  ; 
and,  impelled  by  a  mixture  of  military  and  religious  rage, 
they  put  the  numerous  garrifon  and  inhabitantsto  the  fword 
without  diftin&ion.     Neither  arms  defended   the  valiant, 
nor  fubmiflion  the  timorous:  No  age  or  fex  was  fpared  : 
Infants  on  the  breaft  were  pierced  by  the  fame  blow  with 
their  mothers,  who  implored  for  mercy;  Even  a  multitude, 


232  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  to  the  number  of  ten  thoufand  perfons,  who  had  iurrertder- 
VI.       ed  themfelves  prifoners,  and  were  promifed  quarter,  were 

^— v '  butchered  in  cool  blood    by   thofe  ferocious  conquerors  *. 

1100.  The  ftreets  of  Jerufalem  were  covered  with  dead  bodiesf; 
and  the  triumphant  warriors,  after  every  enemy  was  fub- 
dued  and  ilaughtered,  immediately  turned  themfelves,  with 
the  fentiments  of  humiliation  and  contrition,  towards  the 
holy  fepulchre.  They  threw  afide  their  arms,  ftill  dream- 
ing with  blood  :  They  advanced  with  reclined  bodies,  and 
naked  feet  and  heads,  to  that  facred  monument:  They 
fung  anthems  to  their  Saviour,  who  had  there  purchafed 
their  falvation  by  his  death  and  agony  :  And  their  devoti- 
on, enlived  by  the  prefence  of  the  place  where  he  had 
fuffered,  ib  overcame  their  fury,  that  they  ditTolved  in 
tears,  and  bore  the  appearance  of  every  loft  and  tender 
fentiment.  So  inconfiftent  is  human  nature  with  itfelf ! 
And  fo  eafily  does  the  mod  effeminate  fuperflition  ally, 
both  with  the  molt  heroic  courage  and  with  the  fierceft  bar- 
barity ! 

This  great  event  happened  on  the  fifth  of  July  in  the 
Ian  year  of  the  eleventh  century.  The  Chriftian  princes 
and  nobles,  after  chufing  Godfrey  of  Bouillion  king  of 
Jerufalem,  began  to  fettle  themfelves  in  their  new  con- 
quers; while  lome  of  them  returned  to  Europe,  in  order 
to  enjoy  at  home  that  glory,  which  their  valour  had  acquir- 
ed them  in  this  popular  and  meritorious  enterprife.  A- 
mong  thofe  was  Robert  duke  of  Normandy,  who,  as  he 
had  relinquifhed  the  greateft  dominions  of  any  prince  that 
attended  the  crufade,  had  all  along  diftinguifhed  himfelf 
by  the  moft  intrepid  courage,  as  well  as  by  that  affable  dif- 
pofition  and  unbounded  generofity,  which  gain  the  hearts 
of  loldiers,  and  qualify  a  prince  to  fhine  in  a  military  life. 
In  palling  through  Italy,  he  became  acquainted  with  Si- 
bylly,  daughter  of  the  count  of  Gonverfana,  a  young  lady 
of  great  beauty  and  merit,  whom  he  efpoufed  :  Indulging 
himfelf  in  this  new  paffion,  as  well  as  fond  of  enjoying 
eafeand  pleafure,  after  the  fatigues  of  fo  many  rough 
campaigns,  he  lingered  a  twelvemonth  in  that  delicious 
climate;  and  though  his  friends  in  the  north  looked  every 
moment  for  his  arrival,  none  of  them  knew  when  they 
could  with  certainty  expert  it.  By  ihis  delay  he  loft  the 
kingdom  of  England,  which  the  great  fame  he  had  acquir- 
ed during  the  crufades,  as  well  as  his  undoubted  title,  both 
by  birth  and  by  the  preceding  agreement  with  his  deceafed 
brother,  would,  had  he  been  prefent,  have  infallibly  fe- 
cured  to  him. 

*  Vertot,  vol.  i.  p.  57. 

t  M.  Paris,  p.  3-j.     Order.  Vital,  p.  756.     Diceto,  p.  49S. 


HENRY      I.  233 

Prince  Henry  was  hunting  with  Rufus  in  the  new  (o-  CHAP, 
reft,  when  intelligence  of  that  monarch's  death  was  brought        VI. 

him;  and  being  fenfible  of  the    advantage  attending  the  v ,■ ' 

conjuncture,  he  hurried  to  Winchefter,  in  order  to  lecure  IIO°- 
the  royal  trealure,  which  he  knew  to  be  a  necelTary  imple-  Acceffion 
ment  for  facilitating  his  defigns  on  the  crown.  He  had  ° 
fcarcely  reached  the  place  when  William  de  Bretcuil, 
keeper  of  the  trealure,  arrived,  and  oppofed  himfelf  to 
Henry's  pretenfions.  This  nobleman,  who  had  been  en- 
gaged in  the  lame  party  of  hunting,  had  no  fooner  heard 
of  his  miller's  death,  than  he  haftened  to  take  care  of  his 
charge  :  and  he  told  the  prince,  that  this  treafure,  as  well 
as  the  crown,  belonged  to  his  elder  brother,  who  was  now 
his  fovereign;  and  that  he  himfelf,  for  his  part,  was  de- 
termined, in  fpite  of  all  other  pretenfions,  to  maintain  his 
allegiance  to  him.  But  Henry,  drawing  his  fword,  threa- 
tened him  with  inftant  death  if  he  dared  to  difobey  him  ; 
and  as  others  of  the  late  king's  retinue,  who  came  every 
moment  to  Winchefler,  joined  the  prince's  party,  Breteuil 
was  obliged  to  withdraw  his  oppofction,  and  to  acquiefee 
in  this   violence*. 

Henry,  without  lofinga  moment, haftened  with  the  mo- 
ney to  London;  and  having affembled  fome  noblemen  and 
prelates,  whom  his  addrefs,  or  abilities,  or  prefents, gained 
to  his  fide,  he  was  luddenly  elected,  or  rather  laluted  king ; 
and  immediately  proceeded  to  the  exercife  of  royal  authority. 
In  lefs  than  three  days  after  his  brother's  death,  the  cere- 
mony of  his  coronation  was  performed  by  Maurice  bifhop 
of  London, whowas  nerfuadedto  officiateonthat  occafionf ," 
and  thus,  by  his  courage  and  celerity,  he  intruded  himfelf 
into  the  vacant  throne.  No  one  had  fufheient  fpirit  or 
fenfe  of  duty  to  appear  in  defence  of  the  abfent  prince  : 
All  men  were  feduced  or  intimidated  :  Prefent  pofleflion 
lupplied  the  apparent  defects  in  Henry's  title,  which  was 
indeed  founded  on  plain  ufurpation  :  And  the  barons,  as 
well  as  the  people,  acquiefced  in  a  claim,  which,  though 
it  could  neither  be  juftified  nor  comprehended,  could  now, 
they  found,  be  oppofed  through  the  perils  alone  of  civil 
war  and  rebellion. 

But  as  Henry  forefawthat  a  crown,  ufurped  againfl  all 
rules  of  jullice,  would  fit  unfteady  on  his*head,  he  refolved 
by  fair  profcllions  at  leall,  to  gain  the  affections  of  all  his 
fubjects.  Befides  taking  the  ufual  coronation-oath  to  main- 

VOL.    I.  II  h 

•  Order.  Vital,  p. 

+  Chron.  Sax.  p.  2jS.     Order.  Vital.  ».  7S3. 


234 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


CHAP,  tain  the  laws  and  execute  juftice,he  paffed  a  charter,  which 
VI.       was  calculated  to  remedy  many  of  the  grievous  oppreffions 

v « '  which  had  been  complained    of  during  the  reigns    of  his 

1100.  father  and  brother*.  Pie  there  promifed,  that,  at  the  death 
of  any  bifhop  or  abbot,  he  never  would  feize  the  revenues 
of  the  fee  or  abbey  during  the  vacancy,  but  would  leave 
the  whole  to  be  reaped  by  the  fucceffor  ;  and  that  he  would 
never  let  to  farm  any  ecclefiaflical  benefice,  nor  difpofe  of 
it  for  money.  After  this  conceffion  to  the  church,  whofe 
favour  was  of  fo  great  importance,  he  proceeded  to  enume- 
rate the  civil  grievances  which  he  purpofed  toredrefs.  He 
promifed  that,  upon  the  death  of  any  earl,  baron,  or  mili- 
tary tenant,  his  heir  fhould  be  admitted  to  the  poffefTion  of 
his  eftate,  on  paying  a  juft  and  lawful  relief;  without  being 
expofed  to  fuch  violent  exactions  as  had  been  ufual  du- 
ring the  late  reigns:  He  remitted  the  wardfhip  of  minors, 
and  allowed  guardians  to  be  appointed,  who  fhould  be 
H  anfwerabie  for  the  trufi :   He  promifed  not  to  difpofe  of  any 

heirefs  in  marriage,  but  by  the  advice  of  all  the  barons  ; 
and  if  anv  baron  intended  to  give  his  daughter,  filter, 
niece,  or  kinfwoman  in  marriage,  it  fhould  only  be  necef- 
iary  for  him.toconfuit  the  king,  who  promifed  to  take  no 
money  for  his  confent,  nor  ever  to  refufe  permiffion,  unlefs 
the  perfon,  to  whom  it  was  purpofed  to  marry  her,  fhould 
happen  to  be  his  enemy  :  He  granted  his  barons  and  mili- 
tary tenants  the  power  of  bequeathing,  by  will,  their  mo- 
ney or  perfonal  eftates ;  and  if  they  neglecled  to  make  a 
will,  he  promifed  that  their  heirs  fhould  fucceed  to  them  : 
He  renounced  the  right  of  impofing  moneyage,  and  of 
Jewing  taxes  at  pleafure  on  the  farms  which  the  barons 
retained  in  their  own  handsf  :  He  made  fome  general  pro- 
feffions  of  moderating  fines;  he  offered  a  pardon  for  all 
offences:  and  he  remitted  all  debts  due  to  the  crown:  He 
required  that  the  vailals  of  the  barons  fhould  enjoy  the  fame 
privileges  which  he  granted  to  his  own  barons;  and  he 
promifed  a  general  confirmation  and  obfervance  of  the  laws 
of  king  Edward.  This  is  the  fubftance  of  the  chief  arti- 
cles contained  in  that  famous  charter  J. 

To  g've  greater  authenticity  to  thefe  conceffions,  Hen- 
ry lodged  a  copy  of  his  charter  in  fome  abbey  of  each  coun- 
ty ;  as  if  defirous  that  it  fhould  be  expofed  to  the  view  of 
all  his  fubjecls,  and  remain  a  perpetual  rule  for  the  limita- 
tion and  direction  of  his  government :  Yet  it  is  certain 
that,  after  the  prefent  purpofe  was  ferved,  he  never  once 
thought,  during  his  reigu,  of,  obferving  one  fingle  article 


?• 


*  Chron.  Sax.  p.  208.     Sim.  Dunelm.  p.  225.  fSee  Appendix  II. 

$  Mauh.  Paris,  p.  38.     Hovcden.p.  468.     Brompton,  p.  ioai.      Hagulftad, 


;xo. 


HENRY      I.  235 

of  it ;  and  the  whole  fell  fo  much  into  neglect  and  oblivi-  c  IT  A  P. 
on,  that,  in  the  following  century,  when  the  barons,  who        VI. 
had   heard  an  obfeure  tradition  of  it,  defired   to   make   it  *       w     'J 
the  model  of  the   great  charter  which  they  exacted   from      ,,0°* 
king  John,  they  could  with  difficulty  find  a  copy  of  it  in 
the  kingdom.     But  as  to  the   grievances  here  meant  to  be 
redreffed,  they  were  ftill   continued  in  their  full  extent; 
and  the  roy<il  authority,  in  all    thole  particulars,  lav  un- 
der no  manner  of  reftriction.     Reliefs  of   heirs,  fo  capital 
an  article,  were  never  effectually  fixed  till  the  timeof  Mag- 
na Charta*  ;  and    it   is   evident  that  the  general    promife 
here  given,  of  accepting  a   juftand  lawful  relief,  ought  to 
have  been  reduced  to  more  precifion,  in  order  to  give  fe- 
curity  to  the  fubjetft.  The  oppieffion  of  ward  (hip  and  mar- 
riage was  perpetuated  even  till  the  reign  of  Charles    II.  : 
And  it  appears  from  Glanville+,  the  famous  jufticiary    of 
Henry  II.  that,  in  his  time,  where  any  man  died  inteftate, 
an  accident  which  muft  have  been  very  frequent  when  the 
art  of  writing  was  fo  little  known,   the  king,  or  the  lord 
of  the  fief,  pretended  to  feize  all  the  moveables,  and  to  ex- 
clude every  heir,    even  the  children  of  the  deceafed  :  A 
fure  mark  of  a  tyrannical  and  arbitrary  government. 

The  Normans,  indeed,  who  domineered,  in  England, 
were,  during  this  age,  fo  licentious  a  people,  that  they  may 
be  pronounced  incapable  of  any  true  or  regular  libertv  ; 
which  requires  fuch  improvement  in  knowledge  and  morals 
as  can  only  be  the  refult  of  reflection  and  experience,  and 
mult  grow  to  perfection  during  feveral  ages  of  fettled  and 
ellabliihed  government.  A  people  fo  infenfible  to  the 
rights  of  their  fovereig'n  as  to  disjoint,  without  neceflity, 
the  hereditary  fuccefiion,  and  permit  a  younger  brother 
to  intrude  himlelf  into  the  place  of  the  elder,  whom  they 
efteemed,  and  who  was  guilty  of  no  crime  but  being  abfent, 
could  not  expect  that  that  prince  would  pay  any  greater 
regard  to  their  privileges,  or  allow  his  engagements  to  fetter 
his  power,  and  debar  him  from  any  considerable  intcrelt  or 
convenience.  They  had  indeed  arms  in  their  hands,  which 
prevented  the  eflabliihment  of  a  total  defpotifm,  and  left 
their  poilerity  fufHcient  power,  whenever  thev  Ihould  at- 
tain a  iuihcient  degree  of  realon,  to  aflume  true  libertv: 
But  their  turbulent  difpofition  frequently  prprnpted  them 
to  make  fuch  u(e  of  their  arms,  that  they  were  more  fitted 

*   Glanv.  lib.  2.  cap.  361     W  I  a   relief  in  the  Conqueror's  laws, 

le  lienor ;  lii  1  -is   well    as 

'    er  burdens  oj  the  feu<  ai  law,  were  unknown  in  the  age  of  the  Conlelior, 

laws  thci'e  originally  were. 

+  Lib.  7.  cap    16.      J  ;  :  "  :is  contiary  '  ■ ,  rd, 

I  by  theCooque  or,  as  we  leacn  Uvm    Ingulf,  p.  c,x.     But    laws  had  at 

me  very  liple  innw  med  every  thing, 


2-0  H  IS  TOR  Y    OF     ENGL  AND. 


-o 


C  H  A  P.  to  obftru6l  the  execution  of  juflice,  than  to  flop  the  career 
VI.        of  violence    and    oppreffion.     The    prince,  finding  that 

v „ i  greater  oppofition  was  often  made  to  him  when  he  enforced 

uoo.  tiie  laws  than  when  he  violated  them,  was  apt  to  render  his 
own  will  and  pleafure  the  fole  rule  of  government ;  and, 
on  every  emergence,  to  confider  more  the  power  of  the 
perfons  whom  he  might  offend,  than  the  rights  of  thole 
whom  he  might  injure.  The  very  form  of  this  charter  of 
Henry  proves  that  the  Norman  barons  (for  they,  rather 
than  the  people  of  England,  are  chiefly  concerned  in  it) 
were  totally  ignorant  of  the  nature  of  limited  monarchy, 
and  were  ill  qualified  to  conducl,  in  conjunction  with  their 
fovereign,  the  machine  of  government.  It  is  an  a&  of 
his  fole  power,  is  the  refu'lt  of  his  free  grace,  contains  fome 
articles  which  bind  others  as  well  as  himfelf,  and  is  there- 
fore unfit  to  be  the  deed  of  any  one  who  pofleiTes  not  the 
whole  legislative  power,  and  who  may  not  at  pleafure  re- 
voke all  his  conceffions. 

Henry,  farther  to  increafe  his  popularity,  degraded 
and  committed  to  prifon  Ralph  Flambard,  bifhop  of  Dur- 
ham, who  had  been  the  chief  inftrument  of. oppreffion 
under  his  brother*  :  But  this  a<5t  was  followed  by  another, 
which  was  a  direct  violation  of  his  own  charter,  and  was  a 
bad  prognoftic  of  hisfincere  intentions  to  obferve  it :  He 
kept  the  fee  of  Durham  vacant  for  five  years,  and  during 
that  time  retained  pofieffion  of  all  its  revenues.  Senfibie 
of  the  great  authority  which  Anfelm  had  acquired  by  his 
character  of  piety,  and  by  the  persecutions* which  he  had 
undergone  from  William,  he  fent  repeated  rr.eflages  to  hrm 
at  Lyons,  where  he  refided,  and  invited  him  to  return 
and  take  pofieffion  of  hisdignitiesf.  On  the  arrival  of  the 
prelate,  he  propofed  to  him  the  renewal  of  that  homage 
which  he  had  done  his  brother,  and  which  had  never  been 
refufed  by  any  Englifh  bifhop:  But  Anfelm  had  acquired 
other  fentiments  by  his  journey  to  Rome,  and  gave  the 
king  an  abfolufe  refufal.  He  objected  to  the  decrees  of  the 
council  of  Bari,  at  which  he  himfelf  had  affifted ;  and  he 
declared,  that  fo  far  from  doing  homage  for  his  spiritual 
dignity,  he  would  not  fo  much  as  communicate  with  any 
ecelefiaftic  who  paid  that  fubmiffion,  or  who  accepted  of 
inveflituies  from  laymen.  Henry,  who  expected,  in  his 
prefent  delicate  fituation,  to  reap  great  advantages  from  the 
authority  and  popularity  of  Anfelm,  durfl  not  infift  on  his 
demand  J:  He  only  defired  that  the  controverfy  might  be 

*  Chron.  ?ax.  p.  20S.     W.  Malm.  p.   156.     Matth.   Paris,    p.    30.     Alur. 
Beveil.  p.  144.  f   Chron.    sax.   p.  208.     Order.  Vital,  p.  783. 

Mauh.  Paris,  p.  39.     T.  Rudbome,  p.  273.  $  W.  Malm.  p.  225. 


H    E    N    R    Y      I.  237 

fufpendcd  ;  and  that  mefiengers  might  be  fent  to  Rome,  in  C  H  A  P. 
order  to  accommodate  matters  with  the  pope,  and   obtain        VI. 
his  confirmation  of  the  laws  and  cuftoms  of  England.  v . J 

There  immediatelv  occurred  an  important  affair,  in  I100, 
which  the  king  was  obliged  to  hare  recourfe  to  the  autho-  WarHare  of 
rity  of  Anfelm.  Matilda,  daughter  of  Malcolm  III.  king  l',e  kii^ 
of  Scotland,  and  niece  to  Edgar  Atheling,  had,  on  her 
father's  death,  and  the  fubfequent  revolutions  in  the  Scot- 
tifli  government,  been  brought  to  England,  and  educated 
under  her  aunt  Chriftina,  in  the  nunnery  ofRumfey.  This 
princefs  Henry  purpofed  to  marry;  but  as  Hie  had  worn 
the  veil,  though  never  taken  the  vows,  doubts  might  arife 
concerning  the  lawfuinefs  of  the  act ;  and  it  behoved  him 
to  be  very  careful  not  to  fhock,  'many  particular,  the  reli- 
gious prejudices  of  his  fubjeCts.  The  affair  was  examined 
bv  Anfelm,  in  a  council  of  the  prelates  and  nobles  which 
was  fummoned  at  Lambeth  :  Matilda  there  proved  that  flic 
had  put  on  the  veil,  not  with  a  view  of  entering  into  a  re- 
ligious life,  but  merely  in  conlequence  of  a  cuftom  fami- 
liar to  the  Engliih  ladies  who  protected  their  chaftity  from 
the  brutal  violence  of  the  Normans,  by  taking  (belter  un- 
der that  habit*,  which,  amidil  the  horrible  lieentioufnefs 
of  the  times,  was  yet  generally  revered.  The  council, 
ienfible  that  even  a  princefs  had  otherwife  no  fecurity  for 
her  honour,  admitted  this  reafon  as  valid  :  They  pronoun- 
ced that  Matilda  was  ftill  free  to  marry f  ;  and  her  efpou- 
fals  with  Henry  were  celebrated  by  Anfelm  with  great 
pomp  and  folemnity  \.  No  acl  of  the  king's  reign  render- 
ed him  equally  popular  with  his  Englifh  fubjeefs,  and  ten- 
ded more  to  eftabliih  him  on  the  throne.  Though  Matil- 
da, during  the  life  of  her  uncle  and  brothers,  was  not  heir 
of  the  Saxon  line,  fhe  was  become  very  dear  to  the  Eng- 
lifh  on  account  of  her  connexions  with  it:  And  that  peo- 
ple, who  before  the  conquefl  had  fallen  info  a  kind  of  in- 
difference towards  their  ancient  royal  family,  had  felt  fo 
ieverely  the  tyranny  of  the  Normans,  that  they  reflected 
with  extreme  regret  on  their  former  liberty,  and  hoped  for 
a  more  equal  and  mild  adminiflration,  whertthe  blood  of 
their  native  princes  lhould  be  mingled  with  that  of  their 
new  fovereigns||. 

But  the  policy  and  prudence  of  Henry,  which  if  time  invafionby 
had  been  allowed  for  thefe  virtues  to  produce  their  full  ef-  duke  ro- 
feft,  would  have  fecured  him  poffeffion  of  the  crown,  ran 
great  hazard  of  being  fruflrated  by  the  fudden  appearance 
obert,  who  returned  to  Normandy  about  a  month  af- 

*  Fadmer,  p.  57.  f  Ibid.  %  Hoveiien,  p.  468. 

*  M.    Paris,  p.  .\  1. 


238  HISTORY    OF    ENGL  AND. 

CHAP,  ter  the  death  of  his  brother  William.  He  took  poiTeffion, 
Y*       without  oppofition,  of  that  dutchy;  and  immediately  made 

'  -  '  preparations  for  recovering  England,  of  which,  during 
his  abfence,  he  had  by  Henry's  intrigues  been  fo  unjuftly 
defrauded.  The  great  fame  which  he  had  acquired  in  the 
Eaft  forwarded  his  prctenfions;  and  the  Norman  barons, 
fenfible  of  the  confequences,  exprefled  the  fame  difcon- 
tent  at  the  Reparation  of  the  dutchy  and  kingdom,  which 
had  appeared  on  the  acceffion  of  William.  Robert  de 
Belefme  earl  of  Shrewsbury  and  Arundel,  William  de  la 
Warrenne  earl  of  Surrey,  Arnulf  de  Montgomery,  Wal- 
ter Giffard,  Robert  de  Pontefra£t,  Robert  de  Mallet,  Yvo 
de  Grentmefnil,  and  many  others  of  the  principal  nobili- 
ty*, invited  Robert  to  make  an  attempt  upon  England, and 
promifed,  on  his  landing,  to  join  him  with  all  their  forces. 
Even  the  feamen  were  affected  with  the  general  popularity 
of  his  name,  and  they  carried  over  to  him  the  greater  part 
of  a  fleet  which  had  been  equipped  to  oppofe  his  paiTage. 
Henry,  in  this  extremity,  began  to  be  apprehenfive  for 
his  life,  as  well  as  for  his  crown  ;  and  had  recourfe  to  the 
fuperfiition  of  the  people,  in  order  to  oppofe  their  fenti- 
ment  of  juMice.  He  paid  diligent  court  to  Anfelm,  whofe 
fanclity  and  wifdom  he  pretended  to  revere.  He  confulted 
him  in  all  difficult  emergencies;  feemed  to  be  governed 
by  him  in  every  meafure ;  promifed  a  drift  regard  to  ec- 
clefiaftical  privileges;  profelTed  a  great  attachment  to 
Rome,  and  a  refolution  of  perfevering  in  an  implicit  obe- 
dience to  the  decrees  of  councils  and  to  the  will  of  the 
fovereign  pontiff.  By  thefe  carefles  and  declarations  he 
entirely  gained  the  confidence  of  the  primate,  whofe  in- 
fluence over  the  people,  and  authority  with  the  barons, 
were  of  the  utmoft  fervice  to  him  in  his  prefent  fituation. 
Anfelm  fcrupled  not  to  aiTure  the  nobles  of  the  king's  fin- 
cerity  in  thofe  profeffions  which  he  made,  of  avoiding  the 
tyrannical  and  oppreffive  government  of  his  father  and 
brother  :  He  even  rode  through  the  ranks  of  the  army,  re- 
commended to  the  foldiers  the  defence  of  their  prince, 
reprefented  trie  duty  of  keeping  their  oaths  of  allegiance, 
and  prognosticated  to  them  the  gre3teft  happinefs  from 
the  government  of  fo  wife  and  juft  a  fovereign.  By  this 
expedient,  joined  to  the  influence  of  the  earls  of  Warwic 
and  Mellent,of  Roger  Bigod,  Richard  de  Redvers,  and 
Robert  Fitz  Hamon,  powerful  barons,  who  fiill  adhered 
to  the  prefent  government,  the  army  was  retained  in  the 
king's  interefts   and  marched,  with    feeming  union  and 

*  Order.  Vital,  p.  785. 


H    E    N    R    Y      I.  239 

firmnefs,  to  oppofe  Robert,  who  had  landed  with  his  for- 
ces at  Porttmouth. 

The  two  armies   lay   in  fight  of  each  other  for  fome 
days  without  coming  to  adtion  ;  and   both   princes,  being       I!01- 
apprehenfive  of  the  event,  which  would   probably  be  de-  Aocommo- 

■r  11  ii  -li-        1  .1  r  \         r  elation  with 

citive,  hearkened  the  more  willingly  to  the  couniels  of  Robert. 
Anfelm  and  the  other  great  men  who  mediated  an  accom- 
modation between  them.  After  employing  fome  negocia- 
tion,  it  was,  agreed  that  Robert  fhould  refign  his  pretenti- 
ons to  England,  and  receive  in  lieu  of  them  an  annual 
penfion  of  3000  marks  ;  that  if  either  of  the  princes  died 
without  ilTue,  the  other  fhould  fucceed  to  his  dominions  ; 
that  the  adherents  of  each  fhould  be  pardoned,  and  re- 
ftored  to  all  their  poiTeffions  either  in  Normandy  or  Eng- 
land ;  and  that  neither  Robert  nor  Henry  fhould  thence- 
forth encourage,  receive,  or  protect  the  enemies  of  the 
other*. 

This  treaty,  though  calculated  fo  much  for  Henry's  ,,o5t 
advantage,  he  was  the  firft  to  violate.  He  reftored  indeed 
the  eftates  of  all  Robert's  adherents  ;  but  was  fecretly  de- 
termined, that  noblemen  fo  powerful  and  fo  ill  affecled, 
who  had  both  inclination  and  ability  to  difturb  his  govern- 
ment, fhould  not  long  remain  unmolefted  in  their  prefent 
opulence  and  grandeur.  He  began  with  the  earl  of 
Shrew/bury,  who  was  watched  for  fome  time  by  fpies, 
and  then  indicled  on  a  charge,  confifting  of  forty-five 
articles.  This  turbulent  nobleman,  knowing  his  own 
guilt,  as  well  the  prejudices  of  his  judges  and  the  power 
of  his  profecutor,  had  recourfe  to  arms  for  defence  :  but 
being  foon  fuppreffed  by  the  activity  and  addrefs  of  Hen- 
ry, he  was  banifhed  the  kingdom,  and  his  great  eftate  was 
confifcated.  His  ruin  involved  that  of  his  two  brothers, 
Arnulf  de  Montgomery,  and  Roger  earl  of  Lancafler. 
Soon  after  followed  the  profecution  and  condemnation  of 
Robert  de  Pontefraft  and  Robert  de  Mallet,  who  had 
diftinguifhed  themfelves  among  Robert's  adherents.  Wil- 
liam de  Warenne  was  the  next  victim  :  Even  William 
earl  of  Cornwal,  fon  of  the  earl  of  Mortaigne,  the  king's 
uncle,  having  given  matter  of  fufpicion  againft  him,  loft 
all  the  vaft  acquifitionsof  his  family  in  England.  Though 
the  ufual  violence  and  tyranny  of  the  Norman  barons  af- 
forded a  plaufible  pretence  for  thole  proiecutions,  and  it 
is  probable  that  none  of  the  fentences  pronounced  againft 
thefe  noblemen  was  wholly  iniquitous  ;  men  cafily  law  or 
conjectured  that  the  chief  part  of  their  guilt  was  not  the 
injuftice  or  illegality  of  their  conduct.     Robert,  enraged 

*  Chon.  Sax.  p.  209.    W.  .Vlalmef.  p.  Jj6. 


240  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  at  the  fate  of  his  friends,    imprudenly   ventured  to  come 
VI.       into  England  ;  and  he  remonftrated  with  his  brother,  in 

v— v '  fevere  terms,  againft  this  breach  of  treaty  :  But  met  with 

Itoi-  lb  bad  a  reception,  that  he  began  to  apprehend  danger  to 
his  own  liberty,  and  was  glad  to  purchafe  his  efcape,  by 
refigning  his  penfion. 

The  indifcretion  of  Robert  foon  expofed  him  to  more 
fatal  injuries.     This  prince,  whole  bravery  and  candour 
procured  him  refped  while  at  a  diftance,  had   no  fooner 
attained  the  poffeffion  of  power  and  enjoyment  of  peace, 
than  all  the  vigour  of  his  mind  relaxed  ;  and  he  fell  into 
contempt  among  thofe  who  approached  his  perfon  or  were 
iubjected  to  his  authority.     Alternately  abandoned  to  dif- 
folute  pieafures  and  to  womanifh   fuperftition,  he   was  (o 
remifs,  both  in  the  care  of  his  treafure  and  the  exercife  of 
his  government,  that  his  fervants  pillaged  his  money  with 
impunity,  ftole  from  him  his  very  cloaths,  and  proceeded 
thence   to  pradHfe  every   fpecies  of  extortion  on  his  de- 
Attack  of      fencelefs'  fubjeits.     The  barons,  whom  a  fevere  admini- 
Xonnandy.    fixation  alone  could  have  reftrained,  gave  reins  to  their  un- 
bounded rapine  upon  their  vaflals,  and  inveterate  animo- 
fities  againft  each  other  ;   and  all  Normandy,    during  the 
reign  of  this  benign   prince,   was  become  a  fcene  of  vio- 
lence and  depredation.     The  Normans  at  laft,  obferving 
the   regular   government   which   Henry,  notwithflanding 
his  ufurped  title,  had   been  able  to  eftablifh  in  England, 
applied  to  him,  that  he  might  ufe  his  authority  for  the  fup- 
prefFion  of  thefe  diforders;    and    they   thereby    afforded 
him  a  pretence  for  interpofing  in  the  affairs  of  Normandy* 
Inftead  of  employing  his  mediation  to  render  his  brother's 
government   refpeclablc,    or  to  redrefs  the  grievances  of 
the  Normans ;  he  was  only  attentive  to  fupport  his  own 
partifans,    and  to  increafe  their  number  by   every  art  of 
bribery,  intrigue,    and  infinuation.     Having  found,  in  a 
vifit  which  he  made  to  that  dutchy,  that  the  nobility  were 
more  difpofed  to  pay  fubmiffion  to  him  than  to  their  legal 
fovereign,  he  collected,    by  arbitrary  extortions  on  Eng- 
land, a  great  army  and   treafure,  and  returned  next  year 
noj.       to  Normandy,  in  a  fituation  to  obtain,  either  by  violence 
or  corruption,    the  dominion  of  that  province.     He  took 
f  Bayeux  bv  florm  after  an  obflinate  fiege  :  He  made  him- 

ielf  maflerof  Caen  by  the  voluntary  fubmiffion  of  the  in- 
habitants :  But  rteing  repulfed  at  Falaife,  and  obliged  by 
the  winter  feafon  to  raife  the  fiege,  he  returned  into  Eng- 
land ;  after  giving  affurances  to  his  adherents  that  he  would 
perfevere  in  fupporting  and  protecting  them. 
1106.  Next  year   he  opened  the  campaign  with  the  fiege  of 

Tenchebray  ;  and  it  became  evident,  from  his  preparations 


HENRY      I.  241 

arid  progrefs,  that  he  Intended  to  ufurp  the  entire  poffeffion  CHAP, 
of  Normandy.  Robert  was  at  laft  rouled  from  his  lethargy;        VI. 

and  being  fupported  by  the  earlof  Mortaigne  and  Robert  de  ' » ' 

Bellefme,  the  king's  inveterate  enemies,  he  railed  a  con-  l,°6' 
fiderable  army,  and  approached  his  brother's  camp,  with  c  eftof 
a  view  of  finifhing,  in  one  decifive  battle,  the  quarrel  be-  NoHtwndy. 
tween  them.  He  was  now  entered  on  that  fcene  of  action 
in  which  alone  he  was  qualified  to  excel;  and  he  fo  ani- 
mated his  troops  by  his  example,  that  they  threw  the  Eng- 
gliih  into  diforder,  and  had  nearly  obtained  the  victory*: 
when  the  flight  of  Bellefme  fpread  a  panic  among  the  Nor- 
mans, and  occafioned  their  total  defeat.  Henry,  befides 
doing  great  execution  on  the  enemy,  made  near  ten  thou- 
fand  piifoners;  among  whom  was  duke  Robert  himfelf, 
and  all  the  mcfl  confiderable  barons  who  adhered  to  his  in- 
tereftsf.  This  victory  was  followed  by  the  final  reducti- 
on of  Normandy  :  Rouen  immediately  fummitted  to  the 
conqueror:  Falaile,  after  fome  negociation,  opened  its 
gates;  and  by  this  a  quifition,  befides  rendering  himfelf 
mailer  of  an  important  fortrefs,  he  got  into  his  hands 
prince  William,  the  only  ion  of  Robert:  He  affem- 
bled  the  ftates  of  Normandy  ;  and  having  received  the 
homage  of  all  the  vaffals  of  thedutchy,  having  fettled  the 
government,  revoked  his  brother's  donations,  and  difman- 
tled  the  cafiles  lately  built,  he  returned  into  England,  and 
carried  along  with  him  the  duke  as  prifoner.  That  un- 
fortunate prince  was  detained  in  cuftody  during  the  re- 
mainder of  his  life,  which  was  no  lefs  than  twenty-eight 
years,  and  he  died  in  thecaftle  of  CardiiFin  Glamorgan- 
fhire;  happy  if,  without  lofing  his  liberty,  he  could  have 
relinquifhed  that  power  which  he  was  not  qualified  either 
to  hold  or  exercife.  Prince  William  was  committed  to  the 
care  of  Heliede  St.  Saen,  who  had  married  Robert's  natu- 
ral daughter,  and  who  being  a  man  of  probity  and  honour 
beyond  what  was  ufual  in  thofe  ages,  executed  the  truft 
with  great  affection  and  fidelity.  Edgar  Atheling,  who 
had  followed  Robert  in  the  expedition  to  Jerufalem,  and 
who  had  lived  with  him  ever  fince  in  Normandy,  was 
another  illufirious  prifoner  taken  in  the  battle  of  Tenche- 
braylf.  Henry  gave  him  his  liberty,  and  fettled  a  fmall 
penfion  on  him,  with  which  he  retired ;  and  he  lived  to 
a  good  old  age  in  England,  totally  neglected  and  forgot- 
ten. This  prince  wasdiftinguifhed  by  perfonal  bravery  : 
But  nothing  can  be  a  flronger  proof  of  his  mean  talents 
Vol.  I.  I  i 

*  H.  Hunt.  p.  379.     M.  Paris,  p.  43.     Brompton,  p.  jc.02. 

f  Kadmer.  p.  90.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  214.     Orcier.  Vital,  p.  821. 

t  Chron.  Sax.  p.  214.     Ann.  Waveil.  p.  144, 


242 

CHAP. 
VI. 

1 106. 


1 1 07. 

Continuati- 
on of  the 
quarrel 
with  .An- 
felm  the 
primate. 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

in  every  other  refpedt,  than  that,  notwithstanding  he  pofTef- 
fed  the  affections  of  the  Englifh,  and  enjoyed  the  only 
legal  title  to  the  throne,  he  was  allowed,  during  the  reigns 
of  lb  many  violent  and  jealous  ufurpers,  to  live  unmolefted, 
and  go  to  his  grave  in  peace. 

A  little  after  Henry  had  completed  the  conqueft  of 
Normandy,  and  fettled  the  government  of  that  province, 
he  finifhed  a  controverfy,  which  had  been  long  depending 
between  him  and  the  pope,  with  regard  to  the  inveftitures 
in  ecclefiaftical  benefices;  and  though  he  was  here  obliged 
to  relinquilh  fome  of  the  ancient  rights  of  the  crown,  he 
extricated  himfelf  from  the  difficulty  on  eafier  terms  than 
moft  princes,  who  in  that  age  were  fo  unhappy  as  to  be 
engaged  in  difputes  with  the  apoftolic  fee.  The  king's 
fituation,  in  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  obliged  him  to  pay 
great  court  to  Anfelm  :  The  advantages  which  he  had 
reaped  from  the  zealous  friendfhip  of  that  prelate,  had 
made  him  fenfible  how  prone  the  minds  of  his  people  were 
to  fuperflition,  and  what  an  attendant  the  ecclefiaflics  had 
been  able  toaffume  over  them.  He  had  feen,  on  the  ac- 
ceffion  of  his  brother  Rufus,  that  though  the  rights  of  pri- 
mogeniture were  then  violated, and  the  inclinations  of  al- 
moft  all  the  barons  thwarted,  yet  the  authority  ofLanfranc, 
the  primate,  had  prevailed  over  all  other  confiderations : 
His  own  cafe,  which  was  Mill  more  unfavourable,  afforded 
an  inftance  in  which  the  clergy  had  more  evidently  fhewn 
their  influence  and  authority.  Thefe  recent  examples, 
while  they  made  him  cautious  not  to  offend  that  powerful 
body,  convinced  him,  at  the  fame  time,  that  it  was  ex- 
tremely his  intereft  to  retain  the  former  prerogative  of  the 
crown  in  filling  offices  of  fuch  vaft  importance,  and  to 
check  the  ecclefiafticsin  that  independence  to  which  they 
vifibly  afpired.  The  choice  which  his  brother,  in  a  fit  of 
penitence,  had  made  of  Anfelm,  was  fo  far  unfortunate  to 
the  king's  pretentions,  that  this  prelate  was  celebrated  for 
his  piety  and  zeal,  and  aufterity  of  manners;  and  though 
his  monkifh  devotion  and  narrow  principles  prognosticated 
no  great  knowledge  of  the  world  or  depth  of  policy,  he 
was,  on  that  very  account,  a  more  dangerous  infirument  in 
the  hands  of  politicians,  and  retained  a  greater  afcendant 
over  the  bigoted  populace.  The  prudence  and  temper  of 
the  king  appear  in  nothing  more  confpicuous  than  in  the 
management  of  this  delicate  affair  ;  where  he  was  always 
fenfible  that  it  had  become  necelfary  for  him  to  rifque  his 
whole  crown,  in  order  to  preferve  the  molt  invaluable 
jewel  of  it*. 


*  EaJmer,  p.  56. 


H     E    N    R    Y      I.  243 

Anselm  had  no  fooner  returned  from  banifhment,  than  CHAP, 
hisrefufal  to  do  homage  to  the  king  raifed  adifpute,  which        VI. 

Henry  evaded  at  that  critical  juncture,  by  promifing  to  fend  * >, — *>• 

a  meffenger,  in  order  to  compound  the  matter  with  Pafcal  |,67« 
II.  who  then  filled  the  papal  throne.  The  meffenger,  as 
was  probably  forefeen,  returned  with  an  abfolute  refufal 
of  the  king's  demands* ;  and  that  fortified  by  many  reafons, 
which  were  well  qualified  to  operate  on  the  underflandings 
of  men  in  thofe  ages.  Pafcal  quoted  the  fcriptures,  to 
prove  that  Chrift  was  the  door;  and  he  thence  inferred, 
that  all  ecclefiaftics  muft  enter  into  the  church  through 
Chrift  alone,  not  through  the  civil  magiftrate,  or  any  pro- 
fane laymen  f.  "  It  is  monftrous,"  added  the  pontiff, 
"  that  a  fon  fhould  pretend  to  beget  his  father,  or  a  man 
"  to  create  his  God :  Priefts  are  called  gods  in  fcripture,  as 
"  being  the  vicars  of  God:  And  will  you,  bv  your  abo- 
"  minable  pretenfions  to  grant  them  their  inveftiture, 
"  affume  the  right  of  creating  them  J?" 

But  how  convincing  foeverthefe  arguments,  they  could 
not  perfuade  Henry  to  refign  fo  important  a  prerogative; 
and,  perhaps,  as  he  was  polTeffed  of  great  reflection  and 
learning,  he  thought  that  the  abfurdity  of  a  man's  creating 
his  God,  even  allowing  priefts  to  be  gods,  was  not  urged 
with  the  beft  grace  by  the  Roman  pontiff.  But  as  he  defi- 
red  ftill  to  avoid,  at  leaft  to  delay,  the  coming  to  any  dan- 
gerous extremity  with  the  church,  he  perfuaded  Anfelm, 
that  he  fhould  be  able,  by  farther  negotiation,  to  attain 
fome  compofition  with  Pafcal;  and  for  that  purpofe  hedif- 
patched  three  bifhops  to  Rome,  while  Anfelm  fent  two 
meffengers  of  his  own,  to  be  more  fully  affured  of  the 
pope's  intentionslU  Pafcal  wrote  back  letters  equally  pofi- 
tive  and  arrogant,  both  to  the  king  and  primate;  urging 
to  the  former,  that  by  affuming  the  right  of  inveftitures,  he 
committed  a  kind  of  fpi ritual  adultery  with  the  church, 
who  was  the  fpoufe  of  Chrift,  and  who  muft  not  admit  of 
fuch  a  commerce  with  any  other  perfon**;  and  infifting 
with  the  latter,  that  the  pretenfion  of  kings  to  confer  bene- 
fices was  the  fource  of  all  fimonv  ;  a  topic  which  had  but 
too  much  foundation  in  thofe  ages  f  f. 

*  \V.  Malm-  p.  225. 

f  Eadmer,  p.  60.     This  topic  is  further  enforced  in  p.  73,  7.).     See  alfo  W. 

Malm.  p.  163. 

*  Eadmer, p.  61.     1  n;1  that  this  text  of  fcripture  is  a  forgery  of 

:   For  I  have  not  been  able  to  find  it.  d  current  ft  ; 

a?es,  and  was  often  quoted  by  the  clergy  as  the  foundation  of  tl  See 

lipift.  St.  'l'hom.  p.   169. 

I|  ta  Imer,  p.  62.     W.  Malm,  p,  995,  **  Eadjier, 

j-f  Ladmcr,  p.  6-j.  66. 


244  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.      Henry    had  now  no  other  expedient  than  to  fupprefs 
VI.        the  letter  addreSSed  to  himfelf,  and  to  perfuade  the  three 

*— ^ '  bifhops  to  prevaricate,  and  affert  upon  their  epifcopal  faith, 

1107-  that  Pafcal  had  affured  them  in  private  of  his  good  intenti- 
ons towards  Henry,  and  of  his  refolution  not  to  refent  any- 
future  exertion  of  his  prerogative  in  granting  inveftitures  ; 
though  he  himfelf  fcrupled  to  give  this  affurance  under  his 
hand,  left  other  princes  fhould  copy  the  example,  and 
affume  a  like  privilege*.  Anfelm's  two  meffengers,  who 
were  monks,  affirmed  to  him,  that  it  was  impoffible  this 
Story  could  have  any  foundation  :  But  their  word  was  not 
deemed  equal  to  that  of  three  bifhops  ;  and  the  king,  as  if 
he  had  finally  gained  his  caufe,  proceeded  to  fill  the  fees 
of  Hereford  and  Salifbury,  and  toinveft  the  new  bifhops  in 
the  ufual  mannerf.  But  Anfelm,  who,  as  he  had  good 
reafon,  gave  no  credit  to  the  affeveration  of  the  king's 
meffengers,  refufed  not  only  to  confecrate  them,  but  even 
to  communicate  with  them ;  and  the  bifhops  themfelves, 
finding  how  odious  rfiey  were  become,  returned  to  Henry 
the  enfigns  of  their  dignity.  The  quarrel  every  day  in- 
creased between  the  king  and  the  primate  :  The  former, 
notwithstanding  the  prudence  and  moderation  of  his  tem- 
per, threw  put  menaces  againft;  fuch  as  fhould  pretend  to 
oppofe  him  in  exerting  the  ancient  prerogatives  of  his 
crown:  And  Anfelm,  fenfible  of  his  own  dangerous  fitu- 
ation,  defired  leave  to  make  a  journey  to  Rome,  in  order 
to  lay  the  cafe  before  the  fovereign  pontiff.  Henry,  well 
pleafed  to  rid  himfelf,  without  violence,  of  So  inflexible 
an  antagonift,  readily  granted  him  permiflion.  The  pre- 
late was  attended  to  the  fhore  by  infinite  multitudes,  not 
only  monks  and  clergymen,  but  people  of  all  ranks,  who 
Scrupled  not  in  this  manner  to  declare  for  their  primate 
againft  their  fovereign,  and  who  regarded  his  depaiture  as 
the  final  abolition  of  religion  and  true  piety  in  the  king- 
dom J.  The  king,  however,  Seized  all  the  revenues  of 
his  fee;  and  Sent  William  de  Warelwaft  to  negotiate  with 
PaScal,  and  to  find  Some  means  oS  accommodation  in  this 
delicate  affair. 

The  EngliSh  minister  told  Pafcal,  that  his  mafter  would 
rather  lofe  his  crown,  than  part  with  the  right  of  granting 
inveftitures.  '!  And  I,"  replied  Pafcal,  "  would  rather 
"  lofe  my  head  than  allow  him  to  retain  it||."  Henry  Se- 
cretly prohibited  AnSelm  Srom  returning,  unleSs  he  reSolv- 
ed  to  conform  himfelS  to  the  laws  and  uSuagesof  theking- 

*  Eadmer,  p.  65.     W.  Malm.  p.  225.  f  Eadmer,  p.  66.     W. 

Malm.  p.  225.'    Hoveden,  p.  469.     Sim.  Dunel.  p.  228. 

J  Eadmer,  p.  71.  ||  Eaumer,  p.  73.     W.  Maim.  p.  226.     M. 

Paris,  p.  40. 


H    E    N    R    Y      I.  245 

dom ;  and  the  primate  took  up  his  refidence  at  Lyons,  in  C  H  A  P. 
expectation  that  the  king  would  at  laft  be  obliged  to  yield        VI. 

the  point  which  was  the  prefent  object  of  controverfy,  be-  v >. ' 

tweenthem.  Soon  after,  he  was  permitted  to  return  to  his  Il07" 
monaftery  at  Bee  in  Normandy ;  and  Henry,  befides  re- 
ftoring  to  him  the  revenues  of  his  fee,  treated  him  with 
the  greater!  refpett,  and  held  feveral  conferences  with  him, 
in  order  to  foften  his  oppofition,  and  bend  him  to  fubmif- 
fion**  The  people  of  England,  who  thought  all  differen- 
ces now  accommodated,  were  inclined  to  blame  their  pri- 
mate forabfenting  him  felt"  fo  long  from  his  charge;  and  he 
daily  received  letters  from  his  partifans,  reprefenting  the 
neceffity  of  his  fpeedy  return.  The  total  extinction,  they 
told  him,  of  religion  and  Chriflianity  was  likely  to  enfue 
from  the  want  of  his  fatherly  care :  The  moft  fhocking 
cuftoms  prevail  in  England :  And  the  dread  of  his  feverity 
being  now  removed,  fodomy,  and  the  practice  of  wearing 
long  hair,  gain  ground  among  all  ranks  of  men,  and  thefe 
enormities  openly  appear  every  where,  without  fenfe  of 
fhame  or  fear  of  punifhment+. 

The  policy  of  the  court  of  Rome  has  commonly  been  * 
much  admired;  and  men,  judging  by  fuccefs,  have  be- 
ftowed  the  highefl  eulogies  on  that  prudence  by  which  a 
power,  from  fuch  flender  beginnings,  could  advance,  with- 
out force  of  arms,  to  eftabliih  an  univerfal  and  almoft  ab-  ' 
folute  monarchy  in  Europe.  But  the  wifdom  of  fo  long  a 
fucceffion  of  men  who  filled  the  papal  throne,  and  who 
were  of  fuch  different  ages,  tempers,  and  interests,  is  not 
intelligible,  and  could  never  have  place  in  nature.  The 
inftrument,  indeed,  with  which  they  wrought,  the  igno- 
rance and  fuperftition  of  the  people,  is  fo  grofsan  engine, 
of  fuch  univerfal  prevalence,  and  fo  little  liable  to  accident 
or  diforder,  that  it  may  be  fuccefsful  even  in  the  moft  un- 
fkilful  hands  ;  and  fcarce  any  indiicretion  can  fruftrate  its 
operations.  While  the  court  of  Rome  was  openly  aban- 
doned to  the  moft  flagrant  diforders,  even  while  it  was  torn 
with  fchifms  and  factions,  the  power  of  the  church  daily 
made  a  fenfible  progrefs  in  Europe;  and  the  temerity  of 
Gregory  and  caution  of  Pafcal  were  equally  fortunate  in 
promoting  it.  The  clergy,  feeling  the  neceffity  which 
they  lay  under  of  being  protected  againft  the  violence  of 
princes  or  rigour  of  the  laws,  were  well  pleafed  to  adhere 
to  a  foreign  head,  who,  being  removed  from  the  fear  of 
the  civil  authority,  could  freely  employ  the  power  of  the 
whole  church  in  defending  her  ancient  or  ufurped  proper- 
ties and  privileges,  when  invaded  in  any  particular  coun- 

*  Hoveden,  p.  471.  f  Eadiner,  p.  81. 


246  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP  try  *   ^nc  mon^s>  defirous  of  an   independence  on  their 
VI.     '  diocefans,  profeffed  a  ftill  more  devoted  attachment  to  the 

\ !<, /  triple  crown :  and  the  flupid  people  poflefled  no  fcience  or 

1 107.  reafon,  which  they  could  oppoie  to  the  moft  exorbitant 
pretenfions.  Nonfenfe  parted  for  demonftration :  The 
mod:  criminal  means  were  fan£tified  by  the  piety  of  the  end  : 
Treaties  were  not  fuppofed  to  be  binding,  where  the  inte- 
refts  of  God  were  concerned:  The  ancient  laws  and  cuf- 
toms  of  ftates  had  no  authority  againft  a  divine  right:  Im- 
pudent forgeries  were  received  as  authentic  monuments  of 
antiquity  :  And  the  champions  of  holy  church,  if  fuccefs- 
ful,  were  celebrated  as  heroes;  if  unfortunate,  were  wor- 
shipped as  martyrs;  and  all  events  thus  turned  out  equally 
to  the  advantage'of  clerical  ufurpations.  Pafcal  himfelf, 
the  reigning  pope,  was,  in  the  courle  of  this  very  contro- 
verfy  concerning  inveftitures,  involved  in  circumftances, 
and  neceffitated  to  follow  a  conducl,  which  would  have 
drawn  difgrace  and  ruin  on  any  temporal  prince  that  had 
been  fo  unfortunate  as  to  fall  into  a  like  fituation.  His 
perfon  was  feized  by  the  emperor  Henry  V.  and  he  was 
-  obliged,  by  a  formal  treaty,  to  refign  to  that  monarch  the 
right  of  granting  inveftitures,  for  which  they  had  fo  long 
contended*.  In  order  to  add  greater  folemnity  to  this 
agreement,  the  emperor  and  pope  communicated  together 
on  the  fame  hofie;  one  half  of  which  was  given  to  the 
prince,  the  other  taken  by  the  pontiff:  The  moft  tremen- 
dous imprecations  weie  publicly  denounced  on  either  of 
them  who  mould  violate  the  treaty:  Yet  no  fooner  did  Paf- 
cal recover  his  liberty,  than  he  revoked  all  his  concellions, 
and  pronounced  the  fentence  of  excommunication  againft 
the  emperor,  who,  in  the  end,  was  obliged  to  fubmit  to  the 
terms  required  of  him,  and  to  yield  up  all  his  pretenfions, 
which  he  never  could  refume  f. 

The  king  of  England  had  very  nearly  fallen  into  the 
fame  dangerous  fituation  :  Pafcal  had  already  excommuni- 
cated the  earl  of  Mellent,  and  the  other  minifters  of  Henry, 
who  were  inftrumental  in  fupporting  his  pretenfions  $:  He 
daily  menaced  the  king  himfelf  with  a  like  fentence;  and 
hefufpcnded  the  blow  only  to  give  him  leifure  to  prevent  it 
by  a  timely  fubmiffion.  The  malcontents  waited  impati- 
ently for  the  opportunity  of  difturbing  his  government  by 
conspiracies  and  infurrectious|| :  The  king's  bed  friends 
were  anxious  at  the  profpedt  of  an  incident  which  would 
fet  their  religious  and  civil  duties  at  variance  :  And    the 

*  W.  Malm.  p.  167. 

j  Padre  Paolo  foprrra  benef.  ecclef.  p.   112.     W.  Malmef.  p.    170.    Chron,, 
Abb.  St.  Petri  de  Burgo,  p.  63.     Sim.  Dunelm.  p.  233. 
/        X  Eadmer,  p.  79.  ||  Ibid.  p.  80. 


HENRY      I.  247 

countefs  of  Blois,  his  filter,  a  princefsof  piety,  who  had  C  H  A  F. 
great  influence  over  him,  was  afl'rightened  with  the  danger       VI. 

of  her  brother's  eternal  damnation*.  Henry,  on  the  other  * « — J 

hand,  feemed  determined  to  run  all  hazards,  rather  than  ll°7' 
rcfign  a  prerogative  of  fueh  importance,  which  had  been 
enjoyed  bv  all  his  predecellbrs;  and  it  feemed  probable, 
from  his  great  prudence  and  abilities,  that  he  might  be  able 
to  fuftain  his  rights,  and  finally  prevail  in  the  conteft. 
While  Pafcal  and  Henry  thus  flood  mutually  in  awe  of  each 
other,  it  was  the  more  eafy  to  bring  about  an  accommoda- 
tion between  them,  and  to  find  a  medium  in  which  they 
might  agree. 

Before  bifliops  took  poffeffion  of  their  dignities,  they  Compmm'.fe 
had  formerly  been  accuftomed  to  pafs  through  two  ceremo-  *lth  A,l~ 
nies:  They  received  from  the  hands  of  the  fovereign  a  ring 
and  crofier,as  fymbols  of  their  ofiice  ;  and  this  was  called 
their  inveftiture:  They  alfo  made  thofe  fubmiffions  to  the 
prince  which  were  required  of  vaiTals  by  the  rites  of  the 
feudal  law,  and  which  received  the  name  of  homage*  And 
as  the  king  might  refufe  both  to  grant  the  inveftiture  and  to 
receive  the  homage,  though  the  chapter  had,  by  fome  can- 
ons of  the  middle  age,  been  endowed  with  the  right  of 
election,  the  fovereign  had  in  reality  the  fole  power  of  ap- 
pointing prelates.  Urban  II.  had  equally  deprived  laymen 
of  the  rights  of  granting  inveftiture  and  of  receiving  ho- 
magef  :  The  emperors  never  were  able,  by  all  their  wars 
and  negotiations,  to  make  any  diftindion  be  admitted 
between  them  :  The  interpolation  "of  profane  laymen,  In 
any  particular,  was  fliil  reprefented  as  impious  and  abo- 
minable :  And  the  church  openly  afpired  to  a  total  inde- 
pendence on  the  ftate.  But  Henry  had  put  England,  as 
well  as  Normandy,  in  fuch  a  fituation  as  gave  greater 
weight  to  his  negotiations  ;  and  Pafcal  was  for  the  prefent 
fatisliedwith  his  refigningthe  right  of  granting  inveftitures, 
by  which  the  fpiritual  dignity  was  fuppofed  to  be  confer- 
red ;  and  he  allowed  the  bilhops  to  do  homage  for  their 
temporal  properties  and  privileges^:.  The  pontiff  was  well 
pleafed  to  have  made  this  acquifition,  which,  he  hoped, 
would  in  time  involve  the  whole:  And  the  king,  anxious 
to  procure  an  efcape  from  a  very  dangerous  fituation,  was 
content  to  retain  fome,  though  a  more  precarious  authority, 
in  the  election  of  prelates. 

After  the  principal  controverfy  was  accommodated,  it 
was  not  difficult  to  adjuft  the  other  differences.    The  pope 

*  Ibid.  p.  7?.  f  Eadmer,    p.  91.     W.  Ma'iu.   p.  163.     Sim. 

Dunclm.  p.  230.  J  Eac'mer,  p.  91.      W.  Malm.  p.  164.  .",-7.  Horeden, 

p.  471.     M.    Paris,  p.  43.    T.  Rudb.  p.  274.     Brompton,  p.  loco.    Wilkir.s, 
p.  303.     Chron.  t/uufl.  p.  21. 


.248  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP-  allowed  Anfelm  to  communicate  with  the  prelates  who  had 
VI.        already  received  inveftitures  from  the  crown  ;  and  he  only 

v. — v /  required   of  them   fome  Submissions  for  their   part  mifcon- 

»*°7-  duel*.  He  alfo  granted  Anfelm  a  plenary  power  of  re- 
medying every  other  diforder,  which,  he  Said,  might  arife 
from  the  barbaroufnefs  of  the  country  f.  Such  was  the  idea 
which  the  popes  then  entertained  of  the  Englifh  ;  and 
nothing  can  be  a  flronger  proof  of  the  miferable  ignorance 
in  which  that  people  were  then  plunged,  than  that  a  man, 
who  fat  on  the  papal  throne,  and  who  fubfifted  by  abSur- 
dities  and  nonfenfe,  fhould  think  himfelf  intitled  to  treat 
them  as  barbarians. 

During  the  courfe  of  thefe  controversies,  a  fynod  was 
held  at  Weftminfter,  where  the  king,  intent  only  on  the 
main  difpute,  allowed  fome  canons  of  lefs   importance  to 
be  ena6led,  which  tended  to  promote  the  usurpations  of  the 
clergy.     The  celibacy  of  prieSts  was  enjoined ;  a  point 
which  it  was  Still  found  very  difficult  to  carry  into  executi- 
on:  And  even  laymen  were  not  allowed  to  marry  within 
the  feventh  degree  of  affinity^.     By   this  contrivance   the 
pope  augmented  the  profits  which  he  reaped  from  granting 
difpenfations  ;  and   likewife  thofe  from  divorces.     For  as 
the  art  of  writing  was  then  rare,  and  parifh  registers  were 
not  regularly  kept,  it  was  not  eafy  to  afcertain  the  degrees 
of  affinity  even  among  people  of  rank;  and  any  man  who 
had  money  Sufficient  to  pay  for  it,  might  obtain  a  divorce, 
on  pretence  that  his  wife  was  more  nearly  related   to  him 
than  was  permitted  by  the  canons.     The  fynod  alfo  paffed 
a  vote,  prohibiting  the  laity  from  wearing  long  hair||.  The 
averfion  of  the  clergy   to   this  mode  was  not   confined   to 
England.     When  the  king  went  to  Nor.mandy,  before  he 
had  conquered  that  province,  the  bifhop  of  Seez,  in  a  for- 
mal  harangue,  earneftly  exhorted  him  to  redrefs  the  mani- 
fold di ford <jrs  under  which  the  goverment  laboured,  and 
to  oblige   the  people  to  poll  their  hair  in    a  decent  form. 
Henry,  though  he  would  not  reSign  his  prerogatives  to  the 
church,  willingly  parted   with  his  hair  :   He  cut   it  in  the 
form    which    they   required  of  him,   and  obliged  all    the 
courtiers  to  imitate  his  example  *  *. 
Wars  The  acquifition    of   Normandy  was   a  great  point  of 

abroad.  Henry's  ambition ;  being  the  ancient  patrimony  of  his  fa- 
mily, and  the  only  territory,  which,  while  in  his  pofleffion, 
gave  him  any  weight  or  confideration  on  the  continent  : 
But  the  injuftice  of  his  ufurpation  was  the  Source  of  great 
inquietude,  involved  him  in  frequent   wars,  and   obliged 

X 

*  Eadmer,  p.    Sj.  t  Ibid.  p.  91 . 

£  Eadmer,  p.    67,  68.       Spelm.  Cone.  vol.  ii.  p.  22. 
|i  Eadmer,  p.  68.  **  Order.  Vital,  p.  816. 


HENRY      I.  249 

him  to  impofe  on  his  Englilh   fubjecls  thofe  many   heavy  CHAP, 
and  arbitrary  taxes,  of  which  all  the  hifroriansof  that  age        VI. 

unanimoufly   complain*.      His    nephew  William  was  but  ^— v ' 

fix  years  of  age,  when  he  committed  him  to  the  care  of  1I07-.  J 
Helie  de  St.  Saen  ;  and  it  is  probable,  that  his  reafon  for 
intruding  that  important  charge  to  a  man  of  ("0  unblemiihed 
a  character,  was  to  prevent  all  malignant  fufpicions,  in 
Cafe  any  accident  fhould  bcfal  the  life  of  the  young  pr-ince. 
He  loon  repented  of  his  choice;  but  when  he  defned  to  1Il0t 
recover  poffelTion  of  William's  perfon,  Helie  withdrew  his 
pupil,  and  curried  him  to  the  court  of  Fulk  count  of  Anjou, 
who  gave  him  proteclionf.  In  proportion  as  the  prince 
grew  up  to  man's  eftate,  he  difcovered  virtues  becoming 
liis  birth  ;  and  wandering  through  different  courtsof  Europe, 
he  excit-d  the  friendly  compaffion  of  many  princes,  and 
railed  a  general  indignation  againft  his  uncle,  who  had  fo 
unjuilly  bereaved  him  of  his  inheritance.  Lewis  the 
Grofs,  lbn  of  Philip,  was  at  this  time  king  of  France,  a 
brave  and  generous  prince,  who  having  been  obliged  dur- 
ing the  lifetime  of  his  father,  to  fly  into  England,  in  order 
to  efcape  the  perfections  of  hisllep-mother  Bertrude,  had 
been  protected  by  Henry,  and  had  thence  conceived  a 
psrfonal  friendlhip  for  him.  But  thefe  ties  were  foon  dif- 
iolved  after  the  accelhon  of  Lewis,  who  found  his  interefls 
to  be  in  fo  many  particulars  oppofite  tothofe  of  the  Englilli 
monarch,  and  who  became  fenhble  of  the  danger  attend- 
ing the  annexation  of  Normandy  to  England.  He  joined, 
therefore,  the  counts  of  Anjou  and  Flanders  in  giving  di(- 
quiet  to  Henry's  government ;  and  this  monarch,  in  order 
to  defend  his  foreign  dominions,  found  hirnielf  obliged  to 
go  over  to  Normandy,  where  he  refided  two  years.  The 
war  which  eni'ued  among  thofe  princes  was  attended  with 
no  memorable  event,  and  produced  only  flight  fkirmifhes 
on  the  frontiers,  agreeably  to  the  weak  condition  of  the 
fovcreigns  in  that  age,  whenever  their  fubjecls  were  not 
roufed  by  fome  great  and  urgent  occafion.  Henry,  by  con- 
tracting his  eldeft  fon  William  to  the  daughter  of  Fulk, 
detached  that  prince  from  the  alliance,  and  obliged  the 
others  to  come  to  an  accommodation  with  him.  This  peace 
was  not  of  long  duration;  His  nephew,  Wrilliam,  retired 
to  the  court  of  Baldwin  earl  of  Flanders,  who  efpoufed  his 
caufe;  and  the  king  of  France  having  foon  after,  for  other 
reafons,  joined,  the  party,  a  new  war  was  kindled  in  Nor- 
mandy, which  produced  no  event  more  memorable  than 
Vol.  1.  K  k 

;>.  83,   r  iiron.  £  W.  p.  ?i  i,    ?ji,ci3.    j19.270.52?.     H.  Hunt, 
p.   380.     Hoveden;  p.  470.     Ann.  Waverl.  p.  143.        -fOrcer.  Vi:al.  p.  S37. 


250  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  had  attended  the  former.     At  laft  the  death  of  Baldwin, 
VI.       who  wasflain  in  an  action  near  Eu,  gave  fome  refpite  to 

* m '  Henrv,  and  enabled  him  to  carry  on  the   war  with  more 

IIlS*       advantage  againft  his  enemies. 

Lewis  finding  himfelf  unable  to  wreft  Normandy  from 
the  king  by  force  of  arms,  had  recourfe  to  the  dangerous 
expedient  of  applying  to  the  fpiritual  power,  and  of  afford- 
ing the  ecclefiafticsa  pretence  tointerpofe  in  the  temporal 
concerns  of  princes.  He  carried  young  William  to  a  ge- 
neral council,  which  was  aflembled  at  Rheims  by  pope 
Calixtus  II.  prefented  the  Norman  piince  to  them,  com- 
plained of  the  manifelt  ufurpation  and  itijufiice  of  Henry, 
craved  the  affiftance  of  the  church  for  re-inftatlng  the  true 
heir  in  his  dominions,  and  reprefented  the  enormity  of 
detaining  in  captivity  fo  brave  a  prince  as  Robert,  one  of 
the  moft  eminent  champions  of  the  crofs,  and  who,  by  that 
very  quality,  was  placed  under  the  immediate  protection  of 
the  holy  fee.  Henry  knew  how  to  defend  the  rights  of 
his  crown  with  vigour,  and  yet  with  dexterity.  He  had 
fent  over  the  Englifh  bifhops  to  this  fynod  ;  but  at  the  fame 
time  had  warned  them  that  if  anv  farther  claims  were  fiart- 
ed  by  the  pope  or  the  ecclefiafHcs,  he  was  determined  to 
adhere  to  the  laws  and  cuftomsof  England,  and  maintain 
the  prerogatives  transmitted  to  him  by  his  predeceffors. 
"  Go,"  faid  he  to  them,  "  falutethe  pope  in  my  name; 
"  hear  his  apoftolical  precepts ;  but  take  care  to  bring  none 
"  of  his  new  inventions  into  my  kingdom."  Finding, 
however,  that  it  would  be  eafier  for  him  to  elude  than  op- 
poie  the  efforts  of  Calixtus,  he  gave  his  ambafladors  or- 
ders to  gain  the  pope  and  his  favourites  by  liberal  prefents 
and  promifes.  The  complaints  of  the  Norman  prince 
were  thenceforth  heard  with  great  coldnefs  by  the  council; 
and  Calixtus  confeffcd,  after  a  conference  which  he  had 
the  fame  fummer  with  Henry,  and  when  that  prince  pro- 
bably renewed  his  prefents,  that,  of  all  men  whom  he  had 
ever  yet  been  acquainted  with,  he  was  beyond  companion 
the  moft  eloquent  and  perfuafive. 

The  warlike  meafures  of  Lewis  proved  as  ineffectual  as 
his  intrigues.  He  had  laid  a  fcheme  for  furprifing  Noyon ; 
but  Henry  having  received  intelligence  of  the  defign, 
marched  to  the  relief  of  the  place,  and  fuddenly  attacked 
the  French  at  Brenneville,  as  they  were  advancing  towards 
it.  A  fharp  conflict  enfued  ;  where  prince  William  behav- 
ed with  great  bravery,  and  the  king  himfelf  was  in  the 
moft  imminent  danger.  He  was  wounded  in  the  head 
byCrifpin,  a  gallant  Norman  officer,  who  had  followed 
the  fortunes  of  William*:  but  being  rather  animated  than 

»  H.  Hunt.  p.  381.     M.  Paris,  p.  47.     Diceto,  p.  503. 


HENRY      I.  251 

terrified  bv  the  blow,  he  immediately  beat  his  antagonift  CHAP, 
to  the  ground,  and  lb  encouraged  his  troops  by  the  exam-        VI. 

pie,  that  they  put  the   French  to  total   rotit,  and  had  very  ' « ' 

nearly  taken  their  king  prifoner.  The  dignity  of  the  per-  In9- 
fon^  engaged  in  this  fkirmifh,  rendered  it  the  moll  memo- 
rable alVion  of  the  war:  For,  in  other  refpecls,  it  was  not 
of  great  importance.  There  were  nine  hundred  horfemen, 
who  fought  on  both  fides;  yet  were  there  only  two  per- 
fons  (lain.  The  relt  were  defended  by  that  heavy  armour 
worn  bv  the  cavalry  in  thofe  times*.  An  accommodation 
foo  1  afrer  enfued  between  the  kings  of  France  and  Eng- 
land ;  and  the  interefts  of  young  William  were  entirely  ne- 
glected in  it. 

But  this  public  profperity  of  Henry  was  much  overbal-  Iia0e 
anced  by  a  dorneftic  calamity  which  befel  him.  His  only  Death 
fon  William  had  now  reached  his  eighteenth  year ;  and  ?/r.1T!nnc' 
the  king,  from  the  facility  with  which  he  himfelf  had 
ufurned  the  crown,  dreading  that  a  like  revolution  might 
fubvert  his  family,  had  taken  care  to  have  him  recognized 
fucceffor  by  the  ftatesof  the  kingdom,  and  had  carried  him 
over  to  Normandy,  that  he  might  receive  the  homage  of 
the  barons  of  that  dutchy.  The  king,  on  his  return,  fet 
fail  from  Barfleur,  and  was  foon  carried  by  a  fair  wind 
oi:t  of  fight  of  land.  The  prince  was  detained  by  fome 
accident;  and  hisfailors,  as  well  as  their  captain  Thomas 
Fitz-Stephens,  having  fpent  the  interval  in  drinking,  were 
fo  fluftered,  that,  being  in  a  hurry  to  follow  the  king,  they 
heedlefsly  earned  the  fhip  on  a  rock,  where  fhe  immedi- 
ately foundered.  William  was  put  into  the  long-boat, 
and  had  got  clear  of  the  ihip  ;  when  hearing  the  cries  of 
his  natural  filler,  the  countefs  of  Perche,  he  ordered  the 
ieamen  to  row  back  in  hopes  of  faving  her  :  But  the  num- 
bers who  then  crowded  in,  foon  funk  the  boat  ;  and  the 
prince  with  all  his  retinue  perifhed.  Above  a  hundred  and 
forty  young  noblemen  of  the  principal  families  of  England 
and  Normandy,  were  loft  on  this  occafion.  A  butcher  of 
Rouen  was  the  only  perfon  on  board  who  efcapedf:  He 
clung  to  the  mall,  and  was  taken  up  next  morning  by  fifh- 
ermen.  Fitz-Stephens  alio  took  hold  of  the  niaft ;  but 
being  informed  by  the  butcher  that  prince  William  had  pe- 
rifhed, he  laid  that  he  would  not  furvive  the  difafter  ;  and 
he  threw  himfelf  headlong  into  the  fea$.  Henry  enter- 
tained hopes  for  three  days,  that  his  fon  had  put  into  fome 
diftant  port  of  England  :  But  when  certain  intelligence  of 
the  calamity  was  brought  him,  he  fainted  away  ;  and  it  was 

*  Order.  Vital,  p.  854.  t  SSip«  Dunclm.  p.  2^2.   ASir.cd  Leverl, 

:  •  U3.  }  Order.  Vitj»i.  p. 


252  HISTORY    OF     ENGLAND. 

CHAP-  remarked,  that  he  never  afrer  was  fecn  to  fmile,  nor  ever 
VI.       recovered  his  wonted  cheerfulnefs*. 

1 . '       The  death  of  William  may  be  regarded  in  one  refpect 

I  ll2°-  as  a  misfortune  to  the  Englifh  ;  becaule  it  was  the  immedi- 
ate fource  of  thofe  civil  wars,  which,  after  the  demiie  of 
the  king,  caufed  fuch  conrufion  in  the  kingdom  :  But  it  is 
remarkable,  that  the  young  prince  had  entertained  a  vio- 
lent avcrfion  to  the  natives;  and  had  been  heard  to  threa- 
ten, that  when  he  fhould  be  king,  he  would  make  them 
draw  the  plough,  and  would  turn  them  into  beads  of  bur- 
*then.  Thefe  prepoffefhons  he  inherited  from  his  father, 
who,  though  he  was  wont,  when  it  might  ferve  his  pur- 
pofe,  to  value  himfelf  on  his  birth,  as  a  native  of  Eng- 
land f,  fhowed,  in  the  courfe  of  his  government,  an  ex- 
treme prejudice  againd  that  people.  All  hopes  of  prefer- 
ment, to  ccclefiaflical  as  well  as  civil  dignities,  were  de- 
nied them  during  this  whole  reign;  and  any  foreigner, 
however  ignorant  or  worthlcls,  was  lure  to  have  the  pre- 
ference in  every  competition $.  As  the  Englifh  had  given 
no  diflurbance  to  the  government  during  the  courfe  of  fifty 
years,  this  inveterate  antipathy  in  a  prince  of  fo  much  tem- 
per as  well  as  penetration,  forms  a  prefurnption  that  the 
Englifh  of  that  age  were  dill  a  rude  and  barbarous  people 
even  compared  to  the  Normans,  and  impreiTes  us  with  no 
very  favourable  idea  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  manners. 

Prince  William  left  no  children;  and  the  king  had 
not  now  any  legitimate  iffue;  except  one  daughter,  Matil- 
da, whom  in  11:0  he  had  betrothed,  though  only  eight 
years  of  age)|,  to  the  emperor  Henry  V.  and  whom  he  had 
then  fent  over  to  be  educated  in  Germany  **.  But  as  her 
abfencefrom  the  kingdom,  and  her  marriage  into  a  foreign 
family,  might  endanger  the  fucceffion,  Henry,  who  was 
now  a  widower,  was 'nduced  to  marry  in  hopes  of  having 
*l"5sf'"_  male  heirs;  and  he  made  his  addrefies  to  Adelais,  daughter 
riaie.  of  Godfrey  duke  of  Lovaine,  and  niece  Of  pope  Calixtus, 

1121.  a  young  princefs  of  an  amiable  p^rfonff.  But  Adelais 
brought  him  no  children;  and  the  prince,  who  was  mod 
likelv  to  difpute  the  fucceffion,  and  even  the  immediate 
pofleflion  of  the  crown,  recovered  hopes  of  fubverting  his 
rival,  who  had  fuccefhvely  foized  all  his  patrimonial  do- 
minions. William,  the  fon  of  duke  Robert,  was  dill  pro- 
tected in  the  French  court;  and  as  Henry's  connexions 
with  the  count   of  Anjou  were  broken  off  by  the  death  of 

*  Hoveden,  p.  476.     Order.  Vifal.  p.  S69.  f  Gul.    Neub   lib. 

1.  Tap.  3.  t  lanmer,  p.  110. 

!|  Chron.  Sax.  p.  21^.     \V.  Malm.  p.  166.     Order.  Vital,  p.  S.5. 
••  .See  note   [M]  at  the  end  of  the  volume. 
ff-  Chron.  Sax.  p.  223.     W.  Malm.  p.  165. 


H    E    N    R    Y      I.  253 

hisfon,  Fulk  joined  the  party  of  the  unfortunate  prince,  CHAT, 
gave  him  his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  aided  him  in  raif-       VI. 

ing  difturbances   in    Normandy.      But    Henry    found    the  ' 0 * 

means  of  drawing  off  the  count  of  Anjou,  by  forming  a-  ,,iI- 
new  with  him  a  nearer  connexion  than  the  former,  and 
one  more  material  to  the  interefis  of  that  count's  family. 
The  emperor,  his  foTi-in-law,  dying  without  iflue,  he 
beftowed  his  daughter  on  Geoffrey,  the  eldeft  fon  of  Fulk,  II57* 
and  endeavoured  to  infure  her  fucceffion  by  having  her 
Ifecognsfod  heir  to  all  his  dominions,  and  obliging  t'ie  ba- 
rms boih  of  Normandy  and  England  to  fwear  fealty  to  her. 
He  hoped  that  the  choice  of  this  hufband  would  be  more 
agreeable  to  all  his  fubjects  than  that  of  the  emperor  ;  as 
fecuring  them  from  the  danger  of  falling  under  the  domi- 
nion of  a  great  and  difiant  potentate,  who  might  bring 
them  into  fubjeclion,  and  reduce  their  country  to  the  rank 
of  a  province  :  But  the  barons  were  difpleafed,  that  a  flep 
fo  material  to  national  intererts  had  been  taken  without 
confulting  them*  ;  and  Henry  had  too  fenfibly  experienced 
the  turbulence  of  their  difpofition,  not  to  dread  the  effecls 
of  their  refentment.  It  feemed  probable  that  his  nephew's 
party  might  gain  force  from  the  increafe  cf  the  malcon- 
tents: An  acceffion  of  power  which  that  prince  acquired 
a  little  after,  tended  to  render  his  pretentions  (fill  more 
dangerous.  Charles  earl  of  Flanders  being  afJaffinated 
during  the  celebration  of  divine  fervice,  king  Lewis  im- 
mediately put  the  young  prince  in  poffeffion  of  that  coun- 
ty, to  which  he  had  pretenfions  in  the  right  of  his  grand- 
mother Matilda,  wife  to  the  Conqueror.  But  William 
furvived  a  very  little  time  this  piece  of  good  fortune,  which 
feemed  to  open  the  way  to  ftill  farther  profperity.  He  was 
killed  in  a  fkirmilh  with  the  landgrave  of  Alface,  his  com- 
petitor for  Flanders;  and  his  death  put  an  end,  for  the  pre- 
sent, to  the  jealoufy  and  inquietude  of  Henry. 

The  chief  merit  of  this  monarch's  government  confifls 
in  the  profound  tranquillity  which  he  cftablifhed  and  main- 
tained throughout  all  his  dominions  during  the  greater  pait 
of  his  reign.  The  mutinous  barons  were  retained  in  fub- 
je£tion;  and  his  neighbours,  in  every  attempt  which  they 
made  upon  him,  found  him  fo  well  prepared,  that  they 
were  difcouraged  from  continuing  or  renewing  their  cn- 
terprifes.  In  order  toreprefsthe  incurfions  of  the  Welfh, 
he  brought  over  fome  Flemings  in  the  year  nil,  and  let- 
tied  them  in  Pembrokelhire,  where  they  long  maintained 
a  different  language,  and  cuiloms,  and  manners,  from  their 

*  W.  Malm.  p.  175.  7hearina'.sof  Wa-erly,  p.  15%  <ay,  that  the  king 
aiked  and  obtained  the  confent  of  ail  the  barons. 


254  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND.      * 

CHAP-  neighbours.     Though  his  government  feerns  to  have  been 
VI.       arbitrary  in  England,  it  was  judicious  and  prudent ;  and 

* ^r-r-~>  was  as  little  oppreffive  as  the  neceffity  of  his  affairs  would 

1J28.  permit.  He  wanted  no  attention  to  the  redrefs  of  grievan- 
ces; and  hiftorians  mention  in  particular  thelewingof 
purveyance,  which  he  endeavoured  to  moderate  and  re- 
train. '1  he  tenants  in  the  king's  demefne  lands  were  at 
that  time  obliged  to  fupply  gratis  the  court  with  provifions, 
and  to  furnith  carriages  on  the  fame  hard  terms,  whe  \  the 
king  made  a  progrels,  as  he  did  frequently,  into  any  of 
the  counties.  Thefe  exactions  were  fo  grievous,  and  levi- 
ed in  fo  licentious  a  manner,  that  the  farmers,  when  they 
heard  of  the  approach  of  the  court,  often  deferted  their 
houfes,  as  if  an  enemy  had  invaded  the  country*;  and 
fheltered  their  perfons  and  families  in  the  woods,  from  the 
infults  of  the  king's  retinue.  Henry  prohibited  thole  en- 
ormities, and  punilhed  the  perfons  guilty  of  them  bv  cut- 
ting off  their  hands,  legs,  or  other  members  f.  But  the 
prerogative  was  perpetual;  the  remedy  applied  by  Henry 
was  temporary  ;  and  the  violence  itielt  of  this  remedy,  fo 
farfiom  giving  fee urity  to  the  people,  was  only  a  proof  of 
the  ferocity  of  the  government,  and  threatened  a  quick  re- 
turn of  like  abufes. 

One  great  and  difficult  obje<5l  of  the  king's  prudence 
.  ■*  was,  the  guarding' againft  the  encroachments  of  the  court 
of  Rome,  and  protecting  the  liberties  of  the  church  of 
England.  The  pope,  in  the  year  noi,  had  fent  Guy, 
archbilhop  of  Vienne,  as  legate  into  Britain;  and  though 
he  was  the  firfi  that  for  many  years  had  appeared  there  in 
that  character,  and  his  commiffion  gave  general  furprifej, 
the  king,  who  was  then  in  the  commencement  of  his  reign, 
and  was  involved  in  many  difficulties,  was  obliged  to  fub- 
mit  to  this  encroachment  on  his  authority.  But  in  the  year 
1116,  Anfelm  abbot  of  St.  Sabas,  who  was  coming  over 
with  a  like  Iegantine  commiffion,  was  prohibited  from  en- 
tering the  kingdom  ||;  and  pope  Calixtus,  who  in  his  turn 
was  then  labouring  under  many  difficulties,  by  reafon  of 
the  pretenfions  of  Gregory,  an  antipope,  was  obliged  to 
promife,  that  he  never  would  for  the  future,  except 
when  folicited  by  the  king  himfelf,  fend  any  legate  into 
England**.  Notwithstanding  this  engagement,  the  pope, 
as  foon  as  he  had  fupprefled  his  antagonift,  granted  the 
cardinal  deCrema  a  Iegantine  commiffion  over  that  king- 
dom; and  the  king,  who,  by  reafon  of  his  nephew's  in- 
trigues and  invafions,  found  himfelf  at  that  time  in  a  dan-* 

*  Eadmer,  p.  94.     Chron.  Sax.  p.  212.  f  Eadmer,  p.  94. 

$  Ibid.  p.  jS.  jj  Hoveden,  p.  474.  **  primer,  p.  125* 

137.  '38- 


H    E    N    R    Y      I.  255 

gerous  fituation,  was  obliged  to  fubmit  to  tbe  exercife  of  C  H  A  T. 
this  comrniffion*.     A  fynod  was  called    by  the  legate   at        VI. 

London  ;  where,  among  other  canons,  a  vote  palled,  ena£t-  "■ »—- ^ 

iug  feverc  penalties  on  the  marriages  of  the  clergyf.  The  1IJS" 
cardinal,  in  a  public  harangue,  declared  it  to  be  an  unpar- 
donable enormity,  that  a  prieft  fliould  dare  to  confecrate 
and  touch  the  body  of  Chritt  immediately  after  he  had  rifen 
from  the  fide  of  a  {trumpet  :  For  that  was  the  decent  ap- 
pellation which  he  gave  to  the  wives  of  the  clergy.  But 
it  happened,  that  the  very  next  night,  the  officers  of  juftice, 
breaking  into  a  disorderly  home,  found  the  cardinal  in 
bed  with  a  courtezan  $ ;  an  incident  which,  threw  fuch  ri- 
dicule upon  him,  that  he  immediately  floleout  of  the  king- 
dom: The  fynod  broke  up;  and  the  canons  againft  the 
marriage  of  clergymen  were  work  executed  than  everj|. 

Henry,  in  order  to  prevent  this  alternate  revolution 
of  conceptions  and  encroachments,  lent  William,  tfien 
archbiihop  of  Canterbury,  to  remonllrate  with  the  court 
of  Rome  againft  thofe  abufes,  and  to  aflert  the  liberties  of 
the  Englifli  church.  It  was  a  ufual  maxim  with  every 
pope,  when  he  found  that  he  could  not  prevail  in  any  pre- 
tention, to  grant  princes  or  flates  a  power  which  they  had 
always  exerciied,  to  relume  at  a  proper  juncture  the  claim 
which  teemed  to  be  refigned,  and  to  pretend  that  the  civil 
magiilrate  had  pofTeiXed  the  authority  only  from  a  fpecial 
indulgence  of  the  Roman  pontiff'.  After  this  manner,  the 
pope,  finding  that  the  French  nation  would  not  admit  his 
claim  of  granting  inveffitures,  had  patted  a  bull,  giving 
the  king  that  authority  ;  and  he  now  praclifed  a  like  inven- 
tion to  elude  the  complaints  of  the  king  of  England.  He 
made  the  archbifhop  of  Canterbury  his  legate,  renewed  his 
commiffion  from  time  to  time,  and  dill  pretended  that  the 
rights  which  that  prelate  had  ever  exercifed  as  metropolitan, 
were  entirely  derived  from  the  indulgence  of  the  apoflolic 
fee.  The  Englifh  princes,  and  Henry  in  particular,  who 
were  glad  to  avoid  any  immediate  conteft  of  lb  dangerous 
a  nature,  commonly  acquitfeed  by  their  filence  in  thefc 
pretentions  of  the  court  of  Rome  *  *. 

As  every  thing  in  England  remained    in    tranquillity, 
Henry  took  the  opportunity  of  paying  a  vifit  to  Norman-      I,jl 
dy,  to  which  he  was  invited,  as  well   by  his  affection  for 

*Chron.  Sax.  p.  229.  f  S, e'm.   Cone.  vol.  H.  p.  34- 

i  Hoveden,  p.  478.     M.  Paris,  p.  48.     Matth.    Weft,  ad    ami.  1125.     It. 
Huntingdon,  p.  3S2.     It  is  remarkable,  that  this  laft  writer,  who  was  a  clei 
nwn^Rvell  as  the  others,  makes  an  apoloq/  for   ufing   fuch   freedom  with  the 
fatheWof  the  church  ;   but  lays,  that  the  fact  was  notorious,  and    ou?ht  uot   to 
be  concealed. 

Ii  Chion.  Sax.  p.  234. 

*  *  See  note  [X J  at  the  end  of  the  velum?. 


% 


256  history  of  England. 

CHAP,  that  country,  as  by  his  tendernefs  for  his  daughter  the  erri- 
VI.       prefs  Matilda,  who  was  always  his  favourite.     Some  time 

*■ v 1  after,  that  princefs  was  delivered  of  a  fori,  who  received 

ili*i  the  name  of  Henry;  and  the  king,  farther  to  enfure  her 
fucceffion,  made  all  the  nobility  of  England  and  Norman- 
dy renew  the  oath  of  fealty,  which  they  had  already  iworn 
to  her*.  The  joy  of  this  event,  and  the  fatisfa&ion  which 
he  reaped  from  his  daughter's  company,  who  bore  fuccef- 
,,,.  lively  two  other  fons,  made  his  refidence  in  Normandy 
very  agreeable  to  himf  ;  and  he  feemed  determined  to  pafs 
the  remainder  of  his  days  in  that  country;  when  an  in* 
curfion  of  the  Welih  obliged  him  to  think  of  returning  into 
England.     He  was  preparing  for  the  journey,  but  was 

jftof  Dec.  fei*ed  with  a  fudden  illnefs  at  St.  Dennis  le  Forment,  from 
eating  too  plentifully  of  lampreys,  a  food  which  always 
agreed  better  with  his  palate  than  his  conftitution  J.     He 

Ceaih  died  in  the  fixty-feventh  yea/  of  his  age,  and  the  thirty-fifth 
of  his  reign;  leaving  by  will  his  daughter  Matilda  heir  of 
a-li  his  dominions,  without  making  any  mention  of  her 
hulband  Geoffrey,  who  had  given  him  feverai  caufes  of 
difpleafurell. 

This  prince  was  one  of  the  mod  acComplilhed  that  has 

f^iiL      filled  the  Englifh  throne,  and  poffefled  all  the  great  quali- 

.;r>.  ties  both  of  body  and  mind,  natural  and  acquired,  which 
could  lit  him  for  the  highftation  to  which  he  attained.  His 
perfon  was  manly,  his  countenance  engaging,  his  eyes 
clear,  ferene, and  penetrating.  The  affability  of  his  ad- 
drefs  encouraged  thofe  who  might  be  overawed  by  the  fenfe 
of  his  dignity  or  of  his  wifdom ;  and  though  he  often  in- 
dulged his  facetious  humour,  he  knew  how  to  temper  it 
with  difcretion,and  ever  keptata  diftance  from  all  indecent 
familiarities  with  his  courtiers.  His  fuperior  eloquence  and 
judgment  would  have  given  him  an  afcendant,  even  had  he 
been  born  in  a  private  llation ;  and  his  perfonal  bravery 
would  have  procured  him  refpect,  though  it  had  been  lefs 
fupported  by  art  and  policy.  By  his  great  progrefs  in  li- 
terature, he  acquired  the  name,of  Beau-clerc,  or  the  fcho- 
lar :  But  his  application  to  thofe  fedentary  purfuits  abated 
nothing  of  the  activity  and  vigilance  of  his  government ; 
and  though  the  learning  of  that  age  was  better  fitted  to 
corrupt  than  improve  the  understanding,  his  natural  good 
fenfe  preferved  itfelf  untainted,  both  from  the  pedantry 
and  fuperfiition  which  were  then  fo' prevalent  among  men 
of  letters.     .His  temper  was  fufceptible  of  the  fentimenr* 


*  W.  Malm.  p.  177,  t  H-  HU'U>  P-  3^5-  t  H«  Hunu 

p.  385.    M.  Paris,  p.  50.  ||  W.MaJm.  p.  173. 


HENRY      I. 


257 


as  well  of  friendOiip  as  of  refentment* ;  and  his  ambition,  c  H  A  P. 
thong!)  high,  might   :->e  deemed  moderate  and  reasonable,        VI. 

had  not  his  conduct  towards  his  brother  and  nephew  Aiowed  v « ' 

that  he  was  too  much  difpofed  to  facrifiee  to  it  all  the  max-  *W6" 
iins  of  juft  ce  and  equity.  But  the  total  incapacity  of  Ro- 
bert for  government  afforded  his  younger  brother  a  realon 
orpetence  for  ieizing  the  fceptre  both  of  kngland  and 
Nonnandv;  and  when  violence  and  ufurpation  are  once 
began,  neceffity  obliges  a  prince  to  continue  in  the  fame 
criminal  courfe,  and  engages  him  in  meafures  which  his 
beter  j  idgment  and  founder  principles  would  othenvife 
have  induced  him  to  reject  with  warmth  and  indignation. 

King  Henrv  was  much  addicted  to  women  ;  and  hifto- 
rians  mention  no  lefs  than  {even  illegitimate  fons  and  fix 
daughters  born  to  himf.  Hunting  was  alfo  one  of  his 
favourite  amuiements;  and  he  exercifed  great  rigour  againft 
thofe  who  encroached  on  the  royal  furefls,  which  were 
augmented  during  his  reign  $,  though  their  number  and 
extent  were  already  too  great.  1  o  kill  a  flag  was  as  cri- 
minal as  to  murder  a  man  :  He  made  all  the  dogs  be  muti- 
lated which  were  kept  on  the  borders  of  his  forefls:  And 
he  fometimes  depiived  his  lubjecls  of  the  liberty  of  hunting 
on  their  own  lands,  or  even  cutting  their  own  woods.  In 
other  refpecrs  he  executed  juftice,  and  that  with  rigour; 
the  belt  maxim  which  a  prince  in  that  age  could  follow. 
Stealing  was  firft  made  capital  in  this  reign  ||  :  Falfe  coin- 
ing, which  was  then  a  very  common  crime,  and  by  which 
the  money  had  been  extremely  debafed,  was  feverelv 
puniihed  by  Henry**.  Near  fifty  criminals  of  this  kind 
were  at  one  time  hanged  or  mutilated  ;  and  though  thefe 
punifhments  feem  to  have  been  exercifed  in  a  manner  fome- 
whnt  arbitrary,  they  were  grateful  to  the  people,  more  at- 
tentive to  preicnt  advantages  than  jealous  of  general  laws. 
There  is  a  code  which  pafles  under  the  name  of  Henry  1. 
but  the  heft  antiquaries  have  agreed  to  think  it  fpurious.  It 
is  however  a  very  ancient  compilation,  and  may  be  ufeful 
to  infiruct.  us  in  the  manners  and  cuftoms  of  the  times. 
We  learn  from  it,  that  a  great  dillinclion  was  then  made 
between  the  Englrfh  and  Normans,  much  to  the  advant; 
of  the  latter  ft«  The  deadly  feitd^,  and  the  liberty  of 
private  revenge,  which  had  been  avowed  by  the  Saxon 
jaws,  were  Hill  continued,  and  were  not  yet   wholly  ille- 

gal$t. 

Vol.  I.  L  1 

*  <^Mt.  Vital,   p. 

*W  Malm.  p.  179.  1.   p.  231.     Brampton, 

■  p-  6j j-     ' ' 

-  p.  47 J.    Atinal.   Waverl.   p.    149. 

f  {  LL.  Hen.  1.   §  is.  75.  +  *  LL.  i.i       _      .. 


*i35- 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Among  the  laws  granted  on  the  king's  acceffion,  it  is 
remarkable  that  the  re-urrion  of  the  civil  and  ecclefLftical 
courts,  as  in  the  Saxon  times,  was  enacted*.  But  this  law, 
like  the  a* tides  of  his  charter,  remained  without  effect, 
probably  from  the  oppofition  of  archbifhop  Anfelm. 

Henry,  on  his  acceffion,  granted  a  charter  to  London, 
which  ieems  to  have  been  the  firlt  ftep  towards  rendering 
that  city  a  corporation.  By  this  charter,  the  <  ity  was  em- 
powered to  keep  the  farm  of  Middlefex  at  three  hundred 
pounds  a  year,  toeleci  its  own  fheriii'  and  jufliciary,  and 
to  hold  pleas  of  the  crown ;  and  it  was  exempted  from 
fcot,  Danegelt,  trials  by  combat,  and  lodging  the  king's 
retinue.  Thefe,  with  a  confirmation  of  the  privileges  of 
their  court  of  hufiings,  wardmotes,  and  common  halls,  and 
their  liberty  of  hunting  in  Middlefex  and  Surrey,  are  the 
chief  articles  of  this  charter"}". 

It  is  faid  $  that  this  prince,  from  indulgence  to  his  ten- 
ants, changed  the  rents  of  his  demelhes,  which  were  for- 
meriv  paid  in  kind,  into  money,  which  was  more  eafily  re- 
mitted to  the  exchequer.  Bat  the  great  fcarcity  ot  coin 
would  r  nder  that  commutation  difficult  to  be  executed, 
while  at  the  fame  time  provifions  could  not  be  fent  to  a 
diiiint  quarter  of  the  kingdom.  This  affords  a  probable 
reafon  whv  the  ancient  kings  of  England  fo  frequently 
changed  their  place  of  abode  :  They  carried  their  court 
from  one  place  to  another,  that  they  might  con  fume  upon 
the  lpot  the  revenue  of  their  feveral  deniefnes. 


*  Speiim.  p.  305.     Blackfione,  vol.  iii.  p.  6j.     Coke,  2  Inft.  70. 
f  Lambard    /Hchaionomia  ex  edit.  Twiiden.  Wilkins,  p.  235. 

*  Dial,  de  Scaccario,  lib.  1,  cap.  7. 


(    259    ) 


CHAP.      VIL 


II      E      N. 


Accefjion  of  Stephen War  with  Scotland Infurrec- 

tion  in    favour  of  Mitilda Stepktn  taken  pnfoner 

Matilda  crowned — —Stephen   releafed Reflated 

to  the  crown Continuation  of  the  civil  zuars Com- 

promife  between   the  king  and  prince  Henry Death 

of  the  king. 


IN  the   progrefs  and  fettlement  of  the  feudal  law,  the  CHAP, 
male  fucceffion  to  fiefs  had  taken  place  fome  time  before      VII. 

the  female  was  admitted  ;  and  eftates  being  conlidered  as  » •j—— j 

military  benefices,  not  as  property,  were  tranfmitted  to  1I55* 
fuch  only  as  could  ferve  in  t lie  armies,  and  perform  in  per- 
fon  the  conditions  upon  which  they  were  originally  grant- 
ed. But  when  the  continuance  of  rights,  during  fome  ge- 
nerations, in  the  fame  family,  had,  in  a  great  meafure,  ob- 
literated the  primitive  idea,  the  females  were  gradually 
admitted  to  the  po  Hellion  of  feudal  property;  and  the  fame 
revolution  of  principles  which  procured  them  the  inheri- 
tance of  private  ellates,  naturally  introduced  their  fuccef- 
fion to  government  and  authority.  The  failure,  therefore, 
of  male  heirs  to  the  kingdom  of  England  and  dutchy  of 
Normandy,  feemed  to  leave  the  luccellion  open,  without 
a  rival,  to  the  emprefs  Matilda;  and  as  Henry  had  made 
all  his  vaffals  in  both  ftates  I  vear  fealty  to  her,  he  prefurn- 
ed  that  they  would  not  eafily  he  induced  to  depart  at  once 
from  her  hereditary  right,  add  from  their  own  reiterated 
oaths  an  1  engagements.  But  th^  irregular  manner  in  which 
he  himfelf  had  acquired  the  crowu,  might  have  inftrucl  1 
him,  that  neither  his  Norman  nor  Englilh  lubjects  weie  as 


26o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Yet  capable  of  adhering  to  a  ftri<5t  rule  of  government ;  and 
V1T.       as  every  precedent  of  this  kind  ieems  to  give  authority  to 

* * f  new  ufurpations,  he  had  reafon  to  dread,  even  from  his 

i'35-       own  family,  fome  invafion   of  his  daughter's  title,  which 
he  had  taken  luch  pains  to  eftablifh. 

Adela,  daughter  of  William  the  Conqueror,  had  been 
married  to  Stephen  count  of  Blois,    and  had  brought  him 
feveral  fonS;  among  whom   Stephen  and  Henry,  the  two 
youngeft,  had  been  invited  ovci    to   England  by  the  late 
king,  and  had    received    great  honours,  tiches,  and  pre- 
ferment, from  the  zealous  friendihip  which  that  prince  bore 
to  every  one  that  had  been  fo  fortunate  as  to  acquire  his 
favour  and  good  opinion.     Henry,  who  had  betaken  him- 
felf  to  the   ecclefiafiical  profeffion,  was  created  abbot  of 
Gluftenbury  and  bifliop  of  Winchefter  ;  and  though  thefe 
dignities  were  confiderable,  Stephen  had,  from  his  uncle's 
liberality,  attained  eftablifhments  flill  moie  folid  and  du- 
rable*.    The  king  had  married  him  to  Matilda,  who  was 
daughterand  heir  of  Euflace  count  of  Boulogne,  and  who 
brought  him,  befides  that  feudal  fovereignty  in  France,  an 
immenfe  property  in  England,  which  in  the  diftribution  of 
lands  had  been  conferred  by  the  Lonqueror  on  the  family 
of  Boulogne.     Stephen  alio  by  this  marriage  acquired  a 
new  connexion  with  the  royal  famiiy  of  England  ;  as  Ma- 
ry, his  wife's  mother,  was  fifter  to  David  the  reigning  king 
of  Scotland,  and  to  Matilda,  the  firft  wife  of  Henry,  and 
mother  of  the  emprefs.     The  king,  itill  imagining  that  he 
ftrengthened  the  interefts  of  his  family  by  the  aggrandife- 
ment  of  Stephen,  took  pleaiure  in   enriching  him   by  the 
grant   of  new  pofTeffions  ;  and  he  conferred   on  him  the 
great  eftate  forfeited  by  Robert  Mallet  in   England,  and 
that  forfeited  by  the  earl  of  Mortaigne  in  Normandy.   Ste- 
phen, in  return,  profeffed  great  atta  hment  to  his  uncle; 
and  appeared  fo  zealous  for  the  fucceffion  of  Matilda,  that, 
when  the  barons  fwore  fealty  to  that  princeis,   he   conten- 
ded with  Robert  earl  of  Gloucefter,    the   king's   natural 
fon,  who  fhould  firfl  be  admitted  to  give  her  this  teftiirony 
of  devoted  zeal  and  fidelity f.     Meanwhile  he  continued 
to  cultivate,  by  every  art  of  popularity,  the  friendfhip   of 
the  Englifh  nation ;  and  many    virtues,  with   which    he 
feemed   to  be  endowed,  favoured  the  fucceis  of  his  inten- 
tions.    By  his  bravery,  activity,  and  vigour,  he  acquired 
the  efteem  of  the   barons:  By  his  generofity,  and  by  an 
affable  and    familiar  addrefs,  unufual   in  that  age  among 
men  of  his  high  quality,  he  obtained  the  affecf ions  of  the 

*  Gul.  Neubr.  p.  360.     Brompton,  p.  1023. 
f  W.  Malm.  p.  \fji. 


STEPHEN.  261 

people,  particularly  of  the  Londoners*.     And  though  lie  C  H  A  P. 
dared  not  to  take  any  fteps  towards  his  farther  grandeur,  ,   Vil. 

left  hcihould  expofs  hitnfelfto  the  jealoufy  of  Co  penetrat-  » • — ' 

inga  prince  as  Henry  ;   he  ftill  hoped  th;it,  by  accurnula-      "»' 
ting  riches  and  power,  and   by   acquiring   popularity,  he 
might  in  time  be  able  to  open  his  way  to  'he  throne. 

\'o  i'ooner  had  Henry   breathed  his  lafl  than  Stephen, 
infenfible  to  all  the  ties  of  gratitude  3nd  fidelity,  and  blind 
to  danger,   gave  full  reins  to   his  criminal  ambition;   and 
trwfted  that,  even  without  any  previous  intrigue,  the  cele- 
rity  of   liis   enterprife,  and  the  boldnefs    of  his    attempt, 
might  overcome   th;  weak  attachment  which  the  Englilh 
and  Normans  in  that  age  bore  to  the  laws  and  to  the  rights 
of  their  fovereign.     He  haftened  over  to  England;  and 
though   the  citizens  of  Dover,  and    thoie   of  Canterbury, 
appriied    of  his   purpofe,  (hut  their  gates  againfl  him,   he 
flopped   not  till  he  arrived  at  London,* where  fome  of  the 
lower  rank,  initiated  by  his  emiilaries,  as  well  as  moved 
by  his  generaWpopularity,  immediately  faluted  him  king. 
His  next  point  was  to  acquire  the  good-will  of  the  clergy  : 
and  by  performing  the  ceremony  of  his  coronation,   to  put 
himfetf  in  poileflion  of  the  throne,    from    which   he  was 
confident  it   would  not  be  eafv  afterwards  to  expel    him. 
His  brother,  the  bifhop  of  Winchefler,  was  ufeful  to  him 
in  thefe  capital  articles:  Having   gained  Roger  bifhop  of 
Salifbury,  who,  though  he  owed  a  great  fortune  and   ad- 
vancement to  the  favour  of  the  late   king,  preferved    no 
fenfe  of  gratitude  to  that  prince's  family  ;  he  applied,  in 
conjunction  with  that    prelate,  to    William  archbifhop  of 
Canterbury,  and  required  him,  in  virtue  of  his  office,  to 
give  the  royal  unci  ion  to  Stephen,     The  primate,  who,  as 
all  the  others,  had  fworn  feaity  to  Matilda,  refufed  toper- 
form  this  ceremony;   but  his  oppofition  was  overcome   by 
an  expedient  equally  difhonourable  with  the  other  fleps  by 
which  this  revolution  was  effected.     Hugh  Bigod,  fie  ward  „ 

of  the  houfehold,  made  oath  before  th^  primate,  that  the 
late  king  on  his  death  bed  had  fhown  a  diflatisfaclion  with 
his  daughter  Matilda,  and  had  exprefied  his  intention  of 
leaving  the  count  of  Boulogne  heir  to  all  his  dominions +. 
William,  either  believing  or  feigning  to  believe  Bigod's 
teftimony,  anointed  Stephen,  and  put  the  crown  upon  2zd  Dee. 
his  head;  and  from  this  religious  ceremony  that  prince, 
without  any  fhadow  either  of  hereditary  title  or  confent 
of  the  nobility  or  people,  was  allowed  to  proceed  to  the 
exercife  of  fovereign  authority.     Very  few  barons  atten- 

*  \V.  Malm.  p.  179.     Geft.  Steph.  p.  92S. 

f   Mauh.  faris,  p.  51.     Diceto,  p.  505.     C'hron.  Dunl*.  p.  25. 


262  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  F  A  P.  ded    his  coronation*;  but   none    oppofed  his  usurpation* 
VII.      however  unji.fi  or  flagrant.     The  fentiment  of  religion 

* y '  which,  if  corrupted  into  fuperftition,  has  often  little  efhea* 

ll35-  cy  in  fortifying  the  duties  of  civil  lociety,  was  not  atFefted 
by  the  multiplied  oaths  taken  in  favour  of  Matilda,  and 
only  rendered  the  peop  e  obedient  to  a  prince  who  was 
countenanced  by  the  clergy,  and  who  had  received  from 
the  primate  the  rite  of  ro\al  Uiclion  and  conlecration  f. 
Stephen,  that  he  might  farther  iecme  his  totterir  g 
throne,  palled  a  charter,  in  which  he  made  liberal  promi- 
fes  to  all  orders  of  men  ;  to  the  clergy,  that  he  would  fpee- 
dily  fiil  all  vacant  benefices,  and  wou.d  never  levy  the 
3  rents  of  any  of  them  during  the  vacancy  ;  to  the  nobility, 
that  he  wouid  reduce  the  royal  forefts  to  their  ancient 
boundaries,  and  correct  all  encroachments;  and  to  the  peo- 
ple, that  he  wouid  remit  the  tax  of  Danegelt,  and  reilore 
the  laws  of  king  Edward  $.  1  he  late  king  had  a  great 
treafure  at  Winchefter,  amounting  to  a  hundred  thouland 
pounds:  And  Stephen,  by  leizing  this  money,  immediate- 
ly turned  againft  Henry's  family  the  precaution  which  that 
prince  had  employed  for  their  g'andeur  ard  fecuiity:  An 
event  which  naturally  attends  the  policy  of  amaiTing  trea- 
fures.  By  means  of  this  money  the  ufurper  iniured  the 
compliance,  though  not  the  attachment,  of  the  principal 
clergy  and  nobility  ;  but  not  truftingto  this  frail  fecuiity, 
he  invited  over  from  the  continent,  particularly  from  Bri- 
tanny  and  Flanders,  great  numbers  of  thole  bravoes  or  dis- 
orderly foldiers,  with  whom  every  country  in  Europe,  by 
^  reaion  of  the  general  ill  police  and  turbulent  government, 
extremely  abounded  ||.  Theie  mercenary  troops  guarded 
his  throne  by  the  terrors  of  the  fword ;  and  Stephen,  that 
he  might  alfo  overawe  all  malcontents  by  new  and  additi- 
onal terrors  of  religion,  procured  a  bu'l  from  Rome,  which 
ratified  his  title,  and  which  the  pope,  feeing  this  prince 
in  polTeflion  of  the  thione,  and  p!ea  f  d  with  an  appeal  to 
his  authority  in  fecular  controversies,  very  readily  granted 
him**. 
1136.  Matilda,  and  her  hufband  Geoffrey,  were  as  unfor- 

tunate in  Normandy  as  they  had  been  in  England.  The 
Norman  nobility,  moved  by  an  hereditary animofitv  againft 
the  Angevins,  firft  applied  to  Theobald  count  of  Blois, 
Stephen's  elder  brother,  for  piotection  and  afliftance;  but 

*  Brompton,  p.  1023. 

t  Such  ftrefs  was  formerly  laid  on  the  right  of  coronation,  that  the  monkifh 
writers  never  gi'e  any  prince  the  title  of  king  tiTl  he  is  crowned  :  though  he 
had  for  fom:  time  been  in  polieflion  of  the  crown,  andexeiciied  all  the  powers 
of  fo<ereignty. 

%  W.  Nialm.  p.  jyq.     Hoveden,  p.  4S2.  |]  W.  Malm.  p.    179* 

**  hagulfiad.  p.  259.  313. 


STEPHEN.  263 

h-irin^  Stewards   that   Stephen  had  got  poffefTion  of  the  C  H  A  P. 
E  >gli  n  crown,  and    having  many    of  them  the  fame  rea-      VII. 

fons  as   formerly  fordefiring  a  continuance  of  their  union  * « — -/ 

with  that  kingdom,  thev  transferred  their  allegiance  to  II*6, 
Stephen,  and  put  him  in  pollellion  of  their  government. 
Lewis  the  younger,  tlie  reigning  king  of  Fr&nce,  accepted 
the  homage  of  Euftace,  Stephen's  elded  ion,  for  the  dut- 
chy  ;  and  the  more  to  corroborate  his  connexions  with  that 
family,  he  betrothed  his  fitter  Conflantia  to  the  young 
prince.  The  count  of  Blois  refignedall  his  pretentions, 
and  received,  in  lieu  of  them,  an  anneal  penfion  of  two 
thoufand  maiks;  and  Geoffrey  himfelf  was  obliged  to 
co.iciude  a  truce  for  two  years  with  Stephen,  on  condition 
of  the  king's  paving  him,  di  ring  that  time,  a  penfion  of 
five  thoufand**  Stephen,  who  had  taken  a  journey  to 
Normandy,  finifhed  ail  thefe  tranfaclions  in  perfon,  and 
foon  after  returned  to  England. 

Robert  earl  of  Glocefter,  natural  fon  of  the  late  king, 
was  a  man  of  honour  and  abilities;  and  as  he  was  much 
attached  to  the  interefts  of  his  filter  Matilda,  and  zealous 
for  the  lineal  fucceflion,  it  was  chiefly  from  his  intrigues 
and  refiftance  that  the  king  had  reaion  to  dread  a  new  re- 
volution of  government.  This  nobleman,  who  was  in 
Normandy  when  he  received  intelligence  of  Stephen's  ac- 
ceflion,  found  himfelf  much  embarraffed  concerning  the 
mjalures  which  he  fhould  purfue  in  that  difficult  emergen- 
cy. To  fwear  jllegiance  to  the  ufurper  appeared  to  him 
dilhonourable.  and  a  breach  of  his  oath  to  Matilda  :  To 
refufe  giving  tin?  pledge  of  his  fidelity,  wastobanifh  him- 
felf from  hngland,  and  be  totally  incapacitated  fiom  ferv- 
ing  the  roval  family,  or  contributing  to  their  reftoration  f . 
He  offered  Stephen  to  do  him  homage,  and  to  take  the  oath 
of  fealty  ;  but  with  an  exprefs  condition  that  the  king 
fhould  maintain  all  hi  ff  ipulations,  and  mould  never  invade 
anv  of  Robert's  rights  or  dignities:  And  Stephen,  though 
fcnfible  that  this  referve,  fo  unufual  in  itfelf,  and  fo  unbe- 
fitting the  duty  of  a  fucjefr,  was  meant  oniy  to  afford  Ro- 
bert a  pretence  for  a  revolt  on  the  fifft  favourable  opportu- 
nity, was  obliged,  by  the  numerous  friends  and  retainers 
of  that  nobleman,  to  receive  him  on  thofe  termsj.  The 
clergy,  who  could  fcarcely  at  this  time  be  deemed  fubjecls 
to  the  crown,  imitated  that  dangerous  example  :  1  hey 
annexed  to  their  oaths  of  allegiance  this  condition,  that 
they  were  only  bound  fo  long  as  the  king  defended  the  ec- 
clefiaftical   liberties,  and  fupported   the   dilcipline  of  the 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  52.  f  Mdlmef.  p.  179. 

+   Ibid.    M.  Paris, p.  51. 


264  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  church*.     The   barons,  in  return  for  their  fubmiflion,  ex- 
VII.       acted  terms  (till  more    deflruCtiveof  public  peace,  as  well 

J v '  as  of  royal  authority  :  Many  of  them  required  the  ri^ht 

JI36-       of  fortifying  their  caftles,  and   of  putting  themfelves  in  a 
poflure  of  defence;  and   the   king  found  himfelf  totally 
unable  to  re&ife  Ins  confent  to  this  exorbitant  demandf. 
Ali  England  vv3s  immediately  filled   with  thofe  fortrefles, 
which  the  noblemen  garrifoned  either  with  their  vaifals,  or 
with  licentious  fo:diers,  who  flocked  to  them  from  all  quar- 
ters.    Unbounded  rapine   was  exercifed  upon  the  people 
for  the  maintenance  of  theie  troops  ;  and  private  animo- 
fities,  which  had  with   difficulty  been  reftrained   by   law, 
now  breaking  out  without  control,  rendered   England  a 
lcene   of  uninterrupted  violence  and  devaluation.     Wars 
between   the  nobles  were  carried  on  with  the  utmoft  fury 
in  every    quarter;  the  barons  even  affumed   the  right   of 
coining  money,  and   of  exercifing,  without  appeal,  every 
act  of  jurifdic-lion  J;  and   the  inferior   gentry,  as  well  as 
the  people,  finding  no  defence  faom  the  laws  during  this 
total  dilTolution  of  fovereign  authority,  were  obliged,  for 
their  immediate  fafety,  to  pay  court  to  fome  neighbouring 
chieftain,  and  to  purchafe  his   protection,  both  by   fubmit- 
ting   to  his  exactions,  and  by  afiifting   him   in  his  rapine 
upon  others.     The  erection  of  one  caftle  proved  the  imme- 
diate caulecf  building  many  others;  and  even   thofe  who 
obtained  not  the  king's  permiffion,  thought  that  they  were 
entitled,  by  the  great  principle  of  felf-prefervation,  to  put 
themfelves  on  an  equal  footing  with  their  neighbours,  who 
commonly  were  alio  their  enemies  and  rivals.    The  arifto- 
craticai  power,  which  isufually  fo  opprelfive  in  the  feudal 
governments,  had  now   rifen   to    its  utmoft  height  during 
the  reign  of  a   prince  who,  though  endowed   with  vigour 
and  abilities,  had  ufurped  the  throne  without  the  pretence 
of  a  title,  and   who  was  neceffitated   to  tolerate  in   others 
the  fame  violence  to  which  he  himfelf  had  been  beholden 
lor  his  fovereignty. 

But  Stephen  was  not  of  a  difpefnion  to  fubmit  long  to 
theie  ulurpations,  without  making  fome  effort  for  the  reco- 
very of  royal  authority.  Finding  that  the  legal  preroga- 
tives of  the  crown  were  refilled  and  abridged,  he  was  alio 
tempted  to  make  his  power  the  fole  meafure  of  his  conduct ; 
and  to  violate  all  thofe  conceffions  which  he  himfelf  had 
made  on  his  acceffionll,  as  well  as  the  ancient  privileges  of 
his  fubjects.  The  mercenary  foldiers,  who  chiefly  fup- 
ported  his  authority,  having  exhauiled  the  royal  treafure, 

*  W.  Malm  p.  179.  t  Ibid.  p.  180. 

$  Trivet,  p.  19.     Gul.  Neub.  p.  372.     C  hron.  Heming.  p.    4S7.      Brcmp- 
lOffc  p.  1:035.  ||  W.  Malm.  p.  180.     M.  Pads,  p.  51. 


STEPHEN.  255 

fubfifted  by  depredations;  and  every  place  was  filled  with  C  M  A  F« 
the  befl  grounded  complaints  agair.li  the  government.  The       \Tll. 

carl  of  Glocefler,  having  now  fettled  with  his  friends  the  * * * 

plan  of  an  infurreetion,  retired  beyond  fea,  lent  the  king      ";"' 
a  defiance,  folemnly    renounced    his   allegiance,   and  up- 
braided him  with  the  breach  of  thole  conditions  which  had 
been  annexed  to  the  oath  of  fealty   fworn  by  that  noble- 
man*.     David  king  of  Scotland,  appeared   at  the  head  of 
an  army  in   defence  of  his  niece's  title,  and,  penetrating  ^ar,J^th 
into  Yorklhire,  committed  the  moft  barbarous  devaluations 
6n    the  country.     The  fury  of  his  maflfacres  and  ravages 
enraged  the  northern  nobility,  who  might  othcrwife  have 
been  inclined    to   join    him;   and  William  earl   of  Albe- 
lnule,   Robert    de  Ferrers,  William    Mercy,    Robert  dd 
Brus,  Roger    Moubray,   Ilbert    Lacey,  Walter    1  Efpec, 
powerful  barons   in  thofe  parts,  alTembled  an  army,  with 
which   they    encamped    at    North-Allerton,    and    await- 
ed the  arrival   of  the   enemy;     A  great  battle  was  here 
fought  called  the  battle  of  the  Standard,  from  a  high  cru-  22     u** 
cifix,  erected  by   the  Engliih   on  a  waggon,  and  carried 
along  with  the  army  as  a   military  enfign.     The    king   of 
Scots  was  defeated,  and  he  himfelf,  as  well  as  his  fon  Hen- 
ry, narrowlv  eicaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Engliih. 
This  fuccefs  overawed  the  malcontents  in  England,    and 
might  have  given   fome  (lability  to  Stephen's  throne,  had 
he  not  been  lb  elated  with  profperity  as  to  engage  in  a  con- 
troverfv  with  the   clergy,  who  were  at  that  time  an  over- 
match for  any  monarch. 

Though  the  great  power  of  the  church  in  ancient  times 
weakened  the  authority  of  the  crown,  and  interrupted  the 
courle  of  the  laws,  it  may  be  doubted  whether,  in  ages  of 
fuch  violence  and  outrage,  it  was  not  rather  advantageous 
that  fome  limits  were  fct  to  the  power  of  the  lword,  both 
in  the  hands  of  the  prince  and  nobles,  and  that  men  were 
taught  to  pay  regard  to  fome  principles  and  privileges. 
The  chief  misfortune  was,  that  the  prelates  on  fome  occa- 
sions adted  entirely  as  barons,  employed  military  power 
againft  their  fovereign  or  their  neighbours,  and  thereby 
often  encreafed  thofe  diforders  which  it  was  their  duty  to  1XH' 
reprels.  The  bifhopof  Salifbury,  in  imitation  of  the  no- 
bility, had  built  two  lirong  catties,  one  at  Sherborne,  an- 
other at  the  Devizes,  and  had  laid  the  foundations  of  a 
third  at  Malmefburv  ;  His  nephew  Alexander,  bilhop  of 
Lincoln,  had  erected  a  fortrefs  at  Newark  :  And  Stephen, 
who  was  now  fenfible  from  experience  of  the  mifchiefs  at- 
Vol.  I.  M  m 

•  VV.  M.i'.in.  p.  i*o. 


266  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  tending  thefe  multiplied  citadels,  refojved  to  begin   with 
VII.       defiroying  thofe  of  the  clergy,  who  by  their  function  feem- 

* j '  ed    lei's  intitled  than  the  barons  to  fuch    military    fecuii- 

"39-  ties*.  Making  pretence  of  a  fray  which  had  arilen  in  court 
between  the  retinue  of  the  bifhop  of  Salifbury  and  that  of 
the  earl  of  Britanny,  he  feized  both  that  prelate  and  the 
bifhop  of  Lincoln,  threw  them  both  into  prifon,  and  obli- 
ged them  by  menaces  to  deliver  up  thofe  places  of  ftrength 
which  they  had  lately  erecledf. 

Henry  bifhop  of  Winchefter,  the  king's  brother,  being 
armed  with  a  legantine  commiffion,  now  conceived  himfelf 
to  be  an  ecclefiaftical  fovereign  no  lefs  powerful  than  the 
civil ;  and  forgetting  the  ties  of  blood  which  connected  him 
with  the  king,  he  refolved  to  vindicate  the  clerical  privi- 
30th  Aug.  Jerres,  which  he  pretended  were  here  openly  violated.  He 
aiTembled  a  fynod  at  Weftminfter,  and  there  complained 
of  the  impiety  of  Stephen's  meafures,  who  had  employed 
violence  againft  the  dignitaries  of  the  church,  and  had  not 
awaited  the  fentence  of  a  fpiritual  court,  by  which  alone, 
he  affirmed,  thev  could  lawfully  be  tried  and  condemned, 
if  th:ir  conduct  had  any  wife  merited  cenfure  or  punifh- 
ment+.  The  fynod  ventured  to  fend  a  fummons  to  the 
king,  charging  him  to  appear  before  them,  and  to  juftify 
his  meafures  IJ ;  and  Stephen,  infiead  of  refenting  this  in- 
dignity, font  Aubrey  de  Vere  to  plead  his  caufe  before  that 
aflembly.  De  Vere  accufed  the  two  prelates  of  treafon 
and  fedition:  but  the  fynod  refufed  to  try  the  caufe,  or 
examine  their  conduct,  till  thofe  cafUes,  of  which  they  had 
been  difpoflfefled,  were  previoufly  reftored  to  them**. 
The  biihop  of  Salifbury  declared  that  he  would  appeal  to 
the  pope;  and  had  not  Stephen  and  his  partifans  employed 
menaces,  and  even  fhown  a  difpofition  of  executing  vio- 
lence by  the  hands  of  the  foldiery,  affairs  had  infiantly 
come  to  extremity  between  the  crown  and  the  mitre  f  f. 
While  this  quarrel,  joined  to  fo  many  other  grievan- 
ces, encreafed  the  difcontents  among  the  people,  the  em- 
prefs,  invited  by  the  opportunity,  and  fecretly  encouraged 
22d.Se  t  ky  the  legate  himfelf,  landed  in  England,  with  Robert 
infutreaion  earl  of  Glocefler,  and  a  retinue  of  a  hundred  and  forty 
in  favour  of  knights.  She  fixed  her  refidence  at  Arundel  caftle,  whole 
Mauioa.  gates  were  opened  to  her  by  Adelais  the  queen-dowager, 
now  married  to  William  de  Albini  earl  of  Suffex  ;  and  (he 
excited  by  mefiengers  her  partifans  to  take  arms  in  every 
county  of  England.  Adelais,  who  had  expe&ed  that  her 
daughter-in-law  would  have  invaded  the  kingdom  with 
a  much  greater   force,  became  apprehenfne  of  danger; 

*  Gul.  Jieubr.  p.  362.  f  Chron.  Sax.  p.    238.     W.  Malmef. 

p.  181.  +  W.  Ma'.m.  p.  182.  ||  VV.  Malm.  p.  182. 

M.  Paris,  p.  53.  *»    W.  Malm.  p.  183,  tftbid. 


STEPHEN.  ,67 

and  Matilda,  to  ea(e  her  of  her  fears,  removed  firfl  to  Brif-  CHAP, 
tol,  which    belonged   to    her   brother  Robert,  thence  to      VII. 

Glocefter,  where    (he  remained   under  the    protection  of  l 1 ' 

Milo,  a  gallant  nobleman  in  thofe  parts,  who  had  embra-  I,i9' 
ced  her  caufe.  Soon  after  Geoffrey  Talbot,  William  Mo- 
hun,  Ralph  Lovel,  William  Fitz-John,  William  Fitz- 
Alan,  Paganell,and  many  other  barons,  declared  for  her; 
and  her  pirty,  which  was  generally  favoured  in  the  king- 
dom, teemed  every  day  to  gain  ground  upon  that  of  her 
antagonift. 

Were  we  to  relate  all  the  militarv  events  tranfmitted 
to  us  by  contemporary  and  authentic  hiftorians,  it  would 
be  eaiy  to  lwell  our  accounts  of  this  reign  into  a  large  vo- 
lume :  But  thofe  incidents,  fo  little  memorable  in  them- 
felves,  and  fo  confuted  both  in  time  and  place,  could  af- 
ford neither  inftruction  nor  entertainment  to  the  reader.  Jt 
fuffices  to  fay,  that  the  war  was  fpread  into  every  quarter  ; 
and  that  thofe  turbulent  barons,  who  had  already  fhaken 
off,  in  a  great  meature,  the  reftraint  of  government,  hav- 
ing now  obtained  the  pretence  of  a  public  caufe,  carried  on 
their  devaluations  with  redoubled  fury,  exercifed  implacable 
vengeance  on  each  other,  and  fet  no  bounds  to  their  op- 
pretfions  over  the  people.  The  caftles  of  the  nobility  were 
become  receptabies  of  licenfed  robbers  ;  who,  fallying 
forth  day  and  night,  committed  fpoil  on  the  open  country, 
on  the  villages,  and  even  on  the  cities  ;  put  the  captives  to 
torture,  in  order  to  make  them  reveal  their  treafures;  fold 
their  perfons  to  flavery ;  and  fet  fire  to  their  houfes,  after 
they  had  pillaged  them  of  every  thing  valuable.  The 
fiercenefs  of  their  dilpofition,  leading  them  to  commit 
wanton  deftruftion,  fruftrated  their  rapacity  of  its  purpofe; 
and  the  poverty  and  perfons  even  of  the  ecclefiaftics,  gene- 
rally fo  much  revered,  were  at  laft,  from  necefhty,  expo- 
fed  to  the  tame  outrage  which  had  laid  walk1  the  reft  of  the 
kingdom.  The  land  was  left  untilled  :  the  inllruments  of 
hufbandry  weredeftroyed  or  abandoned  ;  and  a  grievous  fa- 
mine, the  natural  refult  of  thofe  diforders,  affected  equally 
both  parties,  and  reduced  the  fpoilers,  as  well  as  the  de- 
fencelefs  people,  to  the  moll  extreme  want  and  indi- 
gence*. 

After    feveral    fruitlefs    negotiations   and   treaties  of     n-je. 
peace,  which  never  interrupted  thefe  deftrudtive  hoftilities, 
there  happened  at  laft  an  event,  which  feemed  to  promife 
fome  end  of  the    public  calamities.     Ralph,  earl  of  Chef- v 
ter,  and    his  half  brother  William  de  Roumara,  partii'ans 
of  Matilda,  tud  furprifed  the  caftle  of  Lincoln;  but  the 

*  Cliron.  Sax.  p.  11$.     W.  Maima'.  p.  185.    Geft.  iteph.  p.  961. 


268  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  citizens,  wlio  were  better  afK*6ted  to  Stephen,  having  in-r 
VII.      vit^d  him   to  their  aid,  that  prince  laid  clofe  fiege  to  the 

V »— — '  caflle,  in  hopes  of  foon   rendering  hirnfelf  mafter  of  the 

ll-tK  place,  either  bv  affault  or  by  famine.  The  earl  of  Glo- 
cefter  haftened  with  an  army  to  the  relief  of  his  friends; 
and  Stephen,  informed  of  his  approach,  took  the  field  with 
,,4T#  a  refolution  of  giving  him  battle.  After  a  violent  fhock, 
sd Feb.  the  two  wings  of  the  roya lifts  were  put  to  flight ;  and  Ste- 
phen hirnfelf,  furrounded  bv  the  enemy,  was  at  laft,  after 
exerting  great  efforts  of  valour,  borne  down  by  numbers, 

Stephen        ancj  taken  prifoner.     He  was  conducted  to  Gloccfter;  and 

loner/  though  at  ri-ft  treated  with  humanity,  was  foon  after,  on 
fome  fufpicion,  thrown  into  prilon  and  loaded  with  irons. 
Stephen's  party  was  ent. rely  broken  bv  the  captivity 
of  their  leader,  and  the  barons  came  in  daily  from  ali  quar- 
ters, and  did  homage  to  Matilda.  1  he  princeis,  however, 
amidft  ail  her  prolperity,  knew  that  (he  was  not  fecure  of 
fuccefs,  unlefs  the  could  gain  the  confidence  of  the  clergy; 
and  as  the  conduit  of  the  legate  had  been  of  late  very  am- 
biguous, and  (bowed  his  intentions  to  have  rather  aimed 
at  humbling  his  brother,  than  totally  ruining  him,  fhe  em- 
ployed every  endeavour  to  fix  him   in  her  interefts.     She 

Bd  March,  held  a  conference  with  him  in  an  open  plain  near  Win- 
chefter  ;  where  (he  promifed  upon  oath,  that  if  he  would 
acknowlecige  her  for  fovereign,  would  recognife  her  title 
as  the  i'ole  defcendant  of  the  late  king,  and  would  again 
fubmit  to  the  allegiance  which  he,  as  well  as  the  reft  of  the 
kingdom,  had  (warn  to  her,  he  fhould  in  return  be  entire 
mafter  of  the  administration,  and  in  particular  fhould,  at 
his  pleafure,  difpofe  of  all  vacant  bifhoprics  and  abbies. 
Earl  Robert,  her  brother,  Brian  Fitz-Count,  Milo  of  Glo- 
cefter,  and  other  great  men,  became  guarantees  for  her 
obferving  thele  engagements*;  and  the  prelate  was  at  laft 
induced  to  prom ife  her  allegiance,  but  that  ftill  burdened 
v/ith  the  expreis  condition,  that  {he  fhould  on  her  part  ful- 
fil her  promues.  He  then  conducted  her  to  Winchefter, 
led  her  in  proceffion  to  the  cathedral,  and  with  great  So- 
lemnity, in  the  prefence  of  many  bifhops'and  abbots,  de- 
nounced curies  againft  all  thole  who  curled  her,  poured 
out  bleihngson  thofe  who  bleffed  her,  granted  absolution 
to  iuch  as  were  obedient  to  her,  and  excommunicated  fuch 
as  were  rebelliousf.  Theobald  archbiihop  of  Canterbury 
foon  after  came  alio  to  court,  and  fwore  allegiance  to  the 
;    empreis|. 


*  VT.  Malm.  p.  187.  fChron.  Sax.  p.  242.     Contin.  Flor. 

Wig.  p.  6/6.  -  *  \V.  Malmef.  p.  187. 


STEPHEN.  269 

Matilt,  \,  that  She  might  farther  enfurc  the  attachment  CHAP* 
of  theclergy,  was  willing  to  receive  the  crown  from  their        VII. 

hands;  and  inStead  of  afiembling  the   dates  of   the  king-  v * ' 

dom,  the  mcafurc  which  the  conftitution,  had  it  heen  either  .I|1V* 
fixed  or  regarded,  teemed  n<  oeffarily  to  require,  the  was  Cr0V.ned. 
content,  th  it  the  legate  fhouW  Summon  an  ecclehaSticai  fy- 
nod,  and  that  her  title  to  the  throne  thould  there  be  acknow- 
ledged. The  legate,  addreiiing  himfelf  to  the  affembly, 
told  them,  that  in  the  abfence  of  the  empiels,btephen  his 
brother  had  been  permitted  to  reign,  and,  previously  to  his 
afcending  the  throne,  had  fed  need  them  by  many  fair  pro- 
mi  fes  of  honouring  and  exalting  the  church,  of  maintain- 
ing the  laws,  and  of  reforming  all  abides:  That  it  grieved 
him  to  ob  Serve  how  much  that  prince  had  in  every  pasticu- 
lar  been  wanting  to  his  engagements ;  public  peace  was 
interrupted,  crimes  Mere  dailv  committed  with  impunity, 
bithops  were  thrown  into  prifon  and  forced  to  Surrender 
their  pofTeffions,  abbies  were  put  to  fale,  churches  were 
pillaged,  and  the  moft  enormousdifordets  piev^iled  in  the 
adminiflration  :  That  he  himfelf,  in  order  to  procure  a 
redrefs  of  thefe  grievances,  had  formerly  Summoned  the 
king  before  a  council  of  biihops  ;  but  iullead  oS  inducing 
him  to  amend  his  conduct,  had  rather  offended  him  by  that 
expedient:  That,  how  much  Soever  miSg  lided,  that  prince 
was  Still  his  brother,  and  the  object  oS  his  affeclions  ;  but 
his  interests,  however,  muSt  be  regarded  as  Subordinate  to 
thoSe  oS  their  heavenly  Father,  who  had  now  rejected 
him,  and  thrown  him  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies:  That 
it  principally  belonged  to  the  clergy  to  e!e£r.  and  ordain 
kings  ;  he  had  Summoned  them  together  for  that  purpoSe  ; 
and  having  invoked  the  divine  alhttance,  he  now  pronoun- 
ced Matilda  the  only  defcendant  of  Henry,  their  late  Sove- 
reign, queen  of  England.  The  whole  affembly,  by  their 
acclamations  or  Silence,  gave,  or  Seemed  to  give,  their  aS- 
lent  to  this  declaration*. 

The  only  laymen  Summoned  to  this  council,  which  de- 
cided the  Sate  oS  thecrown,  were  the  Londoners;  and  even 
theSe  were  requred  not  to  give  their  opinion,  but  to  Sub- 
mit to  the  decrees  of  the  fvnod.  The  deputies  of  London, 
however,  were  not  fo  paffive :  They  infilled  that  their 
king  Should  be  delivered  Srom  prifon  ;  but  were  (old  by 
the  legate,  that  it  became  not  the  Londoners,  who  were 
regarded  as  noblemen  in  England,  to  uke  part  with IhoSe 
barons,  who  had  baSeiy'SorSaken  their  lord   in  battle,  and 

LmdT.    p.  iSS.     This  author,   a   judicious  man,    was  prefer)*,  and 
e  to  wlwt  pafied.     i  his  fpeech,  therefor?,  may 
irdedas  entirely  genuine. 


270 


HISTORY    OF     ENGLAND. 


CHAP.  wno  h^  treated  holy  church  with  contumely*.     It  is  with 
VII.       reafon  that  the  citizens  of  London  aflumed  (0  much  autho- 

v—,, '  rity,  if  it  be  true,  what  is  related  by  Fitz-Stephen,  a  con- 

JJ41-       temporary  author,  that  that  city  could  at  this  time  bring  in- 
to the  field  no  lei's  than  80,000  combatants  f. 

London,  notwithtlanding  its  great  power,  and  its  at- 
tachment to  Stephen,  was  at  length  obliged  to  fubmit  to 
Matilda  ;  and  her  authority,  by  the  prudent  conduct  of 
earl  Robert,  feemed  to  be  eftabliihed  over  the  whole  king- 
dom: But  affairs  remained  not  long  in  this  fituation.  That 
princefs,  befides  the  difadvantages  of  her  fex,  which  weak- 
ened her  influenceover  a  turbulent  and  martial  people,  was 
of  a  paflionate,  imperious  fpirit,  and  knew  not  how  to  tem- 
per with  affability  the  harfhnefs  of  a  refufal.  Stephen's 
queen,  feconded  by  many  of  the  nobility,  petitioned  for 
the  liberty  of  her  hufband  ;  and  offered,  that,  on  this  con- 
dition, he  fhould  renounce  the  crown,  and  retire  into  a 
convent.  The  legate  defired  that  prince  Euftace,  his  ne- 
phew, might  inherit  Boulogne  and  the  other  patrimonial 
eflates  of  his  father  J:  The  Londoners  applied  for  the 
eflablifhment  of  king  Edward's  laws,  inftead  of  thofe  of 
king  Henry,  which,  they  faid,  were  grievous  and  oppref- 
five||.  All  thefe  petitions  were  rejected  in  the  molt  haugh- 
ty and  peremptory  manner. 

The  legate,  who  had  probably  never  been  fincere  in 
hiscompliance  with  Matilda's  government,  availed  himfelf 
of  the  ill  humour  excited  by  this  imperious  conduct,  and 
iecretly  infiigated  the  Londoners  to  a  revolt*  A  confpira- 
cy  was  entered  into  to  feize  the  perfon  of  the  emprefs;  and 
fhe  faved  herfelf  from  the  danger  by  a  precipitate  retreat. 
She  fled  to  Oxford  :  Soon  after  fhe  went  to  Winchefler  ; 
whither  the  legate,  defirous  to  fave  appearances, and  watch- 
ing the  opportunity  to  ruin  her  caufe,  had  retired.  But 
having  alTembled  all  his  retainers,  he  openly  joined  his 
force  to  that  of  the  Londoners,  and  to  Stephen's  mercena- 
ry troops,  who  had  not  yet  evacuated  the  kingdom  ;  and 
he  befieged  Matilda  in  Winchefler.  The  princefs,  being 
hard  preiled  by  famine,  made  her  efcape;  but  in  the  flight 

*  W.  Malmef.  p.  188. 
,  t  P.  4.  Were  this  account  to  be  depended  on,  London   muft  at    that    time 

have  coinage  I  near  400,000  inhabitants,  which  is  above  double  the  number  it 
Contained  at  the  death  of  queen  Elizabeth.  But  thefe  loofe  calculations,  or 
ra'her  gueiies,  defer'-e  ■  ery  little  credit.  Peter  of  Blois,  a  contemporary  wri- 
ter, and  a  man  of  fenfe  favs  there  were  then  only  forty  thonfand  inhabitants 
in  London,  which  is  much  more  likely.  See  Epift.  151.  What  Fitz  Stephen 
fays  of  the  prodigious  riches,  fplendoui,  and  commerce  of  London,  proves  only 
the  great  po'  erty  of  the  oiker  towns  of  the  kingdom,  and  indeed  of  all  the  nor- 
thern paits  of  Lurope. 

%  Brompton,  p.  1 031.  ||  Contin.  Flor.   Wig.  p.  677. 

Gervafe,  p.  1335. 


STEPHEN.  271 

earl  Robert,  her  brother,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  C  II  A  P. 
This  nobleman,  though  a  fubjett,  was  as  much  the  life  and       VIJ. 

foul  of  his  own  party,  as  Stephen  was  of  the  other ;  and  ' vr— — ' 

the  emprefs,  fenfible  of  his  merit  and  importance,  con-  ,I4|* 
fented  to  exchange  the  piifoners  on  equal  terms.  The  Stephen 
civil  war  was  again  kindled  with  greater  fury  than  ever.        releafed. 

Earl  Robert,  finding  the  fuccelTes  on  both  fides  nearly 
balanced,  went  over  to  Normandy,  which,  during  Ste-  ,I43* 
phen's  captivity,  had  lubmitted  to  the  earl  of  Anjou  ;  and 
he  perfuaded  Geoffrey  to  allow  his  eldcft  fon  Henry,  a 
young  prince  of  great  hopes,  to  take  a  journey  into  Eng- 
land, and  appear  at  the  head  of  his  partiians.  This  expe-  , ,  . 
dition,  however,  produced  nothing  decifive.  Stephen  took 
Oxford  after  a  long  fiege:  He  was  defeated  by  earl  Robert 
at  Wilton:  And  the  emprefs,  though  of  a  mafculine  fpirit, 
yet  being  haraffed  with  a  variely  of  good  and  bad  fortune, 
and  alarmed  with  continual  dangers  to  her  perfon  and  fa- 
mily, at  laft  retired  into  Normandy,  whither  (he  had  Cent  6> 
her  fon  fome  time  before.  The  death  of  her  brother,  which  ContinuaU- 
happened  nearly  about  the  fame  time,  would  have  proved  °pof  lhe 
fatal  to  her  interefts,  had  not  fome  incidents  occurred, 
which  checked  the  courfe  of  Stephen's  profperity.  This 
prince,  finding  that  the  caftles  built  by  the  noblemen  of  his 
own  party  encouraged  the  fpirit  of  independence,  and 
were  little  lefs  dangerous  than  thofe  which  remained  in 
the  hands  of  the  enemy,  endeavoured  to  extort  from  them 
a  furrender  of  thole  fortreffes  ;  and  he  alienated  the  af- 
fedtionsof  many  ofthein  by  this  equitable  demand.  The 
artillery  alfoof  the  church,  which  his  brother  had  brought 
over  to  his  fide,  had,  after  fome  interval,  joined  the  other 
party.  Eutjenius  111.  had  mounted  the  papal  throne  ;  the 
bifhop  of  Winchefter  was  deprived  of  the  legantine  com- 
miflion  which  was  conferred  on  Theobald  archbilhop  of 
Canterbury,  the  cnemv  and  rival  of  the  former  legate. 
That  pontiff  alfo,  having  fummoned  a  general  council  at 
Rheims  in  Champagne,  inftead  of  allowing  the  church  of 
England,  as  had  been  ufual,  to  elect  its  own  deputies,  no- 
minated fiveEnglilh  bilhops  to  reprefent  that  church,  and 
required  their  attendance  in  the  council.  Stephen,  who, 
notwithftanding  his  prefent  difficulties,  was  jealous  of  the 
rights  of  his  crown,  refufed  them  permidion  to  attend  *; 
and  the  pope,  fenfible  of  his  advantage  in  contending  with 
a  prince  who  reigned  by  a  difputed  title,  took  revenge  by 
laying  all  Stephen's  party  under  an  interdictf.  The  dis- 
contents of  the  royalifts,  at  being  thrown  into  this  fituation, 
were  augmented  by   a  companion   with  Matilda's  party, 

*  Epift.  St.  Thorn,  p.  225.  f  Chron.  W.  Thorn,  p.  igo/. 


272  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND* 

CHAP.  wno  enjoyed  all  the  benefits  of  the   facred  ordinances  j 
VII.       and  Stephen  was  at  laft  obliged,  by  making  proper  fubmif- 

vi — i '  lions  to  the  lee  of  Rome,  to  remove  the  reproach  from  his 

114S.       party*. 

The  weaknefs  of  both  fides,  rather  than  any  decreafe1 
of  mutual  animofity,  having  produced  a  tacit  ceffation  of 
arms  in  England,  many  of  the  nobility,  Roger  de  Mou- 
biay,  William  de  Warenne,  and  others,  finding  no  op- 
portunity to  exett  their  military  ardour  at  home,  inlifted 
themfelves  in  a  new  crufade,  wh;ch  with  furprifing  fuc- 
eels,  after  former  disappointments  and  misfortunes,  was  now 
preached  by  St.  Bernardf.  But  an  event  foon  after  hap- 
pened which  threatened  a  revival  of  hoflilities  in  England. 
Prince  Henry,  who  had  reached  his  fifteenth  year,  was 
defirous  of  receiving  the  honour  of  knighthood;  a  cere- 
mony which  every  gentleman  in  that  age  palled  through 
before  he  was  admitted  to  the  ufe  of  arms,  and  which  was 
even  deemed  requifite  for  the  greaieft  princes.  He  inten- 
ded to  receive  his  admiffion  from  his  great-uncle,  David 
king  of  Scotland  ;  and  for  that  purpofe  he  palled  through 
England  with  a  great  retinue,  and  was  attended  by  the 
molt  confiderable  of  his  partifans.  He  remained  fome 
time  with  the  king  of  Scotland ;  made  incurfions  into 
England  ;  and  by  his  dexterity  and  vigour  in  all  manly 
exercifes,  by  his  valour  in  war,  and  his  prudent  conduct 
in  every  occurrence,  he  roufed  the  hopes  of  his  party,  and 
gave  lymptoms  of  thole  great  qualities  which  he  afterwards 
difplayed  when  he  mounted  the  throne  of  England.  Soon 
jjjcw  after  his  return  to  Normandy,  he  was  by  Matilda's  con- 
lent,  inverted  in  that  dutchy  ;  and  upon  the  death  of  his 
father  Geoffrey,  which  happened  in  the  lubfequent  year, 
he  took  poiTeffion  both  of  Anjou  and  Maine,  and  conclu- 
ded a  marriage,  which  brought  him  a  great  acceffion  of 
power,  and  rendered  him  extremely  formidable  to  his  ri- 
val. Eleanor,  the  daughter  and  heir  of  William  duke  of 
Guienne,and  earl  of  Poictou,  had  been  married  fixteen 
years  to  Lewis  VII.  king  of  France,  and  had  attended  him 
in  a  crufade,  which  that  monarch  conducted  againft  the 
infidels:  But  having  there  loft  the  affections  of  her  hulband, 
and  even  fallen  under  fome  fufpicion  of  gallantry  with  a 
hand  fome  Saracen,  Lewis,  more  delicate  than  polite,  pro- 
cured a  divorce  from  her,  and  rcftored  her  thole  rich  pro- 
vinces, which  by  her  marriage  lhe  had  annexed  to  the 
crown  of  France.  Young  Henry,  neither  diicouraged  by 
the  inequality  of  years,  nor  by  the  reports  of  Eleanor's 
gallantries,  made  fuccefsfulcourtfhip  to  that  princels,  and, 

*  Epift.  St.  Thorn,  p.  226.  f  Kagulft,  p.  275,  276. 


S    T    E    P     H     E    N. 


273 


efpoufing  her  fix  weeks  after  her  divorce,  got  poffeffion  of  C  H  A  P. 
all  her  dominions  as  her  dowry.      The  luftre  which  here-      VII. 

ceived  from  this  acq  uifit'ion,  and   the  profpect   of  his  rifmg  v * ' 

fortune,  had  fuchan  erFecl:  in  England,  that  when  Stephen,  I1>2, 
defirous  to  enfure  th-  crown  to  his  ion  Euftace,  required 
the  archbilhop  of  Cauterhury  to  anoint  thai  prince  as  his 
fuccelTor,  the  primate  refused  compliance,  and  made  his 
efcape  beyond  iea,  to  avoid  the  violence  and  refentment 
of  Stephen. 

Henry,  informed   of  fhefe  difpofitions  in  the  people,      ,,._ 
made  an  invafion  on  England  :   Having  gained  fome  ad- 
vantage over   Stephen  at  Malmefbury,  and  having    taken 
that    place,   he  proceeded   thence   to   throw  fuccour9  into 
Wallingford,  which  the  king  had  advanced  with  a  fuperior 
ar:nv  to  befiege.      A  decilive  a&ion  was  every  day  expec- 
ted ;   when  the  great   men   of  both  fides,  terrified   at    the 
profpect  of    farther  bloodihed    and   confufion,  interpofed 
with  their  good  offices,  and    fet   on  foot  a   negotiation  be- 
tween   the  rival   princes.      The  death   of  Euftace,  during 
the  courfe  of  the  treaty,  facilitated  its  conclufion  :    An  ac- 
commodation was  fettled,   by  which   it    was   agreed,  that  rompromife 
Stephen  fhould  poffels  the  crown  during  his  lifetime,  that  between 
juftice  (hould  be  adminiftered   in  his   name,  even  in  the  the king 
provinces  which   had    fubmitted   to    Henry,  and  that   this  Henry. 
latter  prince  fhould,   on  Stephen's  demife,   fucceed  to  the 
kingdom,  and    William,  Stephen's  fon,   to  Boulogne  and 
his  patrimonial   eftate.     After  all  the  barons  had  lworn  to 
the  obfervance  of  this  treaty,  and  done  homage  to  Henry, 
as  to   the    heir  of  the   crown,  that  prince    evacuated   the 
kingdom  ;  and  the  death  of  Stephen,  which  happened  the  the  king. 
next  year,  after  a  fhort  illnefs,  prevented  all  thole  quarrels      1154. 
and  jealouties,  which  were  likely  to  have  enfued  in  fo  de-    0it#  U5* 
licate  a  fituation. 

England  fuffered  great  miferies  during  the  reign  of 
this  prince  :  But  his  perfonal  character,  allowing  for  the 
temerity  and  injuftice  of  hisufurpation,  appears  not  liable 
to  any  great  exception  ;  and  he  feems  to  have  been  well 
qualified,  had  he  fucceeded  by  a  juft  title,  to  have  promot- 
ed the  happinefs  and  profperity  of  his  fubjedfts*.  He  was 
pofJTefled  of  induftry,  activity  and  courage,  to  a  great  de- 
gree; though  not  endowed  with  a  found  judgment,  he  was 
not  deficient  in  abilities  ;  he  had  the  talent  of  gaining 
men's  affections;  and,  notwithftanding  his  precarious  fitu- 
ation, he   never   indulged  himfelf  in  the  exercife  of  any 

Vol.  I.  N  n 

*  W.  Ma'.mef.  p.  i  So. 


274  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  cruelty  or  revenge  f.  His  advancement  to  the  throne  pro- 
VII.      cured  him  neither  tranquillity  nor  happinefs;  and  though 

^— v— -/  the  fituation  of  England  prevented  the  neighbouring  ftates 
"5$  from  taking  any  durable  advantage  of  her  confufions,  her 
inteftine  diforders  were  to  the  laft  degree  ruinous  and  def- 
truitive.  The  court  of  Rome  was  alfo  permitted,  during 
thofe  civil  wars,  to  make  farther  advances  in  her  ufurpa- 
tions;  and  appeals  to  the  pope,  which  had  always  been 
ftri<5Uy  prohibited  by  the  Englifh  laws,  became  now  com- 
mon in  e-very  ecclefiaftical  controverfy  J. 


fM.  Paris,  p.  51.     Hagul.  p.  312.  i  H,  Hunt,  p-  3 95. 


#• 


(     275     ) 


CHAP.      VIII. 


H 


N      R 


II. 


-of  France Firjt  ath   of  Henry  s 


State  of  Europe- 
government — 
deal  powers— 

terbury—— 'Quarrel  between   the  king  and  Becket 

Corjlitutions    of  Clarendon— — Banifliment    of  Becket 


■Difputes  between  the  civil  and  ecclefiaf- 
— Thomas   a  Becket,  archbifhop  of  Can- 


" Compromife  with  him 

ment His    murder 

the  king. 


His  return  from  banifh- 
Grief and  fubmifjion  of 


TH  E  extenfive  confederacies,  by  which  the  European  p  n  ,  p 
potentates  are  now  at  once  united  and  let  in  oppofiti-      VIII 
on  to  each  other,  and  which,  though  they  are  apt  to  dif-  _> 

fufe  the  lead  fpark  of  difJTenfion  throughout  the  whole,  are  u54. 
at  leaft  attended  with  this  advantage,  that  they  prevent  Stats  ot 
any  violent  revolutions  or  conqueits  in  particular  ftates,  WI0Pe' 
were  totally  unknown  in  ancient  ages  ;  and  the  theory  of 
foreign  politics  in  each  kingdom  formed  a  (peculation  much 
]efs  complicated  and  involved  than  at  prefent.  Commerce 
had  not  yet  bound  together  the  moft  diftant  nations  in  fo 
clofe  a  chain  :  Wars,  finilhed  in  one  campaign  and  often  in 
one  battle,  were  little  affected  by  the  movements  of  remote 
ftates:  The  imperfect  communication  among  the  king- 
doms, and  their  ignorance  of  each  other's  fituation,  made 
it  impracticable  for  a  great  number  of  them  to  combine  in 
one  project  or  effort:  And  above  all,  the  turbulent  fpirit 
and  independent  fituation  of  the  barons  or  great  vaifals  in 
each  Hate  gave  fo  much  occupation  to  the  fovereign,  that 
he  was  obliged  to  confine  his  attention  chiefly  to  his  own 
flats  and  his  own  fyftem  of  government,  and  was  more 
indifferent  about  what  palled  among  his  neighbours.    Re- 


275  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Hgion  alone,  not  politics,  carried  abroad  the  views  of  prin- 
VIII.     ces;  while  it  either  fixed  their  thoughts  on  the  Holy  Land, 

^— v '  whole  conqueft  and  defence   was  deemed  a  point  of  com- 

i  1*5^  mon  honour  and  intereil,  or  engaged  them  in  intrigues 
with  the  Roman  pontiff",  to  whom  they  had  yielded  the 
direction  of  ccclefiaftical  affairs,  and  who  was  everyday 
afTuming  more  authority  than  they  were  willing  to  allow 
him. 

Before  the  conqueft  of  England  by  the  duke  of  Nor- 
mandy, this  illand  was  as  much  ieparated  from  the  reft,  of 
the  world  in  politics  as  in  fituation  ;  and  except  from  the 
inroads  of  the  Daniih  pirates,  the  Englifh,  happily  confin- 
ed at  home,  had  neither  enemies  nor  allies  on  the  continent. 
The  foreign  dominions  of  William  connected  them  with 
the  king  and  great  vaffals  of  France  ;  and  while  the  op- 
pofite  pretenfions  of  the  pope  and  emperor  in  Italy  pro- 
duced a  continual  intercourfe  between  Germany  and  that 
country,  the  two  great  monarchs  of  France  and  England 
formed,  in  another  part  of  Europe,  a  feparate  fyffem,  and 
carried  on  their  wars  and  negotiations,  without  meeting 
either  with  oppofition  or  fupport  from  the  others. 
State  cf  QN  tne  decline  of  the  Carlovingian  race,  the  nobles  in 

every  province  of  France,  taking  advantage  of  the  weak- 
nefs  of  the  fovereign,  and  obliged  to  provide,  each  for  his 
own  defence, againtf  the  ravages  of  the  Norman  freeboo- 
ters, had  aflumed,  both  in  civil  and  military  affairs,  an 
authority  almoft  independent,  and  had  reduced  within  very 
narrow  limits  the  prerogative  of  their  princes.  The  ac- 
celfion  of  Hugh  Capet,  by  annexing  a  great  fief  to  the 
crown,  had  brought  fome  addition  to  the  royal  dignity  ; 
but  this  fief,  though  confiderable  for  a  lubjecf,  appeared, 
a  narrow  bafis  of  power  for  a  prince  who  was  placed  at  the 
head  of  fo  great  a  community.  The  royal  demefnes  con- 
fided only  of  Paris,  Orleans,  Eftampes,  Compiegne,  and 
a  few  places  fcattered  over  the  northern  provinces  :  In  the 
reft  of  the  kingdom,  the  prince's  authority  was  rather 
nominal  than  real:  The  vaffals  were  accuftomed,  nay  en- 
titled, to  make  war  without  his  permiffion  on  each  other: 
They  were  even  entitled,  if  they  conceived  themfelves 
injured,  to  turn  their  arms  againll  their  fovereign  :  They 
exercifed  all  civil  jurifdietion,  without  appeal,  over  their 
tenants  and  inferior  vaffals:  Their  common  jealoufy  of  the 
crown  eafily  united  themagainft  any  attempt  on  their  ex- 
orbitant privileges  ;  and  as  fome  of  them  had  attained  the 
power  and  authority  of  great  princes,  even  the  fmallefl 
baron  was  fure  of  immediate  and  effectual  protection.  Ee- 
fides  fix  ecclefiaflical  peerages,  which,  with  the  other 
^  immunities  of  the  church,  cramped  extremely  the  general 


HENRY      II.  277 

execution  of  juftice;  there  were  fix  lav  peerages,  Burgun-  CHAP, 
dy,  Normandy,  Guienne,  Flanders,  Toulouie,  and  Cham-       VIII. 

pagne,  which  formed  very  extenfive  and  puifiant  fovereign-  ' u ' 

ties.  And  though  the  combination  of  all  thofe  princes  1,5<« 
and  barons  could,  on  urgent  occafions,  mutter  a  mighty 
power  ;  vet  was  it  verv  difficult  to  let  that  great  machine 
in  movement ;  it  was  almoft  impoffible  to  preferve  harmony 
in  its  parts  ;  a  fenfe  of  common  intereft  alone  could,  for 
a  time,  unite  them  under  their  fovereign  againft  a  common 
enemy  ;  but  if  the  king  attempted  to  turn  the  force  of  the 
communitv  againft  any  mutinous  vaflal,  the  fame  fenfe  of 
common  intereft  made  the  others  oppofe  themfelves  to  the 
fuccefs  of  his  pretenfions.  Lewis  the  Grois,  the  laft  fove- 
reign, marched  at  one  time  to  his  frontiers  againft  the  Ger- 
mans at  the  head  of  an  army  of  two  hundred  thoufand  men; 
but  a  petty  lord  of  Corbeil,of  Puifet,  of  Couci,  was  able, 
at  another  period,  to  fet  that  prince  at  defiance,  and  to 
maintain  open  war  againft  him. 

The  authority  of  theEnglifh  monarch  was  much  more 
extenfive  within  his  kingdom,  and  the  difproportion  much 
greater  between  him  and  the  moft  powerful  of  his  vaflals. 
.His  demefnes  and  revenue  were  large,  compared  to  the 
greatnefs  of  hisftate:  He  was  accuftomed  to  levy  arbitra- 
ry exactions  on  hisfubjecls  :  His  courts  of  judicature  ex- 
tended their  jurifdi&ion  into  every  part  of  the  kingdom  : 
He  could  cru!h  by  his  power,  or  by  a  judicial  fentence, 
well  or  ill  founded,  any  obnoxious  baron  :  And  though 
the  feudal  inftitutions  which  prevailed  in  his  kingdom,  had 
the  fame  tendency  as  in  other  ftates,  to  exalt  the  ariftocra- 
cy  and  deprefs  the  monarchy,  it  required,  in  England,  ac- 
cording to  its  prefent  conftitution,  a  great  combination  of 
the  vaflals  to  oppofe  their  fovereign  lord,  and  there  had  not 
hitherto  arifen  any  baron  fo  powerful  as  of  himfelf  to  levy 
war  againft  the  prince,  and  afford  protection  to  the  inferior 
barons. 

While  fuch  were  the  different  filiations  of  France  and 
England,  and  the  latter  enjoyed  fo  many  advantages  above 
the  former  ;  the  accelfion  of  Henry  II.  a  prince  of  great 
abilities,  poflefleu"'  of  fo  many  rich  provinces  on  the  con- 
tinent, might  appear  an  event  dangerous,  if  not  fatal,  to 
the  French  monarchy,  and  fufheient  to  break  entirely  the 
balance  between  the  ftates.  He  was  mafter,  in  the  right 
of  his  father,  of  Anjom  and  Touraine  ;  in  that  of  his 
mother,  of  Normandy  and  Maine;  in  that  of  his  wife,  of 
Guienne,  Poi£tou,Xaintogne,  Auvergne,  Perigoid,  An- 
goumois,  the  Limoufin.  He  foon  after  annexed  Britanny 
to  his  other  ftates,  and  was  already  pofleffed  of  the  fuperi- 
ority  over  that  province,  which,  on    the    firft    ceflion    of 


278  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Normandy  to  Rollo  the  Dane,  had  been  granted  by  Charles 
VIII.     the    Simple    in     vaflalage    to    that     formidable    ravager. 

V— v '  Thefe  provinces  compofed    above   a  third  of  the    whole 

1154.  French  monarchy,  and  were  much  fuperior  in  extent  and 
opulence  to  thofe  territories  which  were  fubjecled  to  the 
immediate  jurifdidtion  and  government  of  the  king.  The 
valfal  was  here  more  powerful  than  hfs  liege  lord  :  The 
fituation  which  had  enabled  Hugh  Capet  to  depofe  the 
Carlovingian  princes,  feemedto  be  renewed,  and  that  with 
much  greater  advantages  on  the  fide  of  the  vaflfal :  And 
when  England  was  added  to  fo  many  provinces,  the  French 
king  had  reafon  to  apprehend,  from  this  conjuncture,  fome 
great  difafler  to  himfelf  and  to  his  family.  But,  in  reali- 
ty, it  was  ,this  circumftance,  which  appeared  fo  formida- 
ble, that  faved  the  Capetian  race,  and  by  its  confequences 
exalted  them  to  that  pitch  of  grandeur  which  they  at  pre?- 
lent  enjoy. 

The  limited  authority  of  the  prince  in  the  feudal  con- 
ftitutions,  prevented  the  king  of  England  from  employing 
with  advantage  the  force  of  fo  many  ftates,  which  were 
fubjected  to  his  government;  and  thefe  different  members, 
disjoined  in  fituation,  and  difagreeing  in  laws,  language, 
and  manners,  were  never  thoroughly  cemented  into  one 
monarchy.  *  He  foon  became,  both  from  his  diftant  place 
of  refidence,  and  from  the  incompatibility  of  interefis,  a 
kind  of  foreigner  to  his  French  dominions;  and  his  fub- 
jetlson  the  continent  confidered  their  allegiance  as  more 
naturally  due  to  their  fuperior  lord,  who  lived  in  their 
neighbourhood,  and  who  was  acknowledged  to  be  the  fu- 
preme  head  of  their  nation.  He  was  always  at  hand  tp 
invade  them;  their  immediate  lord  was  often  at  too  great 
a  diftance  to  protect  them ;  and  any  diforder  in  any  part 
of  his  difperfed  dominions  gave  advantages  againft  him. 
The  other  powerful  vaiTals  of  the  French  crown  were 
rather  pleafed  to  fee  the  expulfion  of  theEngliih,  and  were 
not  affetted  with  that  jea!oufy,  which  would  have  arifep 
from  the  oppreffion  of  a  co-vatTal  who  was  of  the  fame  rank 
xvith  themfelves.  By  this  means,  the  king  of  France  found 
it  more  eafv  to  conquer  thofe  numerous  provinces  from 
England,  than  tofubduea  duke  of  Normandy  or  Guienne, 
a  count  of  Anjou,  Maine,  or  Poi&ou.  And  after  reducing 
fuch  extenfive  territories,  which  immediately  incorporated 
with  the  body  of  the  monarchy,  he  found  greater  facility  in, 
uniting  to  the  crown  the  other  great  fiefs  which  ftill  re- 
mained fepa rate  and  independent. 

Bur  as  thefe  important  confequences  could  not  be  fore-? 
feen  bv  human  wifdorn,  the  king  of  France  remarked  with 
terror  the  rifing  grandeur   of  the  houfe  of  AnjouorPlan- 


HENRY      II.  279 

tagenet  ;  and,  in  order  to  retard  its  progrefs,  he  had  ever  C  II  AT. 
maintained  a  ftrict  union  with  Stephen,  and  had  endeavour-      V1I1. 

ed   to  fupport  the   tottering  fortunes  of  that   bold  ufurper.  ' <i — — ' 

But  after  this  prince's  death  it  was  too  late  to  think  li>*- 
of  oppofing  the  fucceffion  of  Henry,  or  preventing  the 
performance  of  thofe  fiipulations  which,  with  the  unani- 
mous confent  of  the  nation,  he  had  made  with  his  prede- 
ceffor.  The  Englifh,  haraffed  with  civil  wars,  and  cKfguf- 
ted  with  the  bloodfhed  and  depredations  which,  during  the 
courfe  of  fo  many  years,  had  attended  them,  were  little 
difpofed  to  violate  their  oaths,  by  excluding  the  lawful  heir 
from  the  fucceffion  of  their  monarchy  *.  Many  of  the  lroft 
confiderable  fortrelles  were  in  the  hands  of  his  partifans  ; 
the  whole  nation  had  had  occafion  to  lee  the  noble  qualities 
with  which  he  was  endowed  f ,  and  to  compare  them  with 
the  mean  talents  of  William,  the  fon  of  Stephen ;  and  as 
they  were  acquainted  with  his  great  power,  and  were  ra- 
ther pleafed  to  fee  theacceflion  of  fo  many  foreign  domini- 
ons to  the  crown  of  England,  they  never  entertained  the 
leaft  thoughts  of  refilling  them.  Henry  himfelf,  fenfible 
of  the  advantages  attending  his  prefent  fituation,  was  in  no 
hurry  to  arrive  in  England;  and  being  engaged  in  the 
fiege  of  a  caftle  on  the  frontiers  of  Normandy,  when  he 
received  intelligence  of  Stephen's  death,  he  made  it  a  point 
of  honour  not  to  depart  from  his  enterprife,  till  he  had 
brought  it  to  an  iffue.  He  then  fet  out  on  his  journey,  and 
was  received  in  England  with  the  acclamations  of  all  or- 
ders of  men,  who  Iwore  with  pleafure  the  oath  of  fealty  8th  Dcc* 
and  allegiance  to  him. 

The  firft  act  of  Henry's  government  correfponded  to  the  Firft  ails 
high  idea  entertained  of  his  abilities,  and  prognofticated  of  i;ent7's 
the  re-eftablifhment  of  juftice  and  tranquillity,  of  which  sovemraent 
the  kingdom  had  fo  long  been  bereaved.  He  immediately 
difmiiTed  all  thofe  mercenary  foldiers  who  had  committed 
great  diforders  in  the  nation;  and  he  fent  them  abroad, 
together  with  William  of  Ypres,  their  leader,  the  friend 
and  confident  of  Stephen  %.  He  revoked  all  the  grants 
made  by  his  predecefforl!,  even  thole  which  neceffity  had 
extorted  from  the  emprefs  Matilda  ;  and  that  princefs, 
who  had  refigncd  her  rights  in  favour  of  Henry,  made 
no  oppofition  to  a  meafure  fo  neceilary  for  iupporting  the 
dignity  of  the  crown.  He  repaired  the  coin,  which  had 
been  extremely  debafed  during  the  reign  of  his  predecef- 
for  ;  and  he  to"ok  proper  meafures  againft  the  return  of  a 
like  abufe**.     He  was  rigorous  in  the  execution  of   juf- 

»  Matth.  Paris,  p.  65.  f  Gul.  Neubr.  p.  381. 

t  Fiu-Stepb.  p.  13.     M.  Paris,  p.  65.      Neubr.  p.  381.  Chron.  T.  Wyhes, 
p.  30.  !|  Neubr. p.  38a.  *•  Hovedcn,  p.  491. 


28o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  tice,  an  J  in  the  fuppreflion  of  robbery  and  violence  ;  and 
Vllf.     that  he  might  reftore  authority  to  the  laws,  he   caufed  all 

v m *  the  new-erected  caftles  to  be  demoliihed,  which  had  proved 

ll54-  fomany  fancluaries  to  freebooters  and  rebels*.  The  earl 
of  Albemarle,  Hugh  Mortimer,  and  Roger  the  fon  of  Milo 
of  Glocefter,  were  inclined  to  make  fome  refiftance  to 
this  falutary  meafure ;  but  the  approach  of  the  king  with 
his  forces  foon  obliged  them  to  fubmit. 
1I56>  Every  thing  being   reftored  to  full  tranquillity  in  Eng- 

land, Henry  went  abroad  in  order  to  oppofe  the  attempts 
of  his  brother  Geoffrey,  who,  during  his  abfence,  had 
made  an  incurfion  into  Anjou  and  Maine,  had  advanced 
iome  pretentions  to  thofe  provinces,  and  had  got  pofleflion 
of  a  confiderable  part  of  themf.  On  the  king's  appear- 
ance, the  people  returned  to  their  allegiance  ;  and  Geof- 
^'57»  frey,  refigning  his  claim  for  an  annual  penfion  of  a  thou- 
fand  pounds,  departed  and  took  poiTellion  of  the  county  of 
Nantz,  which  the  inhabitants,  who  had  expelled  count 
Hoel  their  prince,  had  put  into  his  hands.  Henry  returned 
to  England  the  following  year:  The  incurfionsof  the  Welfh 
then  provoked  him  to  make  an  invafion  upon  them  ;  where 
the  natural  faftneffes  of  the  country  occasioned  him  great 
difficulties,  and  even  brought  him  into  danger.  His  van- 
guard, being  engaged  in  a  narrow  pafs,  was  put  to  rout : 
Henry  de  EtTex,  the  hereditary  ftandard-bearer,  feized 
with  a  panic,  threw  down  the  flandard,  took  to  flight,  and 
exclaimed  that  the  king  was  (lain :  And  had  not  the  prince 
immediately  appeared  in  perfon,  and  led  on  his  troops  with 
great  gallantry,  the  confequence  might  have  proved  fatal 
to  the  whole  armyj.  For  this  mifbehaviour,  Eflex  was 
afterwards  accufed  of  felony  by  Robert  de  Montfort ;  was 
vanquished  in  fingle  combat  ;  his  eftate  was  confifcated  ; 
and  he  himfelf  was  thruft  into  a  convent  ||.  The  fubmif- 
fions  of  the  Welfh  procured  them  an  accommodation  with 
England. 
1158.  The  martial  difpofition  of  the  princes  in  that  age  enga- 

gedthem  to  head  their  own  armies  in  every  enterprife,  even 
the  mod  frivolous  ;  and  their  feeble  authority  made  it  com- 
monly impracticable  for  them  to  delegate,  on  occafion,  the 
command  to  their  generals.  Geoffrey,  the  king's  brother, 
died  foon  after  he  had  icquiredpofTeflion  of  Nantz:  Though 
he  had  no  other  title  to  that  county  t.ian  the  voluntary  fub- 
midion  or  election  of  the  inhabitants  two  years  before, 
Henry  laid  claim  to  the  territory  as  devolved  to  him  by 
\ 

*  Ho-eden,  o.  49 •:.  Fitz-Steph.  p.  13.  M.  Paris,  p.  65.  Neubr.  p.  3S1. 
Brompton,  p.  1  ">.]}• 

t  See  note    [6 J   a-   ;he  end  of  the  volume.  J  Neubr.  p.  3S3. 

Chron.  W.  Heraiag.p.  49V.  ||   M.  Paris,  p.  70.    Neubr.  p.  jSj. 


iij8. 


HENRY      II.  281 

hereditary  right,  and  he  went  over  to  fupport  his  preten-  CHAP, 
lions  by  force  of  arms.  Conan,  duke  or  earl  of  Britanny  V1I1. 
(for  thefe  titles  are  given  indifferently  by  hiftorians  to  thole  * 
princes),  pretended  that  Nantz  had  been  lately  feparated 
by  rebellion  from  his  principality,  to  which  of  right  it  be- 
longed; and  immediately  on  Geoffrey's  death  he  took 
pofleffion  of  the  difputed  territory.  Left  Lewis  the  French 
king  mould  interpofe  in  the  controverfy,  Henry  paid  him 
a  vilit ;  and  fo  allured  him  by  careffes  and  civilities,  that 
an  alliance  was  contracted  between  them;  and  they  agreed 
that  young  Henry,  heir  to  the  Engliffi  monarchy,  fhould 
be  affianced  to  Margaret  of  France  ;  though  the  former 
was  only  five  years  of  age,  the  latter  was  flill  in  her 
cradle.  Henry,  now  fecure  of  meeting  with  no  interrup- 
tion on  this  fide,  advanced  with  his  army  into  Brittanny  ; 
and  Conan,  in  defpair  of  being  able  to  make  refinance, 
delivered  up  the  county  of  Nantz  to  him.  The  able  con- 
duit of  the  king  procured  him  farther  and  more  important 
advantages  from  this  incident.  Conan,  harafled  with  the 
turbulent  difpofition  of  his  fubjects,  was  defirous  of  pro- 
curing to  himfelf  the  fupport  of  fo  great  a  monarch  ;  and 
he  betrothed  his  daughter  and  only  child,  yet  an  infant, 
to  Geoffrey  the  king's  third  fon,  who  was  of  the  fame  ten- 
der years.  The  duke  of  Britanny  died  about  feven  years 
after  ;  and  Henry,  being  mefne  lord,  and  alfo  natural 
guardian  to  his  fon  and  daughter-in-law,  put  himfelf  in 
poffeffion  of  that  principality,  and  annexed  it  for  the  prc- 
ient  to  his  other  great  dominions. 

The  king  had  a  profpe£t  of  making  ftill  farther  acqui- 
fitions  ;  and  the  activity  of  his  temper  fuffered  no  oppor- 
tunity of  that  kind  to  efcape  him.  Philippa,  duchefs  of 
Guienne,  mother  of  queen  Eleanor,  was  the  only  iffue  of 
William  IV.  count  of  Touloufe;  and  would  have  inhe- 
rited his  dominions,  had  not  that  prince,  defirous  of  pre- 
ferving  the  fucceflion  in  the  male-line,  conveyed  the  prin- 
cipality to  his  brother  Raymond  de  St.  Gilles,  by  a  con- 
tract of  fale  which  was  in  that  age  regarded  as  fictitious 
and  illufory.  By  this  means  the  title  to  the  county  of  Tou- 
loufe came  to  be  difputed  between  the  male  and  female  heirs; 
and  the  one  or  the  other,  as  opportunities  favoured  them, 
had  obtained  poffeffion.  Raymond,  grandfon  of  Raymond, 
de  St.  Gilles,  was  the  reigning  fovereign ;  and  on  Hen- 
ry's reviving  his  wife's  claim,  this  prince  had  recourfe  for 
protection  to  the  king  of  France,  who  was  fo  much  con- 
cerned in  policy  to  prevent  the  farther  aggrandizement  of 
the  Englilh  monarch.  Lewis  himfelf,  when  married  t© 
Eleanor,  had  afferted  the  juftice  of  her  claim,  and  had  de- 

Vol.  1.  O  o 


l»59. 


282  HISTORY    OF    ENGL  AN  D. 

CHAP,  manded  poflTeffion  of  Touloufe*  ;  but  hisfentiments  chang- 
VIII.     ing  with  his  intereft,  he  now  determined  to  defend  by  his 

v— — v— '  power  and  authority  the  title  of  Raymond.  Henry  found  that 
11:>9-       it  would  be  requifiteto  fupport  his  pretcnfions  againft  potent 
antagonifts  ;  and  that  nothing  but  a  formidable  army  could 
maintain  a  claim  which  he   had   in  vain  aflerted  by   argu- 
ments and  maaifeftos. 

An  army,  compofed  of  feudal  vaflals,  was  commonly 
very  intractable  and  undifcip'.ined,  both  becaufe  of  the  in- 
dependent fpirit  of  the  perlbns  who  lerved  in  it,  and  be- 
caufe the  commands  were  not  given,  either  by  the  choice 
of  the  fovereign.or  from  the  military  capacity  and  expe- 
rience of  the  officers.  Each  baron  conducted  his  own  v^{- 
fals  :  His  rank  was  greater  or  lefs,  proportioned  to  the 
extent  of  his  property:  Even  the  luprerne  command  under 
the  prince  was  often  attached  to  birth  :  And  as  the  milita- 
ry vaflals  were  obliged  to  ferve  only  forty  days  at  their 
own  charge;  though,  if  the  expedition  were  diftant,  they 
were  put  to  great  expence  ;  the  prince  reaped  little  benefit 
fiom  their  attendance.  Henry,  fenfible  of  thefe  inconve- 
niencies,  levied  upon  his  valTals  in  Mormandv,  and  other 
provinces  which  were  remote  from  Toulouie,  a  fum  of 
money  in  lieu  of  their  fervice  ;  and  this  commutation,  by 
reafon  of  the  great  diftance,  was  fiill  more  advantageous  to 
his  Englifh  vafTals.  He  impofed,  therefore,  a  lcutage  of 
180,000  pounds  on  the  knight's  fees,  a  commutation  to 
which,  though  it  was  unufual,  and  the  firfi  perhaps  to  be 
met  with  in  hiftory  +  ,  the  military  tenants  willingly  fub- 
mitted  ;  and  with  this  money  he  levied  an  army  which  was 
moie  under  his  command,  and  whofe  fervice  was  more  du- 
rable and  conftant.  Affifted  by  Berenger  count  of  Barce- 
lona, and  Trincaval  count  of  Nifmes,  whom  he  had  gain- 
ed to  his  party,  he  invaded  the  county  of  Touloufe;  and 
after  taking  Verdun,  Caftlenau,  and  other  places,  he 
befieged  the  capital  of  the  province,  and  was  likely  to 
prevail  in  the  enterprife;  when  Lewis,  advancing  before 
the  arrival  of  his  main  body,  threw  himfelf  into  the  place 
with  a  fmall  reinforcement.  Henry  was  urged  by  fome 
of  his  minifters  to  profecute  the  fiege,  to  take  Lewis  pri- 
foner,  and  to  impole  his  own  terms  in  the  pacification  ; 
but  he  either  thought  it  fo  much  his  intereft  to  maintain  the 
feudal  principles,  by  which  his  foreign  dominions  were 
fecured,  or  bore  fomuch  refpe<5t  to  his  fuperior  lord,  that 
he  declared  he  would  not  attack  a  place  defended  by  him 


•   Neubr.  p.  387.     Chron.  W.  Heming.  p.  494. 

f  Madox,  p.  4j5.     Gervafe,  p.  13S1.     See   note   [PJ  at    the    end    of  tie 

volume. 


HENRY      II.  283 

in    pcrfon  ;  and  he  'mmediately    raifed  the  fiege*.     He  c  H  A  P. 
marched  into  Normandy  to  protect  that  province  againfi  an      VIII. 

incurfion  which   the    count  of  Dreux,  inftigated  by   king  * «/ ' 

Lewis  hs  brother,  hjd  made  upon  it.  War  was  now  open-  1,59« 
ly  carried  on  between  the  two  monarchs,  but  produced  no 
memorable  event  :  It  loon  ended  in  a  ceffution  of  arms, 
and  that  followed  by  a  peace,  which  was  not,  however, 
attended  with  anv  confidence  or  good  correfpondence  be- 
tween thofe  rival  princes.  The  fortrefs  of  Lxiiors,  being 
part  of  the  dowry  fUpulated  to  Margaret  of  France,  had  ,l6*' 
been  configned  by  agreement  to  the  knights  templars,  on 
condition  that  it  thou'd  be  delivered  into  Henry's  hands 
after  the  celebration  of  the  nuptials.  The  king,  that  he 
might  have  a  pretence  for  immediately  demanding  the 
place,  ordered  the  marriage  to  be  folemnized  between  the 
prince  and  princefs,  though  both  infantsf  ;  and  he  en- 
gaged the  grand -mailer  of  the  templars,  by  large  prefents, 
as  was  generally  fufpedted,  to  put  him  in  polleifion  of 
GiforsJ.  Lewis,  refenting  this  fraudulent  conduct,  banifh- 
ed  the  templars,  and  would  have  made  war  upon  the  I,6U 
king  of  England,  had  it  not  been  for  the  mediation  and 
authority  of  pope  Alexander  III.  who  had  been  chaied 
from  Rome  by  the  anti  pope  Viclor  IV.  and  refided  at 
that  time  in  France.  That  we  may  form  an  idea  of  the 
authority  pollefled  by  the  Roman  pontifFduring  thofe  ages, 
it  may  be  proper  to  obferve  that  the  two  kings  had,  the 
year  before,  met  the  pope  at  the  caftle  of  Torci  on  the 
Loir  ;  and  they  gave  him  fuch  marks  of  refpeCt,  that  both 
difmountcd  to  receive  him,  and  holding  each  of  them  one 
of  the  reins  of  his  bridle,  walked  on  foot  by  his  fide,  and 
conducted  him  in  that  fubmidive  manner  into  the  caftle ||. 
A fp-Bacle,  cries  Baronius  in  an  ecftacy,  to  God,  angels, 
and  mtn  ;  and  fuch  as  had  never  before  been  exhibited  to 
the  world! 

Henry,  foon  after  he  had  accommodated  his  differences 
with  Lewis  by  the  pope's  mediation,  returned  to  England  ; 
where  he  commenced  an  enterprise,  which,  though  re- 
quired by  found  policy,  and  even  conducted  in  the  main 
with  prudence,  bred  him  great  difquietude,  involved  him 
in  danger,  and  was  not  concluded  without  fome  lots  and 
dilhonour. 

*  Fitz-Sleph.  p.   22.     Dicero,  p.  531. 

i  Hovrden,  p.  493.     Neubr.  p.  400.     Diceto,  p.   <;_}*.     Brompton.  p.  14;  j. 

X  S  nee  the  firft  publication  of  this  hiftory,  LghI  Lyttelron  has  publlfhed  a  cb- 
j  v  of  rhe  treaty  between  Henry  amj  Lewis,  b-  which  il  appears,  if  t!i»ic 
va>:  no  fecret  articlp.  that  Henry    was   notj  uut  in  this  triofao 

»lon. 

;'.'-et,p.  ^S. 


284 

CHAP. 
VIII. 


Juns  3. 
Thomas  a 
Becket, 
archbifhop 
of  Canter- 
bury. 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

The  ufurpations  of  the  clergy,  which  had  at  firfl  been 
gradual,  were  now  become  fo  rapid,  and  had  mounted  to 
fuch  a  height,  that  the  conteft  between  the  regale  and  pon- 
tificate was  really  arrived  at  a  crifis  in  England;  and  it  be- 
came neceflary  to  determine  whether  the  king  or  the 
priefts,  particularly  the  archbifhop  of  Canterbury,  fhould 
be  fovereign  of  the  kingdom*.  The  afpiring  fpirit  of 
Henry,  which  gave  inquietude  to  all  his  neighbours,  was 
not  likely  long  to  pay  a  tame  fubmifnon  to  the  encroach- 
ments of  fubjeCts  ;  and  as  nothing  opens  the  eyes  of  men 
fo  readily  as  their  intcreft,  he  was  in  no  danger  of  falling, 
in  this  refpect,  into  that  abject  (uperftition  which  retained 
his  people  in  fubjection.  From  the  commencement  of  his 
reign,  in  the  government  of  his  foreign  dominions,  as 
well  as  of  England,  be  had  fhown  a  fixed  purpoie  to  reprefs 
clerical  ufurpations,  and  to  maintain  thofe  prerogatives 
which  had  been  tranfmitted  to  him  by  his  predeceffors. 
During  the  fchifm  of  the  papacy  between  Alexander  and 
Victor,  he  had  determined,  for  fome  time,  to  remain  neu- 
ter :  And  when  informed  that  the  archbifhop  of  Rouen 
and  the  bifhop  of  Mans  had,  from  their  own  authority, 
acknowledged  Alexander  as  legitimate  pope,  he  was  fo 
enraged,  that  though  he  fpared  the  archbifhop  on  account 
of  his  great  age,  he  immediately  iflued  orders  for  over- 
throwing the  houfes  of  the  bifhop  of  Mans  and  archdea- 
con of  Rouen  t  ;  and  it  was  not  till  he  had  deliberately 
examined  the  matter,  by  thofe  views  which  ufually  enter 
into  the  councils  of  princes,  that  he  allowed  that  pontiff 
to  exercife  authority  over  any  of  his  dominions.  In  Eng- 
land, the  mild  character  and  advanced  years  of  Theobald, 
archbifhop  of  Canterbury,  together  tvith  his  merits  in  re- 
fufing  to  put  the  crown  on  the  head  of  ^Euftace,  fon  of  Ste- 
phen, prevented  Henry,  during  the  lifetime  of  that  pri- 
mate, from  taking  any  meafures  againfl  the  multiplied 
encroachments  of  the  clergy  :  But  after  his  death,  the 
king  refolved  to  exert  himfelf  with  more  activity  ;  and 
that  he  might  be  fecure  againfl  any  oppofition,  he  advanced 
to  that  dignity  Becket,  his  chancellor,  on  whofe  compli- 
ance he  thought  he  could  entirely  depend. 

Thomas  a  Becket,  the  firft  man  of  Englifh  defcent 
who,  fince  the  Norman  conqueff,  had,  during  the  courfe 
of  a  whole  century,  rifen  to  any  confiderabie  nation,  was 
born  of  reputable  parents  in  the  city  of  London;  and 
being  endowed  both  with  induflry  and  capacity,  he  early 
infinuated  himfelf  into  the  favour  of  archbifhop  Theobald, 


»  Fitz-Stephen,  p.  27. 

f  See  note  [QJ  at  the  encTof  the  volume. 


1102. 


HENRY      II.  285 

and  obtained  from  that  prelate  Tome  preferments  and  offi-  C 
ces.  By  their  means  he  was  enabled  to  travel  for  improve- 
ment to  Italy,  where  he  ftudied  the  civil  and  canon  law  at 
Bologna  ;  and  on  his  return  he  appeared  to  have  made  fuch 
proficiency  in  knowledge',  that  he  was  promoted  by  his 
patron  to  the  archdeaconry  of  Canterbury,  an  office  of con- 
fiderable  truft  and  profit.  He  was  afterwards  employed 
with  fuccefs  by  Theobald  in  tranfa£ting  bufinefs  at  Rome; 
and  on  Henry's  acceffion  he  was  recommended  to  that 
monarch  as  worthy  of  farther  preferment.  Henry,  who 
knew  that  Becket  had  been  inftrumental  in  fupporting  that 
refolution  of  the  archbifhop,  which  had  tended  fo  much 
to  facilitate  his  own  advancement  to  the  throne,  was  alrea- 
dy prepofTeffed  in  his  favour  ;  and  finding,  on  farther  ac- 
quaintance, that  his  fpirit  and  abilities  entitled  him  to  any 
truft,  he  foon  promoted  him  to  the  dignity  of  chancellor, 
one  of  the  firft  civil  offices  in  the  kingdom.  The  chan- 
cellor, in  that  age,  befides  the  cuftody  of  the  great  feal, 
had  poffeffion  of  all  vacant  prelacies  and  abbies- ;  he  was 
the  guardian  of  all  fuch  minors  and  pupils  as  were  the 
king's  tenants  ;  all  baronies  which  efcheated  to  the  crown 
were  under  hisadminiftration  ;  he  was  entitled  to  a  place 
in  council,  even  though  he  were  not  particularly  fummon- 
ed;  and  as  he  exercifed  alio  the  office  of  fecretary  of  ftate, 
and  it  belonged  to  him  to  countersign  all  comim'ffions,  writs, 
and  letters-patent,  he  was  a  kind  of  prime  minifter,  and 
was  concerned  in  the  difpatch  of  every  bufinefs  of  impor- 
tance*. Befides  exercifing  this  high  office,  Becket,  by 
the  favour  of  the  king  or  archbifhop,  was  made  provoft  of 
Beverley,  dean  of  Haflings,  and  conftable  of  the  Tower: 
He  was  put  in  poffeffion  of  the  honours  of  Eye  and  Berk- 
ham,  large  baronies  that  had  efcheated  to  the  crown:  And 
to  complete  his  grandeur,  he  was  entrufted  with  the  edu- 
cation of  prince  Henry,  the  king's  eldeft  fon,  and  heir  of 
the  monarchyf.  The  pomp  of  his  retinue,  the  fumptu- 
oufnefs  of  his  furniture,  the  luxury  of  his  table,  the  muni- 
ficence of  his  prefents,  correfponded  to  thefe  great  pre- 
ferments ;  or  rather  exceeded  any  thing  that  England  had 
ever  before  feen  in  any  fubjedt.  His  hiflorian  and  fecre- 
tary, Fitz-Stephens$,  mentions,  among  other  particulars, 
that  his  apartments  were  every  day  in  winter  covered  with 
clean  ft  raw  or  hay,  and  in  fummer  with  green  rufhes  or 
boughs;  left  the  gentlemen  who  paid  court  to  him,  and 
who  could  not,  by  reafon  of  their  great  number,  find  a 
place  at  table,  fhould  foil  their  fine  clothes  by  fitting  on 

•  Fitz-Steph.  p.  13.  +  IbM.    p,  15.     Hi 

i  P.  1.5. 


285  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  a  dirty  floor*.     A  great  number  of  knights  were  retained 
VIII.     i:i  his  lervice  ;  the  gre.iteft  barons  were   proud   of  being 

; '  at  his    table;  h:s   houfe  was  a   place  of  education  for  the 

1162.  fons  of  the  chief  nobility;  and  the  king  himfelf  frequent- 
ly vouehfafed  to  partake  of  his  ent-rtainments.  As  his 
'  of  life  wasfplendid  and  opulent,  his  amufements  and 
occupations  were  gav  and  partook  of  the  cavalier  Ipirit. 
which,  as  he  hid  onlv  taken  deacon's  orders,  he  did  not 
think  unbefitting  his  ch.tracter.  He  employed  himfelf  at 
leisure  hours  in  hunting,  hawking,  gaming,  and  horfe- 
manihip  ;  he  expofed  his  perfon  in  feveral  military  acti- 
ons +  ;  he  carried  over,  at  his  own  charge,  feven  hundred 
knights  to  attend  the  king  in  his  wars  at  Touloufe  ;  in  the 
fublequ-n?  wars  on  the  frontiers  of  Normandy  he  main- 
tained, during  fortv  davs,  twelve  hundred  knights,  and 
fo  t  thoufand  of  their  train| ;  and  in  an  embaffy  to  France, 
with  which  he  was  entruftcd,  he  afionilhed  that  court  by 
the  number  and  magnificence  of  his  retinue. 

Henry,  befides  committing  all  his  more  important  bufi- 
nefs  to  Beckets  management,  honoured  him  with  his 
friendfhip  and  intimacy;  and  whenever  he  was  difpofed 
to  reiax  himfelf  bv  fportt  of  any  kind,  he  admitted  his 
chancellor  to  the  party  (|.  An  inflance  of  their  familia- 
rity is  rne.  tioned  by  Fitz  Stephens,  which,  as  it  fhousthe 
manners  of  the  age,  it  may  not  be  improper  to  relate.  One 
day,  as  the  king  and  the  chancellor  were  riding  together 
in  the  ftreets  of  London,  they  obferved  a  beggar  who  was 
fhivering  with  cold.  Would  it  not  be  very  praife-worthy, 
faid  the  king,  to  give  that  poor  man  a  warm  coat  in  this 
fevere  feafon?  It  would,  fureiv,  replied  the  chancellor; 
and  you  do  well,  Sir,  in  thinking  of  fuch  good  actions. 
Then  he  (hall  have  one  prefently,  cried  the  king:  And 
feizing  the  fkirt  of  the  chancellor's  coat,  which  was  fear- 
let,  and  lined  with  ermine,  began  to  pull  it  violently.  The 
chancellor  defended  himfelf  forfome  time:  and  they  had 
both  of  them  like  to  have  tumbled  off  their  horfes  in  the 
ftreet,  when  Becket,  after  a  vehement  flruggle,  let  go 
his  coat ;  which  the  king  beflowed  on  the  beggar,  who, 
being  ignorant  of  the  quality  of  the  perfons,  was  not  a 
little  furprifed  at  the  prefent*  *. 

*  John  Baldwin  held  the  manor  of  Oterasfce  in  Aylfbury  of  'he  kin?  in  foe- 
cage,  by  the  fervice  of  finding  litter  for  the  king  s  bed,  viz  in  fummer,  jrafs 
or  herts,  and  two  grev  geefe :  and  in  winter,  ftraw,  and  three  eels,  thrice  in 
the  year,  if  the  king  fliould  come  thrice  in  the  year  to  Ayleibury.  Madox, 
Bar.  Anglica,  p.  247. 

f  Fitz  Steph.  p.  23.     Hift.  Quad.  p.  9.  t  T\\z  Stephen,  p.    19, 

20.  22,  23.  |j  Ibid.  t>.    16.     Hift.    Quad.  p.  8. 

**   Fhz-Stcph.  p.  16. 


HENRY      II.  287 

Becket,  who  bv    his  cornplaifance  and  good-humour  c  H  A?. 
had  rendered  himlelf  agreeable,  and  by  his  induflry   ard      Vill. 

abilities  ufeful  to  his  maltcr,  appeared  to   him  the  fitteft * — ' 

perfon  for  fupplying  the  vacancy  made  bv  ihc  death  of  ll62- 
Theobald.  As  he  was  well  acquainted  with  the  kirk's 
intentions*  of  retrenching,  or  rather  confining  within  ihe 
ancient  bounds,  all  ecclefiaftical  privileges,  and  always 
ihowed  a  ready  dilpofition  to  comply  with  themf,  Henry, 
who  never  expected  anv  refiftance  from  that  quarter,  imme- 
diately rffued  orders  for  elect  ng  him  archbifhop  of  Canter- 
bury.  But  this  relblution,  which  was  taken  contrary  to 
the  opinion  of  Matilda,  and  many  of  the  minifters|,  drew 
after  it  very  unhappy  Confequencesj  and  never  prince  of 
fo  great  penetration  appeared  in  the  iflue  10  have  io  little 
underftood  the  genius  and  character  of  his minifter. 

No  fooner  was  Becket  inftatled  in  this  high  dignity, 
which  rendered  him  for  life  the  fecond  perfon  in  the  king- 
dom, with  lome  pretentions  of  afpiring  to  be  the  full,  than 
he  totally  altered  his  demeanor  and  conduct,  and  endea- 
voured to  acquire  the  character  of  ianctity,  of  which  liisfor- 
mer  bufy  and  olientatious  courfe  of  life  might,  in  the  eves 
of  the  people,  have  natjrallv  bereaved  him.  Without 
conl'ulting  the  king,  he  immediately  returned  into  his 
hands  the  commiffion  of  chancellor  ;  pretending;  that  he 
muft  thenceforth  detach  himfelf  from  fecular  affairs,  and 
be  fo'ely  employed  in  the  exercife  of  his  fpi ritual  function  ; 
but  in  reality,  that  he  might  break  off  all  connections  with 
Henry,  and  apprife  him  that  Becket,  as  primate  of  Eng- 
land, was  now  become  entirely  a  new  perionage.  He 
maintained,  in  his  retinue  and  attendants  alone,  his  anci- 
ent pomp  and  luftre,  which  was  uieful  to  Itrike  the  vul- 
gar :  In  his  own  perfon  he  affected  the  greateft  aufierity 
and  molt  rigid  mortification,  which  he  was  feufib'.e  would 
have  an  equal  or  a  greater  tendency  to  the  lame  end.  fie 
wore  fack-cloth  next  his  fkin,  which,  by  his  affected  care 
to  conceal  it,  was  necelTarilv  the  more  remarked  by  all 
the  world:  He  changed  it  fo  feldom,  that  it  was. filled  with 
dirt  and  vermin  :  His  ufual  diet  was  bread  ;  his  drink, 
water,  which  he  even  rendered  farther  unpalatable  by  the 
mixture  of  unfavoury  herbs:  He  to  e  his  back  with  the 
frequent  discipline  which  he  inflicted  on  it:  He  daily  on 
his  knees  wafhed,  in  imitation  of  Chrifl,  the  feet  of  thir- 
teen beggars,  whom  he  afterwards  difmilTed  with  prefentsll: 
He  gained  the  affections  of  the  monks  by  his  frequent 
charities  to  the  convents  and  hofpitals:  Every    one    who 

•  *  Fitz-Steph.  p.  17.  f  Ibid.  p.  23.     Epift.  St. Thorn,  p.  232. 

t  Epift.  St.    Thorn,  p.  167.  ||  t'itz-Stepli.  p.  25.     Hid.  Ciuad.  p.  19. 


28S  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAT,  made  profeffion  of  fanttity  was  admitted  to   his   converfa- 
VIII.      ti°n>  an£l  returned  full  of  panegyrics  on  the  humility,  as 

v „ >  well  as  on  the  piety  and  mortification  of  the  holy  primate: 

1162.  He  i'eemed  to  be  perpetually  employed  in  reciting  prayers 
and  pious  lectures,  or  in  perufing  religious  difcourfes : 
His  aipect  wore  the  appearance  of  ferioufnefs,  and  mental 
recollection,  and  fecret  devotion  :  And  all  men  of  pene- 
tration plainly  faw  that  he  was  meditating  fome  great 
defign,  and  that  the  ambition  and  oflentation  of  his  cha- 
racter had  turned  itfelf  towards  a  new  and  more  dangerous 
object. 
•tt&i  Becket   waited   not  till  Henry  fhould  commence  thofe 

Ouarrei        projects  againft  the  ecclefiafiical   power,  which  he  knew 
fcetween 1  the  jia(j  [,een  formeci  Dy  that  prince  :  He  was  himfelf  the  asr- 

kmjf  and  -*  ,  ,  J  ',  ,       ,  .         ,     '    .      V° 

Btcket.  grellor  ;  and  endeavoured  to  overawe  the  king  by  the  in- 
trepidity and  boldnefs  of  his  enterprifes.  He  fummoned 
the  earl  of  Clare  to  lurrender  the  barony  of  Tunbridge, 
which  ever  fince  the  conquefl:  had  remained  in  the  family 
of  that  nobleman  ;  but  which,  as  it  had  formerly  belonged 
to  the  fee  of  Canterbury,  Becket  pretended  his  predecef- 
ibrs  were  prohibited  by  the  canons  to  alienate.  The  earl 
of  Clare,  befides  the  lufire  which  he  derived  from  the 
greatnefs  of  his  own  birth  and  the  extent  of  his  poffeffions, 
was  allied  to  all  the  principal  families  in  the  kingdom ; 
his  fifter,  who  was  a  celebrated  beauty,  had  farther  exten- 
ded his  credit  among  the  nobility,  and  was  even  fup- 
pofed  to  have  gained  the  king's  affections  ;  and  Becket 
could  not  better  difcover,  than  by  attacking  fo  powerful 
an  intereft,  his  refolution  of  maintaining  with  vigour  the 
rights,  real  or  pretended,  of  his  fee  *. 

William  de  Eynsford,  a  military  tenant  of  the  crown 
was  patron  of  a  living  which  belonged  to  a  manor  that 
held  of  the  archbifhop  of  Canterbury  ;  but  Becket,  with- 
,  out  regard  to  William's  right,  prcfented,  on  a  new  and 
legal  pretext,  one  Laurence  to  that  living,  who  was  vio- 
lently expelled  by  Eynsford.  The  primate  making  him- 
i'elf,  as  was  ufual  in  Spiritual  courts,  both  judge  and  party, 
iffued,  in  a  fummary  manner,  the  fentence  of  excommu- 
nication againft  "Eynsford,  who  complained  to  the  king 
that  he  who  held  in  capitt  of  the  crown  fhould,  contrary 
to  the  practice  eftablifhed  by  the  Conqueror,  and  maintain- 
ed ever  fince  by  his  lucceffors,  be  l'ubjected  to  that  ter- 
rible fentence,  without  the  previous  confent  of  the  fove- 
reignf.  Henry,  who  had  now  broken  off  all  perfonal 
intercourfe  with  Becket,  fent  him,  by  a  melTenger,  his  or- 

Gervafe,  p.  1384. 


*  Fitz-Steph.  p.  2S.     Gervafe,  p. 
f  M.  Paris,  p.  7,   Dicoto,  p.  536. 


HENRY      II.  289 

ders  to  abfolve  Eynsford  ;  but  received  for    anfwer,  that  CHAP, 
it  belonged  not  to  the  king  to  inform  him  whom  he  Ihould      VIII. 

abfolve  and  whom  excommunicate*;   And  it  was  not   till  v v * 

after  many  remonfirancesand  menaces,  that  Bccket,  though      llC-' 
with  the  worft  grace  imaginable,  was  induced   to  comply 
with  the  royal  mandate. 

Henry,  though  he  found  himfelf  thus  grievoufly  mif- 
taken  in  the  character  of  the  peribn  whom  lie  had  promot- 
ed to  the  prirnacv,  determined  not  todefift  from  his  former 
intention  of  retrenching  clerical  ufurpations.  He  was  en- 
tirely mafter  of  his  extenfive  dominions  :  The  prudence 
and  vigour  of  his  adminiftration,  attended  with  perpetual 
fuccefs,  had  raifed  his  character  above  that  of  any  of  his 
preiiecetTors+  :  The  papacy  fcemed  to  be  weakened  by  a 
lchifm,  which  divided  all  Europe:  And  he  rightly  judged, 
that  if  the  preient  favourable  opportunity  were  neglected, 
the  crown  muff,  from  the  prevalent  fuperflition  of  the  peo- 
ple, be  in  danger  of  falling  into  an  entire  fubordination  un- 
der the  mitre. 

The  union  of  the  civil  and  ecclefiaflical  power  ferves 
extremely,  in  every  civilized  government,  to  the  mainte- 
nance of  peace  and  order  ;  and  prevents  thofe  mutual  en- 
croachments which,  as  there  can  be  no  ultimate  judge  be- 
tween them,  are  often  attended  with  the  molt  dangerous 
confequences.  Whether  the  fupreme  magiftrate,  who 
unites  thefe  powers,  receives  the  appellation  of  prince  or 
prelate,  is  not  material :  The  fuperior  weight  which  tem- 
poral interefts  commonly  bear  in  the  apprehenfionsof  men 
above  fpiritual,  renders  the  civil  pait  of  his  character  niofl 
prevalent  ;  and  in  time  prevents  thofe  grofs  impofturesand 
ted  perfections,  which  in  all  falie  religions  are  the 
chief  foundation  of  clerical  authority.  But  during  the 
progrefsof  ecclefiaftical  ufurpations,  the  flate,  by  the  re- 
iiltance  of  the  civil  magiftrate,  is  naturally  thrown  into 
convulfions;  and  it  behoves  the  prince,  both  for  his  own 
intereff,  and  for  that  of  the  public,  to  provide  in  time  fufh*- 
cient  barriers  againft  fo  dangerous  and  infidious  a  rival. 
This  precaution  had  hitherto  been  much  neglected  in 
England,  as  well  as  in  other  catholic  countries;  and  affairs 
at  Jail  ieemed  to  have  come  to  a  dangerous  crifis  :  A  fo- 
veretgn  of  the  greateft  abilities  was  now  on  the  throne  :  A 
prelate  of  the  moil  inflexible  and  intrepid  character  was 
pod'eiTed  of  the  primacy  :  The  contending  powers  appear- 
ed to  be  armed  with  their  full  force,  and  it  was  natural 
to  expect  fome  extraordinary  event  to  refult  from  their 
conflict. 

Vol.  I.  P  p 

•  Fitz-Siepli.  p.  28.  I  Epift,  i,t.  Thorn,  p.  ij*. 


290  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.      Among  their  other  inventions  to  obtain  money,  the 
VIII.     clergy  had  inculcated  the  neceffity  of  penance  as  an  atone- 

* >. '  ment  for  fin  ;   and  having  again  introduced  the  practice  of 

I,(l3«  paying  them  large  fums  as  a  commutation,  or  Species  of 
atonement  for  the  remiffion  of  thole  penances,  the  fins  of 
the  people,  by  thefe  means,  had  become  a  revenue  to  the 
priefts ;  and  the  king  computed,  that  by  this  invention 
alone  they  levied  more  money  upon  his  fubje6ls  than 
flowed,  by  all  the  funds  and  taxes,  into  the  royal  exche- 
quer*. That  he  might  eafe  the  people  of  fo  heavy  and 
arbitrary  an  impofition,  Henry  required  that  a  civil  officer 
of  his  appointment  fhould  be  prelent  in  all  ecclefiaftical 
courts,  and  fhould  for  the  future  give  his  confent  to  every 
composition  which  was  made  with  finners  for  their  Spiritual 
offences. 

The  ecclefiafiics  in  that  age  had  renounced  all  imme- 
diate Subordination  to  the  magiftrate  :  They  openly  pre- 
tended to  an  exemption  in  criminal  acculations  from  a  trial 
before  courts  of  jullice;  and  were  gradually  introducing  a 
like  exemption  in  civil  caufes  :  Spiritual  penalties  alone 
could  be  inflicted  on  their  offences  :  And  as  the  clergy 
had  extremely  multiplied  in  England,  and  many  of  them 
were  confequently  of  very  low  characters,  crimes  of  the 
deepeft  dye,  murders,  robberies,  adulteries,  rapes,  were 
daily  committed  with  impunity  by  the  ecclefiafiics.  It  had 
been  found,  for  inftance,  on  enquiry,  that  no  lefs  than  a 
hundred  murders  had,  fince  the  king's  acceffion,  been  per- 
petrated by  men  of  that  profeffion,  who  had  never  been 
called  to  account  for  thefe  offencesf;  and  holy  orders 
were  become  a  full  prote£\ionfor  all  enormities.  A  clerk  in 
Worcefterfhire,  having  debauched  a  gentleman's  daughter, 
had  at  this  time  proceeded  to  murder  the  father  ;  and  the 
general  indignation  againft  this  crime  moved  the  king  to 
attempt  the  remedy  of  an  abufe  which  was  become  fo  pal- 
pable, and  to  require  that  the  clerk  fhould  be  delivered 
up,  and  receive  condign  punifhment  from  the  magiflrate  J. 
Becket  infifted  on  the  privileges  of  the  church  ;  confined 
the  criminal  in  the  bifhop's  prifon,  left  he  fhould  be  Seized 
by  the  king's  officers  ;  maintained  that  no  greater  punifh- 
ment could  be  inflicled  on  him  than  degradation  :  And 
ir  o.  when  the  king  demanded  that  immediately  after  he  was 
degraded  he  fhould  be  tried  by  the  ciril  power,  tha  primate 
afferted  that  it  was  iniquitous  to  try  a  man  twice  upon  the 
lame  accufation,  and  for  the  fame  offence  ||. 

*   Fitz-Ste;>h.  p.  32.  f  Neubr.  p.  394. 

$    1  iiz-Steph.  p.  33.     Hift.  Quad.  p.  32. 

|i  Fitz-Steph.  p.  29.  Hilt.  Quad.  p.  33.  45.  Hoveden,  p.  49s.  M.  Paris, 
p.  72.  Diceto,  p.  536,  537.  Bromptan, p.  105S.  Gervafe,  p.  13S4.  Lpift. 
St.  I  hom.  p.  20S,  209. 


HENRY      IT.  291 

Henry,  laying  hold  of  fo  plaufible  a  pretence,  refolved  CHAP, 
to  pufh  the  clergy  with  regard  to  all  their  privileges,  which       VIII. 

they  had  railed   to  an  enormous  height,  and  to  determine  ' « ' 

at  once  thofe  controverfies  which  daily  multiplied  between  ll6-3* 
the  civil  and  the  ecclefi  aitical  jurifdictions.  He  i'ummoned 
an  alfemblv  of  all  the  prelates  of  England;  and  he  put 
to  them  this  concife  and  decifive  queftion,  Whether  or 
not  they  were  willing  to  fubmit  to  the  ancient  laws  and 
culloms  of  the  kingdom?  The  bilhops  unanimoufly  repli- 
ed, that  they  were  willing,  faving  thar  own  order*:  A 
device  by  which  they  thought  to  elude  the  prefent  urgen- 
cy of  the  king's  demand,  vet  referve  to  themfelves,  on  a 
favourable  opportunity,  the  power  of  refuming  all  their 
pretenfions.  The  king  was  fenhble  of  the  artifice,  and 
was  provoked  to  the  higheft  indignation.  He  left  the  af- 
fembly,  with  vifiblc  marks  of  his  difpleafure:  He  required 
the  primate  inftantlv  to  furrender  the  honours  and  caftles 
of  Eye  and  Berkham:  The  biihops  were  terrified,  and 
expected  dill  farther  effects  of  his  refentment.  Becket 
alone  was  inflexible  ;  and  nothing  but  the  interpolation  of 
the  pope's  legate  and  almoner,  Philip,  who  dreaded  a  breach 
with  fo  powerful  a  prince  at  fo  unfeafonable  a  juncture, 
could  have  prevailed  on  him  to  retract  the  faving  claufe^, 
and  give  a  general  and  abfolute  promife  of  obferving  the 
ancient  cufloms  f. 

But  Henry  was  not  content  with  a  declaration  in  thefe 
general  terms  :  He  refolved,  ere  it  was  too  late,  to  define 
exprefsly  thofe  culioms  with  which  he  required  compli- 
ance, and  to  put  a  (lop  to  clerical  ufurpations  before  they 
were  fully  confolidated,  and  could  plead  antiquity,  as  they 
already  did  a  facred  authority,  in  their  favour.  The  claims 
of  the  church  were  open  and  viiible.  After  a  gradual  and 
infenfible  progrefs  during  many  centuries,  the  mafk  had 
at  laft  been  taken  off,  and  feveral  ecclefiaftical  councils, 
by  their  canons,  which  were  pretended  to  be  irrevocable 
and  infallible,  had  pofitively  defined  thofe  privileges  and 
immunities,  which  gave  filch  general  offence,  and  appear- 
ed fo  dangerous  to  the  civil  magistrate.  Henry  therefore 
deemed  it  necelTary  to  define  with  the  fame  precifion  the 
limits  of  the  civil  power  ;  to  oppofe  his  legal  culloms, to 
their  divine  ordinances;  to  determine  the  exact  boundaries 
of  the  rival  jurifdictions;  and  for  f  this  purpofe  he  fum- 
moned  a  general  council  of  the  nobility  and  prelates  at  1164. 
Clarendon,  to  whom  he  fubmitted  this  great  and  important  25th  JaH% 
qucflion. 

•  p.  3 1.    n  .  .  ^i2. 

j   H.it.  Quad.  p.  37.     Hovedi  Ciervjjfe,  p.  ijSj. 


292  HISTORY     OF     ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  The  barons  were  all  gained  to  the  king's  party,  either 
VTIII.      by  the  reafons  which  he  urged,  or  by  his   fuperior  autho- 

* ,> — -J  rity:  The  bifhops  were  overawed  by  the  general  combina- 

1,64-        tion  againft  them:   And  the  following   laws,  commonly 

of  aaren-     c^Hed  the  Conflitulions  of  C/arenddn,  were  voted  without 

don.  opposition  by    this  affembly  *.     It  was   ena£ted,    that  all 

f'uiis  concerning  the  advowfon  and  prefentation  of  churches 
ihoald  be  determined  in  the  civil  courts:  That  the  church- 
es belonging  to  the  king's  fee,  mould  not  be  granted 
in  perpetuity  without  his  confent :  That  clerks  accufed  of 
any  crime  fhould  be  tried  in  the  civil  courts:  That  no 
perfon,  particularly  no  clergyman  of  any  rank,  fhould 
depart  the  kingdom  without  the  king's  licenfe  :  That  ex- 
communicated peribns  fhould  not  be  bound  to  give  fecu- 
rity  for  continuing  in  their  prefent  place  of  abode  :  That 
laics  fhould  not  be  accufed  in  fpiritual  courts,  except  by 
legal  and  reputable  promoters  and  witneffes  :  That  no 
chief  tenant  of  the  crown  fhould  be  excommunicaled, 
nor  his  lands  be  put  under  an  interdict,  except  with  the 
king's  confent :  That  all  appeals  in  fpiritual  caufes  fhould 
be  carried  from  the  archdeacon  to  the  bifhop,  from  the 
bimop  to  the  primate,  from  him  to  the  king  ;  and  fhculd 
be  carried  no  farther  without  the  king's  confent :  That  if 
any  law-fuit  arofe  between  a  layman  and  a  clergyman 
'  concerning  a  tenant,  and  it  be  difputed  whether  the  land 
be  a  lay  or  an  ccclefiaftical  fee,  it  fhould  fuft  be  determin- 
ed by  the  verdict  of  twelve  lawful  men  to  what  clafs  it  be- 
longed ;  and  if  it  be  found  to  be  a  lay-fee,  the  caufe  fhould 
finally  be  determined  in  the  civil  courts  :  That  no  inhabi- 
tant in  demefne  fhould  be  excommunicated  for  non-appear- 
ance in  a  fpiritual  court,  till  the  chief  officer  of  the  place 
where  he  refidcs  be  confulted,  that  he  may  compel  him 
by  the  civil  authority  to  give  fatisfaclion  to  the  church  : 
That  the  archbilhops,  bifhops,  and  other  fpiritual  dignita- 
ries, fhould  be  regarded  as  barons  of  the  realm  ;  fhould 
poflefsthe  privileges  and  be  fubjecled  to  the  burthens  be- 
longing to  that  rank;  and  fhould  be  bound  to  attend  the 
king  in  his  great  councils,  and  aflift  at  all  trials,  til!  the 
fentence,  either  of  d?ath  or  lofs  of  members,  be  given 
againft  the  criminal  :  That  the  revenue  of  vacant  fees 
fhould  belong  to  the  king  ;  the  chapter,  or  fuch  of  them  as 
he  pleafes  to  fummon,  fhould  fit  in  the  king's  chapel  till 
they  made  the  new  election  with  his  confent,  and  that  the 
bifhop  elect  mould  do  homage  to  the  crown:  That  if  any 
baron  or  tenant  in  capite  fhould  refufe  to  fubmit  to  the  fpi- 
ritual courts,  the    king  fhould    employ    his    authority   in 

*  Fitz  Stcph,  p.  33. 


HENRY      II.  293 

obliging  him  to  make  fuch  fubmiffions  ;   if  any  of   them  CHAP, 
throw  oil'  his  allegiance  to    the  king,  the   prelates  fliould      V11I. 

aflift  the  king  with  their  cenfures  in  reducing  him  :   That  ' » ' 

goods  forfeited  to  the  king  fhould  not  be  protected  in  ****' 
churches,  or  church  yards  :  That  the  clergy  fliould  no 
longer  pretend  to  the  right  of  enforcing  payment  of  debts 
contracted  by  oath  or  promife  ;  but  fhould  leave  thefe 
law-fuits,  equally  with  others,  to  the  determination  of  the 
civil  courts:  And  that  the  fons  of  villains  fliould  not  be  or- 
dained clerks,  without  the  confentof   their  lord*. 

These  articles,  to  the  number  of  fixteen,  were  calcu- 
culated  to  prevent  the  chief  abides  which  had  prevailed  in 
ecclefiaflical  affairs,  and  to  put  an  effectual  flop  to  the  ufur- 
pations  of  the  church,  which,  gradually  ftealing  on,  had 
threatened  the  total  definition  of  the  civil  power.  Hen- 
ry, therefore,  by  reducing  thofe  ancient  cuftoms  of  the 
realm  to  writing,  and  by  collecting  them  in  a  body,  endea- 
voured to  pre\ent  all  future  difpute  with  regard  to  them  ; 
and  by  paffing  io  many  ecclefiaftical  ordinances  in  a  nati- 
onal and  civil  affembly,  he  fully  eftablifhed  the  fuperiority 
ot  the  legislature  above  all  papa!  decrees  or  fpiritual  canons, 
and  gained  a  fignal  victory  over  the  ecclefiaflics.  But  as 
lie  knew,  tint  the  bifliops,  though  overawed  by  the  prefent 
combination  of  the  crown  and  the  barons,  would  take  the 
firft  favourable  opportunity  of  denying  the  authority  which 
had  enacted  thefe  conflitutions ;  he  refolved  that  they 
fliould  all  fet  their  feal  to  them,  and  give  a  promile  to  ob- 
ferve  them.  None  of  the  prelates  dared  to  oppofe  his  will; 
except  Becket,  who,  though  urged  by  the  earls  of  Corn- 
wal  and  Leicefter,  the  barons  of  principal  authority  in 
the  kingdom,  obflinately  withheld  his  affent.  At  laft, 
Richard  de  Haftings,  grand  prior  of  the  templars  in  Eng- 
gland,  threw  himfelf  on  his  knees  before  him;  and  with 
many  tears  entreated  him,  if  he  paid  any  regard  cither  to 
his  own  fafety  or  that  of  the  church,  not  to  provoke,  by 
a  fruitlefs  oppofition,  the  indignation  of  a  great  monarch, 
who  wasrefolutely  bent  on  his  purpofe,  and  who  was  de- 
termined to  take  full  revenge  on  every  one  that  fhould  dare 
to  oppofe  himf.  Becket,  finding  himfelf  deferted  bv  all 
the  world,  even  by  his  own  brethren,  was  at  laft  obliged 
to  comply ■;  and  he  promifed,  legally,  with  good  faith,  and 
without  fraud  or  refrve%,  to  obferve  the  conliitutions  ; 
and  he  took  an  oath  to  that  purpofe||.  The  king,  thinking 
that  he  had  now  finally  prevailedin  thisgreatenterprife,fent 

*  Hift.  Q  p.   -,,,   ?r.      ,Spe!m.  Cd-.k.  red.   ii.  ,,.  ,,;. 

■  ;•-•'.  t  H  .  38. 

m.p.  S5. 
.  p.  .15.     Hill.  Quad.  p.  jcf.     Geivafe,  p.  1  jSG. 


294  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP-  the  conftitutions  to  pope  Alexander,  who  then  refided  in 
VIII.     France;  and  he  required  that  pontiffs  ratification  of  them: 

v , '  But  Alexander,  who,  though  he  had  owed  the  moftimpor- 

,l64>  tant  obligations  to  the  king,  plainly  faw,  that  thefe  laws 
were  calculated  to  eftabliih  the  independency  of  England 
on  the  papacy,  and  of  the  royal  power  on  the  clergy,  con- 
demned them  in  the  firongeft  terms;  abrogated,  annulled, 
and  rejected  them.  There  were  only  fix  articles,  the  leaft 
important,  which,  for  the  fake  of  peace,  he  was  willing 
to  ratify. 

Becket,  when  he  obferved  that  he  might  hope  for  fup- 
port  in  an  oppofition,  exprefled  the  deeper!  forrow  for  his 
compliance;  and  endeavoured  to  engage  all  the  other 
bifhops  in  a  confederacy  to  adhere  to  their  common  rights, 
and  to  the  ecclefiaftical  privileges,  in  which  he  reprefented 
the  intereft  and  honour  of  God  to  be  fo  deeply  concerned. 
He  redoubled  his  aufterities,  in  order  to  punilh  himfelf  for 
his  criminal  afl'ent  to  the  conftitutions  of  Clarendon  :  He 
proportioned  his  difcipline  to  the  enormity  of  his  fuppofed 
offence:  And  he  refuted  to  exercife  any  part  of  his  ar- 
chiepifcopal  function,  till  he  (hould  receive  abfolution 
from  the  pope;  which  was  readily  granted  him.  Henry, 
informed  of  his  preient  difpofiiions,  refolved  to  take  ven- 
geance for  this  refractory  behaviour  ;  and  he  attempted  to 
crufh  him,  by  means  of  that  very  power  which  Becket 
made  fuch  merit  in  iupporting.  He  applied  to  the  pope, 
that  he  fhould  grant  the  commiffion  of  legate  in  his  domi- 
nions to  the  archbifhop  of  York  ;  but  Alexander,  as  politic 
as  he,  though  he  granted  the  commiffion,  annexed  a  claufe 
that  it  fhould  not  impowerthe  legate  to  execute  any  a6t  in 
prejudice  of  the  archbifhop  of  Canterbury*:  And  the 
king,  finding  how  fruitiefs'fuch  an  authority  would  prove, 
fent  back  thecommiflion  by  the  fame  meflenger  that  brought 
itf.  '    . 

The  primate,  however,  who  found  himfelf  ftill  ex- 
po fed  to  the  king's  indignation,  endeavoured  twice  to  ef- 
cape  fecretly  from  the  kingdom  ;  but  was  as  often  detained 
by  contrary  winds:  And  Henry  haftened  to  make  him  feel 
the  effects  of  an  obftinacy,  which  he  deemed  fo  criminal. 
He  infligated  John,  marefchal  of  the  exchequer,  to  fue 
Becket  in  the  archiepifcopal  court  for  fome  lands,  part  of 
the  manor  of  Pageham  ;  and  to  appeal  thence  to  the  king's 
court  for  jufiicej.  On  the  day  appointed  for  trying  the 
caufe,  the  primate  fent  four  knights  to  reprefent  certain  ir- 
regularities in  John's  appeal;  and  at  the  fame  time  to  ex- 

*  Epift.  St.  Thom.  p.  13,  14.  t  Hoveden,  p.  493.     Gervafe,  p.  13RR. 

X  Hovecien,  p.  494.     M.  Paris,  p.  72.     Diceto,  p.  537. 


HENRY      II.  295 

cufe  himfelf,  on   account  of  ficknefs,  for  not   appearing  Q  H  A  P. 
perfonally  that  day  in  the  court.     This  llight  orrence   (if      VIII. 

it  even    delerve  the  name)   was  represented   as  a  grievous  <i — J 

contempt;  the  four  knights  were  menaced,  and  with  diffi-  Il64- 
culty  efcaped  being  fent  to  prifon,  as  offering  falfehoods 
to  the  court*;  and  Henry,  being  determined  to  profecute 
Becket  to  the  utmoft,  fummoned  at  Northampton  a  great 
council,  which  he  purpofed  to  make  the  inftrument  of  his 
vengeance  againft  the  inflexible  prelate. 

The  king  had  railed  Becket  from  a  low  fbtion  to  the 
higheft  offices,  had  honoured  him  with  his  countenance 
and  friendlhip,  had  trufted  to  his  affiftance  in  forwarding 
his  favourite  project  againft  the  clergy  ;  and  when  he 
found  him  become  of  a  fudden  his  moll  tigid  opponent, 
while  every  one  befide  complied  with  his  will,  rage  at  the 
difappointment,  and  indignation  againft  fuch  fignal  ingra- 
titude, tranfported  him  beyond  all  bounds  of  moderation  ; 
and  there  feems  to  have  entered  more  of  paffion  than  of 
juitice,  or  even  of  policy,  in  this  violent  profecution'h. 
The  barons,  notwithftanuing,  in  the  great  council,  voted 
whatever  fentence  he  was  pieafjd  to  dictate  to  them;  and 
the  bilhops  themfclves,  who  undoubtedly  bore  a  fecret  fa- 
vour to  Becket,  and  regarded  him  as  the  champion  of  their 
privileges,  concurred  with  the  reft,  in  the  defign  of  op- 
prefling  their  primate.  In  ain  did  Becket  urge,  that  his 
court  was  proceeding  with  the  utmoft  regularity  and  juftice 
in  trying  the  marefchal's  caufe;  which,  however,  he  laid, 
would  appear  from  the  fheriff "s  teftimony  to  be  entirely 
unjuft  and  iniquitous  :  That  he  himfelf  had  discovered  no 
contempt  of  the  king's  court  ;  but,  on  the  contrary,  by 
(ending  four  knights  to  excufe  his  abfence,  had  virtually 
acknowledged  its  authority  :  That  he  alfo,  in  confequence 
of  the  king's  fummons,  perfonally  appeared  at  prefent 
in  the  great  council,  ready  to  juftify  his  caufe  againft  the 
marefchal,  and  to  fubmit  his  conduct  to  their  enquiry  and 
jurifdicfion  :  That  even  mould  it  be  found  that  he  had 
been  guilty  of  non-appearance,  the  laws  had  affixed  a  very 
flight  penalty  to  that  offence  :  And  that,  as  he  was  an  in- 
habitant of  Kent,  where  his  archiepifcopal  palace  was 
feated,  he  was  by  law  entitled  to  fome  greater  indulgence 
than  ufual  in  the  rate  of  his  fine  %.  Notwithltanding  thefe 
pleas,  he  was  condemned  as  guilty  of  a  contempt  of  the 
king's  court,  and  as  wanting  in  the  fealty  which  he  had 
i'worn  to  his  fovereign ;  all  his  goods  and  chattels  were 
confifcatedll  ;  and  that  this  triumph  over  the  church  might 

note  [Rj  at  the  end  of  the  volume.  f  Keubr.  p.  304. 

X    Fitz-Steph. p.    j7.  42.  ;   il  ft.  Quad.    p.  47.     H«veden, 

.   4.     Gervafe,  p.  1389. 


295  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  be  carried  totheutmofi,  Henry  bifhop  of  Winchefter,  the 
VIII.      prelate  who  had  been  fo  powerful  in  the  former  reign,  was, 

* « — — '  in   fpite  of  his    remonftrances,  obJiged,  by  order  of  the 

1164.  court,  to  pronounce  the  fentence  againd  him*.  The 
primate  fubrnifted  to  the  decree;  and  all  the  prelates,  ex- 
cept Folliot,  bifhop  of  London,  who  paid  court  to  the 
king  by  this  Angularity,  became  fureties  for  him  f.  It 
is  remarkable,  that  feveral  Norman  barons  voted  in  this 
council;  and  we  may  conclude,  with  fome  probability, 
that  a  like  practice  had  prevailed  in  many  of  the  great 
councils  fummoned  fince  the  conqueft.  For  the  contem- 
porary hiftorian,  who  has  given  us  a  full  account  of  thefe 
tranfactions,  does  not  mention  this  circumftance  as  any 
wife  lingular  $;  and  Becket,  in  all  his  fubfequent  remon- 
ftrances, with  regard  to  the  fevere  treatment  which  he  had 
met  with,  never  founds  any  objection  on  an  irregularity, 
which  to  us  appears  very  palpable  and  flagrant.  So  little 
precifion  was  there  at  that  time  in  the  government  and 
conflitution! 

The  king  was  not  content  with  this  fentence,  however 
violent  and  oppreffive.  Next  day,  he  demanded  of  Bec- 
ket the:  fum  of  three  hundred  pounds,  which  the  primate 
had  levied  upon  the  honours  of  Eye  and  Berkham,  while 
in  hispoflevfion.  Becket,  after  premifing  that  he  was  not 
obliged  to  anfwer  to  this  fuit,  'oecaufe  it  was  not  contained 
in  his  fummons  ;  after  remarking  that  he  had  expended 
more  than  that  fum  in  the  repairs  of  thofecafiles,  and  of 
the  royal  palace  at  London;  expreffed  however  his  refolu- 
tion,  that  money  fhould  not  be  any  ground  of  quarrel  be- 
tween him  and  hisfovereign  :  He  agreed  to  pay  the  ium; 
and  immediately  gave  fureties  for  it||.  In  the  fubfequent 
meeting,  the  king  demanded  five  hundred  marks,  which, 
he  affirmed,  he  had  lent  Becket  during  the  war  at  Tou- 
loufe**  ;  and  another  fum  lo  the  fame  amount,  for  which 
that  prince  had  been  furety  for  him  to  a  Jew.  Immedi- 
ately after  thefe  two  claims,  he  preferred  a  third  of  flill 
greater  importance:  He  required  him  to  give  in  the  ac- 
counts of  his  adminiflration  while  chancellor,  and  to  pay 
the  balance  due  from  the  revenues  of  all  the  prelacies,  ab- 
bies,  and  baronies,  which  had,  during  that  time,beenin  fub- 
je<5lion  tohis  managementft.  Becket  obferved, that, as  this 
demand  was  totally  unexpected,  he  had  not  come  prepared 
toanlwer  it;  but  he  required  a  delay,  and  promifed  in  that 
cafe  to  give  fatisfaclion.     The  king  iufifted  upon  fureties; 


•  Flu 

-Steph, 

P- 

11' 

t  Ibid. 

%  Fitz-Steph. 

p- 

3*. 

||  Ibid.  p. 

33 

*  *  Hift.  Quad* 

r- 

47- 

ft  Hovcden, 

P. 

494.     Diceto, 

P- 

537* 

HENRY      II.  297 

and  Becket  defired  leave  toconfult  his  fuffiagans  in  a  cafe  C  TI  A  P. 
of  fuch  importance**  VIII. 

lr  is  apparent,  from  the  known   character  of  Henry,  v - ' 

and  from  the  ufual  vigilance  of  his  government,  that,  when  ,l6<* 
he  promoted  Becket  to  the  fee  of  Canterbury,  he  was,  on 
good  grounds,  well  pleaied  with  his  adminifiration  in  the 
former  high  office  with  which  he  had  entrulled  him  ;  and 
that,  even  if  that  prelate  had  diffipated  money  beyond  the 
income  of  his  place,  the  king  was  fatisfied  that  his  expen- 
ces  were  not  blameable,  and  had  in  the  main  been  calcu- 
lated for  his  lervicef.  Two  years  had  fince  elapfed  ;  no 
demand  had,  during  that  time,  been  made  upon  him;  it 
vvas  not  till  the  quarrel  asofe  concerning  ecciefiaflical  pri- 
vileges, that  the  claim  was  flatted,  and  the  primate  was^ 
of  a  fudden,  required  to  produce  accounts  of  fuch  intri- 
cacy and  extent  before  a  tribunal  which  had  fhown  a  deter- 
mined rei'olution  to  iuin  and  opprefs  him.  To  find  fureties* 
that  he  lhould  aniwer  io  boundlefs  and  uncertain  a  claim, 
which  in  the  king's eftimation  amounted  (044,000  marksjj 
was  impracticable  ;  and  Becket's  fuffragans  were  extreme- 
ly at  a  lols  what  counfel  to  give  him  in  fuch  a  critical 
emergency.  By  the  advice  of  the  bilhop  of  Winchefler 
he  offered  two  thoufand  marks  as  a  general  fatisfaclion  for 
all  demands:  But  this  offer  was  rejected  by  the  kinglU 
Some  prelates  exhorted  him  to  refign  his  fee,  on  condition 
of  receiving  an  acquittal:  Others  were  of  opinion, that  he 
ought  to  fubmit  himlelf  entirely  to  the  king's  mercy**  : 
But  the  primate,  thus  pufhed  to  the  utmoft,  had  too  much 
courage  to  fink  under  oppreffion  :  He  determined  to  brave 
all  his  enemies,  to  trull  to  the  facrednefs  of  his  character 
for  protection,  to  involve  his  caufe  with  that  of  God  and 
religion,  and  to  ftand  the  utmofl  efforts  of  royal  indig- 
nation. 

After  a  few  days  fpent  in  deliberation,  Becket  went 
to  church,  and  laid  mafs,  where  he  had  previouily  ordered* 
that  the  introit  to  the  communion  fervice  fhould  begin  with 
thefe  words,  Princes  fat  and  /pake  againjt  me;  the  paffage 
appointed  for  the  martyrdom  of  St.  Stephen,  whom  the 
primate  thereby  tacitly  pretended  to  refemble  in  his  fuffer-* 
ings  for  the  fake  of  righteoufnefs.  He  went  thence  to  • 
court  arrayed  in  his  facrcd  vefiments:  As  foon  as  he  arriv- 
ed within  the  palace-gate,  he  took  the  crofs  into  his  own 
hands,  bore  it  aloft  as  his  protection,  and  marched  in  that 
Vol.  I.  Q_q 

*  FUz-Steph.  p.  38.  f  Hoveden.  p.  495. 

$Eplft.    St.'lhoui.    p.315.  I|   Fitz-Stc^h.  p.  jS- 

**  Fit-'-Sleph.  p.  39,     Gervafe,  p.  1390.  ^ 


298  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  poflure  into  the  royal  apartments*.  The  king,  who 
VIII.      was  in  an  inner  room,  was  aftonifhed  at  this  parade,  by 

* v '  which  the   primate  feemed  to  menace  him  and  his  court 

M&4-  with  the  fentence  of  excommunication  ;  and  he  lent  fome 
of  the  prelates  to  remonftrate  with  him  on  account  of  fuch 
audacious  behaviour.  Theie  prelates  complained  to  Bec- 
ket,  that,  by  fubfcribing  himfelf  to  the  confiitutions  of 
Clarendon,  he  had  (educed  them  to  imitate  his  example  ; 
,  and  that  now,  when  it  was  too  late,  he  pretended  to  thake 
ofFall  fubord ination  to  the  civil  power,  and  appeared  defi- 
rousof  involving  them  in  the  guilt  which  mud  attend  any 
violation  of  thofe  laws,  eftablifhed  by  their  content,  and 
ratified  by  their  fubfcriptionsf.  Becket  replied,  that  he 
had  indeed  fubfcribed  the  conftitutions  of  Clarendon,  le- 
gally, with  good  faith,  and  zuitaout  fraud  or  re./erve ;  but  in 
thefe  words  was  virtually  implied  a  falvo  for  the  rights  of 
their  order,  which,  being  connected  with  the  caul'e  of  God 
and  his  church,  could  never  be  relinquilhed  by  their  oathj 
and  engagements  :  That  if  he  and  thev  had  erred  In  re- 
figning  the  ecclefiaftical  privileges,  the  beft  atonement 
they  could  now  make  was  to  retradt  their  content,  which, 
in  fuch  a  cafe,  could  never  be  obligatory,  and  to  follow  the 
pope's  authority,  who  had  folemnly  annulled  the  conftitu- 
tions of  Clarendon,  and  had  abfolved  them  from  all  oaths 
which  they  had  taken  toobferve  them:  That  a  determined 
rei'olution  was  evidently  embraced  to  opprefs  the  church  ; 
the  fiorm  had  firft  broken  upon  him  ;  for  a  flight  offence, 
and  which  too  was  faifely  imputed  to  him,  he  had  been 
tyrannically  condemned  to  a  grievous  penalty  ;  a  new  and 
unheard-of  claim  was  fince  darted,  in  which  he  could  ex- 
pecVno  juftice ;  and  he  plainly  faw,  that  he  was  the  deftin- 
ed  vi6tim,  who,  by  his  ruin,  mult  orepare  the  way  for  the 
abrogation  of  all  fpiritual  immunities  :  That  he  ftri&ly 
inhibited  them  who  were  his  fufTragansfromaflifting  at  any 
fuch  trial,  or  giving  their  fandtion  to  any  fentence  againft 
him  ;  he  put  himfelf  and  his  fee  under  the  protection  of 
the  fupreme  pontiff*;  and  appealed  to  him  againft  any  pe- 
nalty which  his  iniquitous  judges  might  think  proper  to 
infli£l  upon  him  :  And  that,  however  terrible  the  indig- 
nation of  fo  great  a  monarch  as  Henry,  his  fword  could 
only  kill  the  body  ;  while  that  of  the  church,  entrufted 
into  the  hands  of  the  primate,  could  kill  the  foul,  and 
throw  the   difobedient  into  infinite    and   eternal  perditi- 


*  Fitz-Steph.  p.  40.  Hift.  Quad.  p.  £3'.  Hoveden,  p.  404.  Keubr. 
p.  394.     Epift.  St.  Thorn,  p.  43.  f   Fitz-Steph.  p.  35. 

J  Fitz-Steph.  p.  45.  44,  45,  46.  Hid.  Quad.  p.  57.  Hov«den,  p.  495. 
M.  Paris,  p.  72.     Epift.  St.  Thorn,  p.  45.  195. 


HENRY      II.  299 

Appeals    to  the   pope,    even    in    ecclefiaftical   caufes,  CHAP, 
had  been  abolifhed  by  the  ccnflitutions  of  Clarendon,  and      VIII. 

were  become  criminal  by  law  ;  but  an    appeal  in   a  civil  v « ' 

caufe,  fuch  as  the  king's  demand  upon  Becket,  was  a  Il64- 
practice  altogether  new  and  unprecedented ;  it  tended 
directly  to  the  fubverfion  of  the  government,  and  could 
receive  no  colour  of  excufe,  except  from  the  determined 
refolution,  which  was  but  too  apparent  in  Henry  and  the 
great  council,  to  effectuate,  without  juftice,  but  under  co- 
lour of  law,  the  total  ruin  of  the  inflexible  primate.  The 
king,  having  now  obtained  a  pretext  fo  much  more  plaufi- 
b!e  for  his  violence,  would  probably  havepufhed  the  affair 
to  the  utmoft  extremity  againlt  him  ;  but  Becket  gave  him 
no  leifure  to  conduct  the  profecution.  He  refufed  fo  much 
as  to  hear  the  fentence,  which  the  barons,  fitting  apart 
from  the  bilhops,  and  joined  to  fome  the  riffs  and  barons 
of  the  fecond  rank  ,  had  given  upon  the  king's  claim: 
He  departed  from  the  palace;  afked  Henry's  immediate  Ban'fhmen: 
permillion  to  leave  Northampton  ;  and  upon  meeting  with  °  ecket* 
a  refufal,  he  withdrew  fecretlv ;  wandering  about  in  dif- 
guile  for  fome  time  ;  and  at  lad  took  (hipping,  and  arrived 
lately  at  Gravclines. 

The  violent  and  unjuft  profecution  of  Becket  had  a 
natural  tendency  to  turn  the  public  favour  on  his  fide,  and 
to  make  men  overlook  his  former  ingratitude  towards  the 
king,  and  his  'departure  from  all  oaths  and  engagements, 
as  well  as  the  enormity  of  thofe  ecclefiaftical  privileges,  of 
which  he  affeited  to  be  the  champion.  There  were  many 
other  reafons  which  procured  him  countenance  and  protec- 
tion in  foreign  countries.  Philip  earl  of  Flanders  ff 
and  Lewis  king  of  France^:,  jealous  of  the  rifing  great- 
nefsof  Henry,  were  wellplealed  to  give  him  difturbance 
in  his  government ;  and  forgetting  that  this  was  the  com- 
mon caufe  of  princes,  they  affected  to  pity  extremely  the 
condition  of  the  exiled  primate  ;  and  the  latter  even  ho- 
noured him  with  a  vifit  at  Soiffons,  in  which  city  he  had 
invited  him  to  fix  his  reiidencej|.  The  pope,  whofe  in- 
terefts  were  more  immediately  concerned  in  fupporting 
him,  gave  a  cold  reception  to  a  magnificent  embafly  which 
Henry  fent  to  accufe  him;  while  Becket  himfelf,  who  had 
come  to  Sens  in  order  to  juitify  his  caufe  before  the  fove- 
reign  pontiff,  was  received  with  the  greateft  marks  of  dif- 

*  Fiu-Steph.  p.  46.  This  hiflc-tia'i  is  fuppofed  to  mean  the  more  confide- 
rable  vaflals  of  the  chief  barons  :  1  hefe  had  no  litle  10  fit  in  the  great  council, 
and  the  giving  them  a  place  there  was  a  palpable  irregularity  :    Which   however  — • 

is  not  infilled  on  in  any  of  Becket's   remonll.ar.ci*.     A  latther  proof  how  little 
fixed  the  ccnititution  was  at  that  time  ! 

t  Eptft.  St.  Them.  p.  3J".  Ji:   •   p.  <(>,  37-  li  Hilt. 

Quad.  p.  7C. 


300  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP*  tin^ion.     The  king,  in  revenge,  fequeflered  the  revenues 
VIII.     of  Canterbury  ;  and  by  a  conduct  which  might  be  efleem- 

V— v '  ed  arbitrary,  had  there  been  at  that  time  any  regular  check 

1164.  on  royal  authority,  he  baniihed  all  the  primate's  relations 
and  domeftics,  to  the  number  of  four  hundred,  whom  he 
obliged  to  fwear,  before  their  departure,  that  they  would 
inftantly  join  their  patron.  But  this  policy,  by  which 
Henry  endeavoured  to  reduce  Becket  fooner  to  neceflity, 
loft  its  effect:  The  pope,  when  they  arrived  beyond  fea, 
abfolved  them  from  their  oath,  and  diftributed  them  among 
the  eonvents  in  France  and  Flanders:  A  refidence  was 
affigned  to  Becket  himfelf  in  the  convent  of  Pontigny, 
where  he  lived  for  fome  years  in  great  magnificence,  part- 
ly from  a  penfion  granted  him  on  the  revenues  of  that  ab- 
bey, partly  from  remittances  made  him  by  the  French 
monarch. 
|l65#  The  more  to  ingratiate  himfelf  with  the  pope,  Becket 

refigned  into  his  hands  the.  fee  of  Canterbury,  to  which, 
he  affirmed,  he  had  been  uncanonically  elected  by  the 
authority  of  the  royal  mandate  ;  and  Alexander,  in  his 
turn,  befides  invefting  him  anew  with  that  dignity,  preten- 
ded to  abrogate,  by  a  bull,  the  fentence  with  the  great 
council  of  England  had  palled  againft  him.  Henry,  after 
attempting  in  vain  to  procure  a  conference  with  the  pope, 
who  departed  foon  after  for  Rome,  whither  the  profperous 
flate  of  his  affairs  now  invited  him,  made  provifions  againft 
the  confequences  of  that  breach  which  impended  between 
his  kingdom  and  the  apoftolic  fee.  He  iflued  orders  to 
his  jufliciaries,  inhibiting,  under  fevere  penalties,  all  ap- 
peals to  the  pope  or  archbifhop  ;  forbidding  any  one  to 
receive  any  mandates  from  them,  or  apply  in  any  cafe 
to  their  authority  ;  declaring  it  treasonable  to  bring  from 
either  of  them  an  interdict  upon  the  kingdom,  and  puniih- 
able  in  fecular  clergymen  by  the  loft  of  their  eyes,  and  by 
caftration,  in  regulars  by  amputation  of  their  feet,  and  in 
laics  with  death  ;  and  menacing  with  fequeftration  and 
banifhment  the  perfons  themfclves,  as  well  as  their  kind- 
red, who  fhould  pay  obedience  to  any  fuch  interdict:  And 
he  farther  obliged  all  his  fubjetts  to  fwear  to  the  obferv- 
ance  of  thofe  orders*.  Thefe  were  edicls  of  the  utmoft 
importance,  affedtcd  the  fives  and  properties  of  all  the 
fubjecls,  and  even  changed,  for  the  time,  the  national  re- 
ligion, by  breaking  off  all  communication  with  Rome  : 
Yet  were  they  enacted  by  the  fole  authority  of  the  king, 
and  were  derived  entirely  from  his  will  and  pleafure. 

*  Hift.  Qiiad.  p.  8S,  167.     Hoveden,  p.  496.     M.  Paris,  p.  73. 


HENRY      II.  301 

The  fpiritual  powers,  which,  in   the  primitive  church,  CHAP* 
were,  in  a  great  meafure,  dependant  on  the  civil,  had  by      VIII. 

a  gradual    progreis  reached  an  equality  and  independence;  v *— -^ 

and  though  the  limits  of  the  two  jurifdittions  were  difficult  ,l65- 
toafceiL:in  or  define,  it  was  not  impoffible,  but,  by  mo- 
deration on  both  fides,  government  might  ftill  have  been 
conducted  in  that  imperfed  and  irregular  manner  which 
attends  all  human  inftitutions.  But  as  the  ignorance  of  the 
age  encouraged  the  ecclefiafiics  daily  to  extend  their  pri- 
vileges, and  even  to  advance  maxims  totally  incompatible 
with  civil  government*,  Henry  had  thought  it  high  time 
to  put  an  end  to  their  pretentions,  and  formally,  in  a  pub- 
lic council,  to  fix  thofe  powers  which  belonged  to  thema- 
giftrate,  and  which  he  was  for  the  future  determined  to 
maintain.  In  this  attempt  he  was  led  to  re-eftablilh  cuf- 
toms,  which,  though  ancient,  were  beginning  to  be  abo- 
lilhed  bv  a  contrary  practice,  and  which  were  ftill  more 
ftronglv  oppoled  bv  the  prevailing  opinions  and  fentiments 
of  t he  age.  Principle,  therefore,  itood  on  the  one  fide, 
power  on  the  other  ;  and  if  the  Englifh  had  been  actuated 
by  conscience  more  than  by  prefent  intereft,  the  contro- 
verfy  mtvft  loon,  bv  the  general  defection  of  Henry's  fub- 
jedis,  have  been  decided  againfr  him.  Becket,  in  order 
to  forward  this  event,  filled  all  places  with  exclamations 
againft  the  violence  which  he  had  fuffered.  He  compared 
himfelf  toChiift,  who  had  been  condemned  by  a  lay  tri- 
bunal +  ,  and  who  was  crucified  anew  in  the  prefent  op- 
preflions  under  which  his  church  laboured  :  He  took  it  for 
granted,  as  a  point  inconteftabie,  that  his  caufe  wasthe  caufe 
of  God  %:  HeafTumed  he  character  of  champion  for  the  patri- 
mony of  the  Divinity :  Hepretended  to  be  the  fpiritual  father 
of  the  king  and  all  the  people  of  England  || :  He  even  told 
Henry,  that  kings  reign  folely  bv  the  authority  of  the 
church**:  And  though  he  had  thus  torn  ofFthe  veil  more  open- 
lyon  theone fide, than  that  prince  had  ontheother,  he  Teem- 
ed ft  ill,  from  the  general  favour  borne  him  by  the  ecclefiafiics 
tohave  all  the  advantage  in  the  argument.  The  king,  that 
he  might  employ  the  weapons  of  temporal  power  remain- 
ing in  his  hands,  fufpended  the  payment  of  Peter's-pence: 
he  made  advances  towards  an  alliance  with  the  emperor, 
Freddie  Barbaroffa,  who  was  at  that  time  engaged  in  vio- 
lent wars  with  pope  Alexander  ;  he  difcovered  fome  inten- 

*    £jj*/i  dubitct,  fays  Becket  to  the  kin*,  facer dotes  Cbrifii  regum  ft  princijum 
tmxiuiiyptcfijeliumpattcsetinugijirosctnfcri.     Epift.  St.  Thorn,   p.  97.  14S. 
t  Epift.  St.  Thom.p.   63.  105.  194.  +  Ibid.  p.  29,  30,  31.  226. 

teph.  p.  46.     Epift.  St.'  Thom    p.    55.148. 
■  *  Brady's  Append.   No.  56.     Epift.  St. 'ihom,    p.  94.    9>  97-    99.  1  a-. 
Uoveden^  p.  ^97. 


3o2  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAT,  tions  of  acknowledging  Pafcal  III.  the  prefent  anti-pope, 
V1I1.     who  was  prote&ed  by  that  emperor  ;  and   by  thefe  expe- 

i „ '  dients  he  endeavoured  to   terrify  the  enterprifing  though 

J 165.       prudent  pontiff  from    proceeding  to    extremities   againft 
him. 

But  the  violence  of  Becket,  flill  more  than  the  nature 
of  the  controverfy,  kept  affairs  from  remaining  long  in 
fufpence  between  the  parties.  That  prelate,  inftigated  by 
revenge,  and  animated  by  the  prefent  glory  attending  his 
Situation,  puflied  matters  to  a  drcifion,  and  iffued  a  cen- 
fure,  excommunicating  the  king's  chief  minifters  by  name, 
and  comprehending  in  general  all  thofe  who  favoured  or 
obeyed  the  conflitutions  of  Clarendon:  Thefe  conftituti- 
ons  he  abrogated  and  annulled  ;  he  abfolved  all  men  from 
the  oaths  which  they  had  taken  to  obferve  them;  and  he 
fufpended  the  fpiritual  thunder  over  Henry  himfelf,  only 
that  the  prince  might  avoid  the  blow  by  a  timely  repen- 
tance*. 

The  fituation  of  Henry  was  fo  unhappy,  that  he  could 
employ  no  expedient  for  faving  his  minifters  from  this 
terrible  cenfure,  but  by  appealing  to  the  pope  himfelf, 
and  having  recourfe  to  a  tribunal  whofe  authority  he  had 
himfelf  attempted  to  abridge  in  this  very  article  ol  appeals, 
and  which,  he  knew,  was  fo  deeply  engaged  on  the  fide 
of  his  adverfary.  But  even  this  expedient  was  not  likely 
to  belong  effectual.  Becket  had  obtained  from  the  pope 
a  legantine  commiflion  over  Engiand  ;  and  in  virtue  of  that 
authority,  which  admitted  of  no  appeal,  he  fummoned  the 
bilhops  of  London,  Salifbury,  and  others,  to  attend  him, 
and  ordered,  under  pain  of  excommunication,  the  eccle- 
fiaftics,  fequeftered  on  his  account,  to  be  reftored  in  two 
months  to  all  their  benefices;  But  John  of  Oxford,  the 
king's  agent  with  the  pope,  had  the  addrefs  to  procure 
orders  for  fufpending  this  fentence ;  and  he  gave  the  pontiff 
fuch  hopes  of  a  fpeedy  reconcilement  between  the  king 
and  Becket,  that  two  legates,  William  of  Paviaand  Otho, 
were  fent  to  Normandy,  where  the  king  then  refided,and 
j,66.  they  endeavoured  to  find  expedients  for  that  purpofe.  But 
the  pretenfions  of  the  parties  were,  as  yet,  too  oppofite  to 
admit  of  an  accommodation  :  The  king  required,  that  all 
the  conflitutions  of  Clarendon  fhould  be  ratified  :  Becket, 
that,  previoudy  to  any  agreement,  he  and  his  adherents 
fhould  be  reftored  to  their  pofleflions:  And  as  the  legates  had 
no  power  to  pronounce  a  definitive  fentence  on  either  fide, 
the  negotiation  foon  after  came  to  nothing.     The  cardinal 

*  Fitz-Steph.   p.   56.     Hifl.  Quad.  p.  93.     M.  Paris,  p.  74.     Beaulieu  Vic 
4e  St.  Thorn,  p.  213.     Epift.  St.  Thom.  p.  149.  229.     Hovtden,  p.  499. 


HENRY      II. 


303 


of  Pavia  alfo,  being  much   attached  to  Henry,  took  care  CHAP, 
to    protract  the  negotiation  ;   to  mitigate  the  pope,  bv  the      Vlll. 

accounts  which  he  Tent  of  that   prince's   conduit;  and  to  » ; ' 

procure  him  every  poflible  indulgence  from  the  fee  of  ll6** 
Rome.  About  this  time  the  king  had  alfo  the  a'ddrefs  to 
obtain  a  difpenfation  for  the  marriage  of  his  third  fon 
Geoffrey,  with  the  heirefs  of  Britanny  ;  a  conceffion  which, 
confidering  Henry's  demerits  towards  the  church,  gave 
great  fcandal  both  to  Becket,  and  to  his  zealous  patron  the 
king  of  France. 

The  intricacies  of  the  feudal  law  had,  in  thatage,  ren-  ll6- 
dered  the  boundaries  of  power  between  the  prince  and  his 
vaiTals,  and  between  one  prince  and  another,  as  uncertain 
as  thofe  between  the  crown  and  the  mitre;  and  all  wars 
took  their  origin  fromdifputes,  which,  had  there  been  any 
tribunal  poffciTed  of  power  to  enforce  their  decrees,  ought 
to  have  been  decided  only  before  a  court  of  judicature. 
Henry,  in  profecution  of  fome  controverfies,  in  which  he 
was  involved  with  the  count  of  Auvergne,  a  vaflal  of  the 
dutchy  of  Guienne,  had  invaded  the  territories  of  that 
nobleman;  who  had  recourfc  to  the  king  of  France,  his 
fuperior  lord,  for  protection,  and  thereby  kindled  a  war 
between  the  two  monarchs.  But  this  war  was,  as  ufual, 
no  lefs  feeble  in  its  operations,  than  it  was  frivolous  in  its 
caufe  and  object;  and  after  occafioning  fome  mutual  de- 
predations*, and  fome  infurreclions  among  the  barons  of 
Poictou  and  Guienne,  was  terminated  by  a  peace.  The 
terms  of  this  peace  were  rather  disadvantageous  to  Henry, 
and  prove  that  that  prince  had, by  reafon  of  his  contefl  with 
the  church,  loft  the  Superiority  which  he  had  hitherto  main- 
tained over  the  crown  of  France  :  An  additional  motive 
to  him  for  accommodating  thofe  differences. 

The  pope  and  the  king  began  at  laft  to  perceive,  that, 
in  the  prefent  fituation  of  affairs,  neither  of  them  could 
expeol  a  final  and  decifive  victory  over  the  other,  and  that 
they  had  more  to  fear  than  to  hope  from  the  duration  of 
thecontroverfv.  Though  the  vigour  of  Henry's  govern- 
ment had  confirmed  his  authority  in  all  his  dominions,  his 
throne  might  be  fhaken  by  a  fentence  of  excommunicati- 
on ;  and  if  England  itfelf  could,  by  its  fituation,  be 
more  eafily  guarded  againfl  the  contagion  of  fuperfU- 
tious  prejudices,  his  French  provinces  at  leaft,  whofe 
communication  was  open  with  the  neighbouring  flates, 
would  be  much  expofed,  on  that  account,  to  fome  great 


•  Hoveden,  p.  517.     M.   Paris,  p.  75.     Diceto  p.  547.     Geivafe,  p.  1402, 
140^.     Robert  i*  Monte. 


304  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  revolution  or  convulfion  *.  He  could  not,  therefore,  rea* 
VIII.     fonably  imagine  that  the  pope,  while  he  retained   fuch  a 

v< r— '  check,  upon  him,  would  formally  recognife  the  conftituti- 

"67.  ons  of  Clarendon,  which  both  put  an  end  to  papal  preten- 
tions in  England,  and  would  give  an  example  to  other 
ftates  of  affertirig  a  like  independencyf.  Pope  Alexan- 
der, on  the  other  hand,  being  ftill  engaged  in  dangerous 
wars  with  the  emperor  Frederic,  might  juftly  apprehend, 
that  Henry,  rather  than  relinquim  claims  of  fuch  impor- 
tance, would  join  the  party  of  his  enemy  ;  and  as  the  tri- 
als hitherto  made  of  the  fpiritual  weapons  by  Becket  had 
not  fucceeded  to  his  expe6taiicn,  and  every  thing  had  re- 
mained quiet  in  all  the  king's  dominions,  nothing  feemed 
1168.  impoflible  to  the  capacity  and  vigilance  of  fo  great  a  mon- 
arch. The  difpofition  of  minds  on  both  fides,  refulting 
from  thefe  circumftances,  produced  frequent  attempts  to- 
wards an  accommodation  :  but  as  both  parties  knew  that 
the  effential  articles  of  the  difpute  could  not  then  be  ter- 
minated, they  entertained  a  perpetual  jealoufy  of  each 
other,  and  were  anxious  not  to  lofe  tue  leaft  advantage  in 
the  negotiation.  The  nuncios  Gratian  and  Vivian,  hav- 
ing received  a  commiffion  to  endeavour  a  reconciliation, 
met  with  the  king  in  Normandy;  and  after  all  differences 
feemed  to  be  adjufted,  Henry  offered  to  fign  the  treaty,  with 
a  falvo  to  his  royal  dignity  ;  which  gave  fuch  umbrage  to 
Becket,  that  the  negotiation,  in  the  end,  became  fruitlefs, 
and  the  excommunications  were  renewed  againlt  the  king's 
minifters.  Another  negotiation  was  conducted  at  Mont- 
mirail,  in  pretence  of  the  king  of  France  and  the  French 
prelates;  where  Becket  alfo  offered  to  make  his  fubmiffi- 
ons,  with  a  falvo  to  the  honour  of  God,  and  the  liberties 
of  the  church;  which,  for  a  like  reafon,  was  extremely 
ofFenfive  to  the  king,  and  rendered  the  treaty  abortive. 
6  A  third  conference,  under  the  fame  mediation,  was  broken 

off,  by  Becket's  infilling  on  a  like  referve  in  his  fubmifli- 
ons  ;  and  even  in  a  fourth  treaty,  when  all  the  terms  were 
adjufted,  and  when  the  primate  expecled  to  be  introduced 
to  the  king  and  to  receive  the  kifs  of  peace,  which  it  was 
nfual  for  princes  to  grant  in  thofe  times,  and  which  was 
regarded  as  a  fure  pledge  of  forgivenefs,  Henry  refufed 
him  that  honour ;  under  pretence,  that,  during  his 
anger,  he  had  made  a  rafh  vow  to  that  purpofe.  This  for- 
mality ferved,  among  fuch  jealous  fpirits,  to  prevent  the 
conclufion  of  the  treaty  ;  and  though  the  difficulty  was 
attempted  to  be  overcome  by  adifpenfation  which  the  pope 
granted  to  Henry  from   his  vow,   that   prince  could   not 

•  Epift.Sf.  Thorn,  p*  230.  |  Ibid.  p.  276. 


II     E    N    R    Y      II.  30 

be  prevailed  on  to  depart  from  the  refolution   which  he  C  H  A  P: 
had  taken.  VIII. 

In  one  of  thefe  conferences,  at  which  the  French  king  v • — ** 

was  prefent,  Henrv  laid  to  that  monarch:  "  There  have  ll6> 
u  been  many  kings  of  England,  fome  of  greater,  fome 
11  of  iefs  authority  than  myfelf :  There  have  alfo  been 
"  many  archbilhops  of  Canterbury,  holy  and  good  men, 
"  and  entitled  to  every  kind  of  reipeel:  Let  Becket  but 
"  act  towards  me  with  the  fame  fubmiffion  which  the  great- 
"  eft  of  his  predeceflbrs  have  paid  to  the  lead  of  mine, 
"  and  there  (hill  be  no  controverfy  between  us."  Lewis 
was  foltruck  with  this  ftate  of  the  cafe,  and  with  an  offer 
which  Henry  made  to  fubmit  his  caufe  to  the  French  cler- 
gy, that  he  could  not  forbear  condemning  the  primate,  and 
withdrawing  his  friendship  from  him  during  fome  time  ; 
But  the  bigotry  of  that  prince,  and  their  common  animofi- 
ty  againft  Henry,  foon  produced  a  renewal  of  their  former 
good  coirctpondence. 

All  difficulties  were  at  laft  adjufred  between  the  par- 

•  *  -.11 7<5» 

ties;  and  the  king  allowed  Becket  to  return,  on  conditions  2  2d  July, 
which  mav  be  elteemed  both  honourable  and  advantageous 
to  that  prelate.  He  was  not  required  to  give  up  any  rights  Compromife 
of  the  church,  or  refign  any  of  thofc  pretentions  which  with  Becket. 
had  been  the  original  ground  of  the  controverfy.  It  was 
agreed  that  all  thefe  queftions  fhould  be  buried  in  oblivion; 
but  that  Becket  and  his.  adherents  fhould,  without  making 
farther  fubmiihon,  be  reftored  to  all  their  livings,  and  that 
even  the  poffetibrs  of  fuch  benefices  as  depended  on  the 
fee  of  Canterbury,  and  had  been  filled  during  the  pri- 
mate's abfence,  fhould  be  expelled, and  Becket  have  liber- 
ty to  fupply  the  vacancies*.  In  return  for  conceffions 
which  entrenched  lb  deeply  on  the  honour  and  dignity  of 
the  crown,  Henry  reaped  only  the  advantage  of  feeing  his 
miniftersabfolved  from  the  fentence  of  excommunication 
pronounced  againft  them,  and  of  preventing  the  interdict, 
which,  if  thefe  hard  conditions  had  not  been  complied 
with,  was  ready  to  be  laid  on  all  his  dominionsf.  It  wag 
ealy  to  fee  how  much  he  dreaded  that  event,  when  a  prince 
of  fo  high  a  fpirit  could  fubmit  to  terms  fo  difhonourable 
in  order  to  prevent  it.  So  anxious  was  Henry  to  accom- 
modate all  differences,  and  to  reconcile  himfelf  fuily  with 
Becket,  that  he  took  the  mod  extraordinary  fteps  to  flatter 
his  vanity,  and  even,  on  one  occafion,  humiliated  himfelf 
Vol.  1.  K  r 

"    I  itz  Steph.  p.  68,  69.     Hoveden,  p.  520. 

f  Hilt.  Quad.  p.   104.     Broaipton,    p.    1062.      Gervafe,  p.    1408.     Epift. 
St.  lKm.  p.  704,   705,706,   707.   792,    793,794.      Bencdii'i.  Abbas,  p.  73. 


3o5  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  fo  far  as  to  hold  the  ftirrup  of  that  haughty  prelate  while 
VIII.      he  mounted*. 

«»— -v — -*  But  the  king  attained  not  even  that  temporary  tran- 
1!7°-  quillity  which  he  had  hoped  to  reap  from  thefe  expedients. 
During  the  heat  of  his  quarrel  with  Becket,  while  he  was 
every  day  expecting  an  interdict  to  be  laid  on  his  king- 
dom, and  a  fentence  of  excommunication  to  be  fulminated 
againft  his  perfon,  he  had  thouuht  it  prudent  to  have  his 
fon,  prnce  Henry,  afiociated  with  him  in  the  royalty, 
and  to  make  him  be  crowned  king  by  the  hands  of  Roger 
archbifhop  of  York.  By  this  precaution  he  both  enfured 
the  fucceilionof  that  prince,  which,  confidering  the  many 
paft  irregularities  in  that  point,  could  not  but  be  efteemed 
lomewhat  precarious;  and  he  prefer ved  at  leaft  his  family 
on  the  throne,  if  the  ientence  of  excommunicationvfhould 
have  the  effect,  which  he  dreaded,  andfhould  make  his  fub- 
jeCts  renounce  their  allegiance  to  him.  Though  this  de- 
fign  was  conducted  with  expedition  and  fecrecy,  Becket, 
before  it  was  carried  into  execution,  had  got  intelligence 
of  it  ;  and  being  defirous  of  obftruciing  all  Henry's  mea- 
fures,  as  well  as  anxious  to  prevent  this  affront  to  himfelf, 
who  pretended  to  the  fole  right,  as  archbilhop  of  Canter- 
bury, to  officiate  in  the  coronation,  he  had  inhibited  all 
the  prelates  of  England  from  affifting  at  this  ceremony, 
had  procured  from  the  pope  a  mandate  to  the  fame  pur- 
polef,  and  had  incited  the  king  of  France  to  proteft  againft 
the  coronation  of  young  Henry,  unlefs  the  princefs, 
daughter  of  that  monarch,  fhould  at  the  lame  time  receive 
the  royal  unCtion.  There  prevailed  in  that  age  an  opini- 
on, which  was  akin  to  its  other  fuperftitions,  that  the 
royal  unction  was  elTential  to  the  exercife  of  royal  power  J: 
It  was  therefore  natural  both  for  the  king  of  France,  care- 
ful of  his  daughter's  efiablilhment,  and  for  Becket,  jealous 
of  his  own  dignity,  to  demand,  in  the  treaty  with  Henry, 
f'ome  iatisfadiion  in  this  elTential  point.  Henry,  after  apo- 
Iogifing  to  Lewis  for  the  omiffton  with  regard  to  Margaret, 
and  excufingit  on  account  of  the  fecrecy  and  difpatch  re- 
quifite  for  conducting  that  mealure,  promifed  that  the  cere- 
mony fhould  be  renewed  in  the  perfons  both  of  the  prince 
and  princefs :  And  he  affured  Becket,  that  befides  re- 
ceiving the  acknowledgments  of  Roger  and  the  other 
bifhops  for  the  feeming  affront  put  on  the  fee  of  Canterbu- 
ry, the  primate  fhould,  as  a  farther  fatisfadtion,  recover 
his  rights  by  officiating  in  this  coronation.  But  the  violent 
ipirit  of  Becket,  elated  by  the  power   of  the  church,  and 

•  Epift.  p.  4.5-  lib.  5. 

f  Hifl.  Quad.  p.  103.     Epift,  St.  Thorn,  p,  6S2.     Gervafe,  p.  1412. 

X  Epift.  St.  Thou.  p.  70S.      * 


HENRY      II.  507 

by  the  victory  which  he  had  already  obtained  over  his  fovc-  CHAP, 
reign,  was  not  content  with  this  voluntary  compensation,  »  *"• 
but  refolved  to  make  the  injury,  whirh  he  pretended  to  *""  »  f 
have  Suffered,  a  handle  for  taking  revenge  on  all  his  ene-  U7°* 
mies.  On  his  arrival  in  England  he  met  the  archbiShop  of 
York,  and  the  bifhops  of  London  and  Salifburv,  who  were 
on  their  journey  to  the  king  in  Normandy  :  lie  notified 
to  the  archbifhop  the  fentence  of  fufpenfion,  and  to  the  two 
bifhops  that  of  excommunication,  which  at  his  folicitation  Becket's  ra- 
the pope  had  pronounced  againft  them.  Reginald  de  Wa-  tlirn  fron> 
renne,  and  Gervafe  de  Cornhill,  two  of  the  king's  minif- 
ters  who  were  employed  on  their  duty  in  Kent,  afked  him, 
on  hearing  of  this  bold  attempt,  whether  he  meant  to  bring 
fire  and  fword  into  the  kingdom?  But  the  primate,  heed- 
lefs  of  the  reproof,  proceeded,  in  the  moSt  ofientatious 
manner,  to  take  pofleSfion  of  his  dioceie.  InRccheSter, 
and  all  the  towns  through  which  he  palled,  he  was  receiv- 
ed with  the  Ihoutsand  acclamations  of  the  populace.  As 
he  approached  Southwark,  the  clergy,  the  Jaity,  men  of  all 
ranks  and  ages,  came  forth  to  meet  him,  and  celebrated 
with  hymnsof  joy  histiiumphant  entrance.  And  though 
he  was  obliged,  by  order  of  the  voung  prince,  who  refided 
at  Woodftoke,  to  return  to  his  dioceie,  he  found  that  he 
was  not  mistaken  when  he  reckoned  upon  the  highefi  vene- 
ration of  the  public  towards  his  perfon  and  his  dignity. 
He  proceeded,  therefore,  with  the  more  courage  to  dart 
his  fpiritual  thunders  :  He  iffued  the  fentence  of  excom- 
munication againfl  Robert  de  Broc  and  Nigel  de  Sackville, 
with  many  others,  who  either  had  affifted  at  the  coro- 
nation of  the  prince,  or  been  active  in  the  fat-t  persecution 
of  the  exiled  clergy.  This  violent  meaSure,  by  which 
he  in  effect  denounced  war  againft  the  king  himfelf,  is 
commonly  afcribed  to  the  vindictive  clifpofition  and  imperi- 
ous character  of  Becket  ;  but  as  this  prelate  was  alfo  a  man 
of  acknowledged  abilities,  we  are  not,  in  hispaffions  alone, 
to  look  tor  the  cauie  of  his  cond  tct,  when  he  proceeded 
to  thele  extremities  againft  his  enemies.  His  fagacity  had 
led  him  to  dilcover  all  Henry's  intentions  ;  and  he  propos- 
ed, by  this  bold  and  unexpected  affault,  to  prevent  the  ex- 
ecution of  them. 

The  king,  from  his  experience  of  the  difpofitions  of 
hi3  people,  was  become  Senfible  that  his  enterprise  had  been 
too  bold  in  eftablifhing  the  constitutions  of  clarendon,  in 
defining  all  the  branches  of  royal  power, ard  in  endeavour- 
ing to  extort  from  the  church  of  England,  as  well  as  from 
the  pope,  an  exprefs  avowal  of  thele  difputed  prerogatives. 
ConVious  alio  of  his  own  violence  in  attempting  to  break 
pr  fubcjuc  the  inflexible  primate,  he  was. not  dilpleafed.  to 


3o3  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  undo  that  meafure  which  had  given  his  enemies   fuch  ad- 
VIII.     vantage  againft    him;  and  he  was  contented  that  the  eon* 

^— v '  troverfy  Ihould  terminate  in  fhat  ambiguous  manner,  which 

1170.  was  ^e  utmofl  that  princes  in  thole  ages  could  hope  to  at- 
tain in  their  disputes  with  the  fee  of  Rome.  Though  he 
dropped,  for  the  preient,  the  profecution  of  Becket,  he 
Ail!  referved  to  himfelf  the  right  of  maintaining,  that  the 
Confutations  of  Clarendon,  the  original  ground  of  the 
quarrel,  were  both  the  ancient  cuftoms  and  the  prefent  law 
of  the  realm:  And  though  he  knew  that  the  papal  clergy 
afTerted  them  to  be  impious  in  themlelves,  as  well  as  abro- 
gated by  ihe  fentence  of  the  fovereign  pontiff,  he  intended, 
in  jpite  of  their  clamours,  Readily  to  put  thole  laws  in  ex- 
ecution*, and  to  truft  to  his  own  abilities,  and  to  the courfe 
of  events,  for  fuccels  in  that  perilous  enterprife.  He  hop- 
ed that  Beckct's  experience  of  a  fix  years' exile  would,  af- 
ter his  pride  was  fully  gratified  by  his  refloration,  be  fufri- 
cient  to  teach  him  more  referve  in  his  oppofition  :  Or  if 
any  controverfy  arofe,  he  expected  thenceforth  to  engage 
in  a  more  favourable  caufe,  and  to  maintain  with  advan- 
tage, while  the  primate  was  now  in  his  power  t,  the  anci- 
ent and  undoubted  cuficms  of  the  kingdom  ag2inft  the 
ufurpations  of  the  clergy.  But  Becket  determined  not  to 
betray  the  eccIefiaiVical  privileges  by  his  connivance  $,  and 
apprehenfive  left  a  prince  of  fuch  profound  policy,  if  al- 
lowed to  proceed  in  his  own  way,  might  probably  in  the 
end  prevail,  refolved  to  take  all  the  advantage  which  his 
,  ,preient  victory  gave  him,  and  to  dil'concert  the  cautious 
roeafuresof  the  king,  by  the  vehemence  and  rigour  of  his 
own  condufll!.  Allured  of  fupport  from  Rome,  be  was 
little  intimidated  by  dangers,  which  his"  courage  taught 
him  to  defpife,  and  which,  even  if  attended  with  the  moll 
fatal  confequences,  would  ferve  only  to  gratify  his  ambiti- 
on and  thirft  of  glory**. 

When  the  fufpended  and  excommunicated  prelates  ar- 
rived at  Baieux,  where  the  king  then  refided,  and  com- 
plained to  him  of  the  violent  proceedings  of  Becket,  he 
infiantly  perceived  the  confequences  ;  was  fenfible  that 
his  whole  plan  of  operations  was  overthrown  ;  forefaw  that 
the  dangerous  contefl  between  the  civil  and  fpiiitual  pow- 
ers, a  conteft  which  he  himfelf  had  firft  routed,  but  which 
he  had  endeavoured,  by  all  his  late  negotiations  and  con- 
ceffions,  toappeafe,  mufl  come  to  an  immediate  and  deci- 
fiveifluc;  and  he  was  thence  thiown  into  the  mofi  violent 
commotion.     The  archbilhop  of  York  remarked  to   him, 

*  Epift.  St.  Thorn,  p.  £37.  839.  f  Fkz-Stfpb.  p.    65. 
X  Epift.  St.  I  hom.    p.  345.  ||  Fiu  Steph   p.  74. 

*  »  Lpid.  St.  Thorn,  p.  818.  8f8. 


HENRY      II.  309 

thatfo  long  as  Becket  lived,'he  could  never  expeft  to  enjoy  CHAP, 
peace  or  tranquillity  :  The  king  himfelf,  being  vehement-      VIII. 

ly  agitated,  buril  forth  into  an  exclamation  againf!  his  fer-  « „ •* 

vante,   whole  want  of  zeal,  lie  laid,   had  fo  long    left  him      "7°« 
expo  fed   to  the  enterprises  of  that  ungrateful   and   imperi- 
ous prelate*.      Four   gentlemen  of   his   houfehold,   Regi- 
nald Fitz-Urfe,   William  de   Traci,   Hugh  de  Moreville, 
and  Richard  Brito,  taking  thefe   paflionate    exprefhons  to 
be  a    hint  for  Becket's  death,  immediately  communicated 
their  thoughts  to  each  other;  and  fwearing  to  avenge  their 
prince's  quarrel,   fecretiv  withdrew   from    court  f.      Some 
menacing  expicflions  which  they  had  dropped,  gave  a  fufpi- 
cion  of  their  defign  ;   and  the  king  difpatched  a  melTenger 
after  them,  charging  them   to  attempt  nothing  againft  the 
perfon  of  the  primate^:   But  thefe   orders  arrived    too  late 
to   prevent  their  fatal  purpofe.     The  four  afiaffins,  though 
they  took  different  road  to  England,  arrived  nearly  about 
the  fame  time  at  Saltwoode  near  Canterbury  ;  and    being 
there  joined  by    lome  affiltants,  thev  proceeded   in   great 
hafte  to  the  archiepiicopal  palace.  They  found  the  primate 
who  trufted  entirely  to  the  facrednefs  of  his  character,  very 
flenderly  attended  ;  and  though  they  threw  out  many  me- 
naces and  reproaches  againft  him,  he  was   fo  incapable  of 
fear,   that,  without  ufing  any  precautions  againft  their  vio- 
lence, he  immediately  went   to    St.  Benedict's  church  to 
hear  velpcrs.     They  followed  him  thither,  attacked   him 
before  the  altar,  and  having  cloven  his  head  with   many    Dec-  >9» 
blows,  retired  without  meeting  anv  oppofition.     This  was  Thomas^ 
the  tragical  end  of  Thomasa  Becket,  a  prelate  of  the  moft  Beckci. 
lofty,  intrepid,  and  inflexible   fpirit,  who  was  able  to  co- 
ver to  the  world,  and  probably  to  himfelf,  the  enterprifes 
of  pride  and  ambition,  under  the  difguife  of  fandtity,  and 
of  zeal  for  the  interefts  of  religion  :   An  extraordinary  per- 
fonage,  furely,  had  he  been  allowed  to  remain  in  his  firft 
ftation,  and  had  directed  the  vehemence  of  bis  character 
to  the  lupport  of  law  and  juftice;  inftead  of  being  engag- 
ed, by  the  prejudices  of  the  times,  to   facrihee  all  private 
duties  and  public  connections  to  ties  which  he  imagined 
or  reprefented  as  fuperior  to  every  civil  and  political  con- 
fideration.     3ut  no  rmn  who  enters  into  the  genius  of  that 
age  can  reafonably  doubt  of  this  prebte's  finceritv.     The 
fpirit  of   fuperliition    was   fo  prevalent,  that   it  infallibly 
caught  every  carelefs  reafoner,  much  more  every  one  whofe 
jntereft,  and  honour,  and  ambition,  were  engaged  to  fup- 
port  it.     All  the  wretched  literature  of  the  times  was  in- 

•  Gervafe,  p.  t^,.|.     parker,  p.  207.  \  M.  Paris,   p.  *:'. 

Erompton,  p,  1065.     Bene£.<ft.    ALtas,  p.   10.  +  Hilt.    Quad. 

P-  Hf.     Tthret.p.  35. 


310  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  lifted  on    that  fide  :  Some    faint   glimmering  of  common 
VIII.     fenle  might  fometimes  pierce  through  the  thick  cloud   of 

* '  ignorance,  or,  what  was  worfe,  the  illufions  of  perverted 

1170.  fcience,  which  had  blotted  out  the  fun,  and  enveloped  the 
face  of  nature  :  But  thole  who  preferved  themielves  un- 
tainted bv  ;lie  general  contagion,  proceeded  on  no  princi- 
ples which  they  could  pretend  to  juftify:  They  were  more 
indebted  to  their  total  want  of  instruction,  than  to  their 
knowledge,  if  they  itill  retained  fome  fhare  of  undeman- 
ding: 1  oily  waspofl'effed  of  all  the  fchools,  as  well  as  all 
the  churches  ;  and  her  votaries  aflumed  the  garb  of  philo- 
fophers,  together  with  the  cnfigns  of  fpiritual  dignities. 
Throughout  that  large  collection  of  letters  which  bears 
the  name  of  St.  Thomas,  we  find,  in  all  the  retainers  of 
that  afpiring  prelate,  no  lefs  than  in  himfelf,  a  moft  entire 
and  abfolute  conviction  of  the  reafon  and  piety  of  their 
own  party,  and  a  disdain  of  their  antagonifts  :  Nor  is  there 
lefs  cant  and  grimace  in  their  fiyle,  when  thev  addrefs 
each  other,  than  when  they  compofe  manifeftos  for  the 
perufciLof  the  public.  The  fpirit  of  revenge,  violence, 
and  ambition,  which  accompanied  their  conduct,  inftead 
of  forming  a  prefumption  of  hvpocrify,  are  the  fureft 
pledges  of  their  finrere  attachment  to  a  caufe,  which  fo 
much  flattered  thefe  domineering  paffions. 
Cr:„f  IlciHPY,  on  the  firft  report  of  Becket's  violent  meafures, 

had  purpofed  to  have  him  arretted,  and  had  already  taken 
fome  ft c^ps  towards  the  execution  of  that  defign  :  But  the 
intcli'uience  of  his  murder  threw  the  prince  into  great  con- 
firmation ;  and  he  was  immediately  fenfible  of  the  dange- 
rous confequences  which  he  had  reafon  to  apprehend  from 
fo  unexpected  an  event.  An  archbifhopof  reputed  fanc- 
tity  affaffinati-d  before  the  altar,  in  the  exercife  of  his  func- 
tions, and  on  account  of  his  zeal  in  maintaining  ecclefia- 
ftical  privileges,  muit  attain  the  higheft  honours  of  martyr- 
dom ;  while  his  murderer  would  be  ranked  among  the 
moft  blcody  tyrants  that  ever  were  expofed  to  the  hatred 
and  detection  of  mankind.  Interdicts  and  excommuni- 
cations, weapons  in  themfelves  fo  terrible,  would,  he  fore- 
faw,  be  armed  with  double  force,  when  employed  in  a 
caufe  fo  much  calculated  to  work  on  the  human  paffions, 
and  fo  peculiarly  adapted  to  the  eloquence  of  popular 
preachers  and  declaimers.  In  vain  would  he  plead  his 
own  innocence,  and  even  his  total  ignorance  of  the  faft  : 
He  was  fufficient'y  euilty,  if  the  church  thought  proper 
to  efteem  him  fuch:  And  his  concurrence  in  Beckei's  may- 
tvrdom,  becoming  a  religious  opinion,  would  be  received 
with  all  the  implicit  credit  which  belonged  to  the  moft 
eftablilhcd  articles  of  faith.     Thefe    confederations   gays 


HENRY      II.  311 

the  kingthemoft  unaffected  concern  ;  and  as  it  was  extreme*  q  \;   \  p. 
Jy  his  interefl  to  clear  himfeif  from  all  fufpicion,   !  e   toi  k       \'I1I. 

no  care  to  conceal  the  depth  of  his  affliction*.     Fie   fhut  ■ „ ' 

himfeif  up  from  the  light  of  day,  and  from  al!  comma ce  •'z0' 
with  his  feivants:  He  even  refuted,  during  three  da)  s,  all 
food  and  iuftenance  +  :  The  courtiers,  aprehending  dan- 
gerous effects  from  hisdefpair,  were  at  lafl  obliged  to  bre  ik 
in  upon  his  folitude  ;  and  they  employed  ev^<v  topic  of 
confolation,  induced  him  (o  accept  of  nourifhn  ent,  and 
occupied  his  lei'ure  in  taking  precautions  againft  the  con- 
fequenct-s  which  he  fo  juftly  apprehended  from  the  mur- 
der of  the  primate. 

The  point  of  chief  importance  to  Henry  was  to  con-  ,,7I, 
vince  the  pope  of  his  innocence  ;  or  rather,  to  periuade  ar|  iub- 
him  that  he  would  reap  greater  advantages  from  the  iub-  n"llio"of 
miffions  of  England,  than  from  proceeding  to  extremities 
againft:  that  kingdom.  The  archbilhop  of  Rouen,  the 
biihops  of  Worcefter  and  Evreux,  with  five  perfous  of  in- 
ferior quality,  were  immediately  difpatched  to  Rome  %t 
and  orders  were  given  them  to  perform  their  journey  with 
the  utmolt  expedition.  Though  the  name  and  authority 
of  the  court  of  Rome  were  fo  terrible  in  the  remote  coun- 
tries of  Europe,  which  were  funk  in  profound  ignorance, 
and  were  entirely  unacquainted  with  its  character  and  con- 
duct ;  the  pope  was  fo  little  revered  at  home,  that  his  in- 
veterate enemies  furrounded  the  gates  of  Rome  itlelf,  and 
even  controlled  his  government  in  that  city  :  and  the  am- 
batladors  who,  from  a  diftant  extremity  of  Europe,  carried 
to  him  the  humble  or  rather  abject  fubmi (lions  of  the  grea- 
teft  potentate  of  the  age,  found  the  utmoft  difficulty  to 
make  their  way  to  him,  and  to  throw  themfelves  at  his 
feet.  It  was  at  length  agreed  that  Richard  Bane,  one  of 
their  number,  fhould  leave  the  reft  behind,  and  run  all 
the  hazards  of  the  paffage||,  in  order  to  prevent  the  fatal 
confequences  which  might  enl'u^  from  any  delay  in  giving 
fatisfaction  to  his  holinels.  He  found,  on  his  arrival,  that 
Alexander  was  already  wrought  up  to  the  greateft  rage 
againft  the  king,  that  Becket's  partifans  were  daily  ftimu- 
laiing  him  to  revenge,  that  the  king  of  France  had  ex- 
horted him  to  fulminate  the  moft  dreadful  fent«*nce  againft 
England,  and  that  the  very  mention  of  Henry's  name  be- 
fore the  facred  college  was  received  with  every  expreffion 
of  horror  and  execration.  The  Thurfday  before  Eafter 
was  now  approacning,  when  it  is  cuftomary  for  the  pope 
to  denounce  annual  curies  againft  all  his  enemies  ;  and  it 

-  Ypod.  Neuft.  p.  447.     M.    Taris.  p.   87.     Ciceto,   p.    556.     Cervafe,   r- 
M'l-  t    Hift.  Quad.  p.  115-  t  Ho-eden,  p.  526. 

M.  Paris,  p.  37.  I)  Hovcden,  p.  536.     EpiR.St.  I  hom.  p.  86*. 


g»j  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  was  expecled  that  Henry  mould,  with  all  the  preparations 
VIII.     peculiar  to  the  di (charge  of  that  facred  artillery,  be  lolemn- 

'- « '  ly  comprehended  in  the  number.     But  Barre  found  means 

,l7'*  to  appeafe  the  pontiff,  and  to  deter  him  from  a  meafure 
which,  if  it  failed  of  fuccefs,  could  not  afterwards  be  eafi- 
]y  recalled:  The  anathemas  were  only  levelled  in  general 
againft  all  the  actors,  accomplices,  and  abettors  of  Becket's 
murder.  The  abbot  of  ValalTe,  and  the  arch -deacons  of 
Salifbury  and  Lifieux,  with  others  of  Henry's  miniflers, 
who  foon  after  arrived,  befides  aflerting  their  prince's  in* 
nocence,  made  oath  before  the  whole  confiflory,  that  he 
would  ftand  to  the  pope's  judgment  in  the  affair,  and 
make  every  fubmiffion  that  fhould  be  required  of  him. 
The  terrible  blow  was  thus  artfully  eluded;  the  cardinals 
Albert  and  Theodin  were  appointed  legates  to  examine 
the  caufe,  and  were  ordered  to  proceed  to  Normandy  for 
that  purpofe;  and  though  Henry's  foreign  dominions  were 
already  laid  under  an  interdict  by  the  archbilhop  of  Sens, 
Becket's  great  partifan,  and  the  pope's  legate  in  France, 
the  general  expectation  that  the  monarch  would  eafily  ex- 
culpate himfelf  from  any  concurrence  in  the  guilt,  kept 
every  one  in  fufpence,  and  prevented  all  the  bad  confe- 
quences  which  might  be  dreaded  from  that  fentence. 

The  clergy,  meanwhile,  though  their  rage  was  happily 
diverted  from  falling  on  the  king,  were  not  idle  in  magni- 
fying the  fanclity  of  Becket  ;  in  extolling  the  merits  of 
his  martyrdom ;  and  in  exalting  him  above  all  that  devoted 
tribe  who  in  feveral  ages  had,  by  their  blood,  cemented 
the  fabric  of  the  temple.  Other  faints  had  only  borne  tef- 
timony  by  their  fufferings  to  the  general  doctrines  of  chril- 
tianity  ;  but  Becket  had  facrificed  his  life  to  the  power  and 
privileges  of  the  clergy;  and  this  peculiar  merit  challeng- 
ed, and  not  in  vain,  a  fuitable  acknowledgment  to  his  me- 
mory. Endlefswere  the  panegyrics  on  his  virtues;  and 
the  miracles  wrought  by  his  reliques  were  more  numerous, 
more  nonfenfical,  and  more  impudently  atfefted,  than 
thole  wtfjch  ever  filled  the  legend  of  any  confelTor  or  mar- 
tyr. Two  years  after  his  death  he  was  canonized  by  pope 
Alexander;  a  folemn  jubilee  was  eflabliihed  for  celebrat- 
ing his  merits;  his  body  was  removed  to  a  magnificent 
ihrine,  enriched  with  prefents  from  all  parts  of  Chriften- 
dom;  pilgrimages  were  performed  to  obtain  his  interceffion 
with  heaven  ;  and  it  was  computed,  that  in  one  year  above 
a  hundred  thoufand  pilgrims  arrived  in  Canterbury,  and 
paid  their  devotions  at  his  tomb.  It  is  indeed  a  mortifying 
reflection  to  thofe  who  are  actuated  by  the  love  of  fame,  fo 
juftly  denominated  the  laft  infirmity  of  noble  minds,  that 


HENRY      II. 


3*3 


the  wifeft  legiflator,  and  mod  exalted  genius  that  ever  re-  CHAP, 
formed  or  enlightened   the  world,  can  never  expecl  fuch      VIII. 

tributes  of  praife  as  are  lavifhed  on  the  memory  of  preten-  * « ' 

ded  faints,  whofe  whole  conduit  was  probably  to  the  laft  M7U 
degree  odious  or  contemptible,  and  whofe  induflry  was  en- 
tirely directed  to  the  purfuit  of  objects  pernicious  to  man- 
kind. It  is  only  a  conqueror,  a  perfonage  no  lefs  entitled 
to  our  hatred,  who  can  pretend  to  the  attainment  of  equal 
renown  and  glory. 

It  may  not  be  amifs  to  remark,  before  we  conclude  the 
fubjeit  of  Thomas  a  Becket,  that  the  king,  during  his 
controversy  with  that  prelate,  was  on  every  occ.afion  more 
anxious  than  ufual  to  exprefo  his  zeal  for  religion,  and  to 
avoid  all  appearance  of  a  profane  negligence  on  that  head. 
He  gave  his  con  fen  t  to  the  impofing  of  a  tax  on  all  his  do- 
minions for  the  delivery  of  the  Holy  Land;  now  threaten- 
ed by  the  famous  Saladine  :  This  tax  amounted  to  two- 
pence a  pound  for  one  year,  and  a  penny  a  pound  for  the 
four  fubfequent*.  Almofl:  all  the  princes  of  Europe  laid 
an  impofition  on  their  fubjecls,  which  received  the  name 
of  Saladine's  tax.  During  this  period,  there  came  over 
from  Germany  about  thirty  heretics  of  both  fexes,  under 
the  direction  of  one  Gerard  ;  fimple  ignorant  people,  who 
could  give  no  account  of  their  faith,  but  declared  tbem- 
felves  ready  to  fufFer  for  the  tenets  of  their  matter.  They 
made  only  one  convert  in  England,  a  woman  as  ignorant 
as  themfelves;  yet  they  gave  fuch  umbrage  to  the  clergy, 
that  they  were  delivered  over  to  the  fecular  arm,  and  were 
punifhed,  by  being  burned  on  the  forehead,  and  then  whip- 
ped through  the  flreets.  They  feemed  to  exult  in  their 
fufferings,  and  as  they  went  along,  fung  the  beatitude, 
Bleffed  are  ye,  when  men  hate  you  and  perfecute  youf. 
After  they  were  whipped,  they  were  thrutt  out  almofl 
naked  in  the  midft  of  winter,  and  perifhed  through  cold 
and  hunger  ;  no  one  daring  or  being  willing  to  give  them 
the  leaft  relief.  We  are  ignorant  of  the  particular  tenets 
of  thefe  people  :  For  it  would  be  imprudent  to  rely  on  the 
reprefentations  left  of  them  by  the  clergy,  who  affirm  that 
they  denied  the  efficacy  of  the  facraments,  and  the  unity 
of  the  church.  It  is  probable  that  their  departure  from 
the  ftandard  of  orthodoxy  was  flill  more  fubtile  and  mi- 
nute. They  feem  to  have  been  the  firfi  that  ever  fufFered 
fur  herefy  in  England. 

Vol.  I.  S  s 


»  C iii-  n.  Gervafe,  p.  13(59.     M.  Pans,  p.  74. 

br.  p.  391.     M.  Paris,  p.  74.     Heming.   p.  494, 


3X4 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


C  H  A  P       As  foon  as  Henry  found  that  he  was  in  no  immediate 

VIII.  '  danger  from  the  thunders  of  the  Vatican,  he  undertook  an 

*_— >  expedition  againft  Ireland;    a  defign  which  he  had  long 

»7«.       projected,  and  by  which  he  hoped  to  recover  his  credit, 

fomewhat    impaired    by    his  late   tranfaaions  W1th    the 

hierarchy. 


(  3^5  ; 


CHAP.      IX. 


HENRY        II. 


State  of  Ireland Conquejl  of  that  ijland The  king's 

accommodation  with  the  court  of  Rome Revolt  of 

young  Henry  and  his  brothers Wars  and  infurre&i- 

ons War  with  Scotland Penance  of  Henry  for 

Becket's  murder William  king  of  Scotland  defeated 

and  taken  ptifoner The  king's  accommodation    with 

his  Jons The  king's    equitable  adminiftration— 

Crufada Rwo't  of  prince  Richard Death  and 

character  of  H.nry Mfiellaneous  tranfaclions  of  his 

reign. 


A     S  Britain  was  firft   peopled    from  Gaul,  fo  was  Ire-  q  u  «\p 
fr.   land,  probably  from  Britain  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of       JX. 

all  'hefe  countries  teem  to  have  been  fo  many  tribes  of  the  v ^ / 

Celtae,  who  derive  their  orig  n  from  an  antiquity  that  lies      1172. 
far  beyond  the  records  of  any  hiftory   or   tradition.      The  Slate  of 
Irifh  from  the  beginning  of  time  had   been  buried  in  the 
moft  profound  barbarifm  and  ignorance  ;   and  as  thev  were 
never  conquered,  or  even  invaded  by  the   Romans,  from 
whom  all  the  weftern  world  derived  its  civility,  they  con- 
tinued ftill  in  the  moft  rude  (late  of  fociety,  and  were  dif- 
tinguifhed  by  thofe  vices  alone  to  which  human  nature,  not 
tamed  by  education,  or  retrained  by  laws,  is  forever  fub- 
jecl.     The  fmall  principalities  into  which  they  were  divi- 
ded,  exercifed  perpetual  rapine  and  violence  againft  each 
other  ;   the  uncertain  fuccefiion  of  their  princes  was  a  con- 
tinual fource    of  domeftic  con. ulfions  ;  the   ufual   title  of 
each  petty  fovereign  was  the  murderer  of  his  prcdecctTor; 
couroge  and  force,  though  cxerciied  in  the  commiffion  of 


3i5  HISTORY    Op    ENGLAND. 

CHAT,  crimes,  were  more  honoured  than  anv  pacific  virtues  ;  and 
IX.        the  moil  fimple  arts  of  life,  even   tillage   and  agriculture, 

v ^— r-s  were  almoft  wholly  unknown  among  them.     They  had 

u72«  felt  the  invafions  of  the  Danes  and  the  other  northern 
tribes;  but  thefe  inroads,  which  had  fpread  barbarifm  in 
Other  parts  of  Europe,  tended  rather  to  improve  the  irifh  ; 
and  the  only  towns  which  were  to  be  found  in  the  ifland, 
had  been  planted  along  the  coaft  by  the  freebooters  of  Nor- 
way and  Denmark.  The  other  inhabitants  exercifed  paf- 
turage  in  the  open  country  ;  fought  protection  from  any 
danger  in  their  forerts  and  morafles;  and  being  divided  by 
the  fiercer!  animofities  againft  each  other,  were  ftill  more 
intent  on  the  means  of  mutual  injury,  than  on  the  expe- 
dients for  common  or  even  for  private  intereil. 

Besides  many  fmall  tribes,  there  were  in  the  age  of 
Henry  II.  five  principal  fovereignties  in  the  ifland,  Munfl- 
ec,  Leinfter,  Meath,  Ulfter,  and  Gonnaught ;  and  as  it 
had  been  ufual  for  the  one  or  the  other  of  thefe  to  take  the 
lead  in  their  wars,  there  was  commonly  fome  prince,  who 
feemed,  for  the  time,  to  a£t  as  monarch  of  Ireland.  Ro- 
deric  O'Conner,  king  of  Connaught,  was  then  advanced 
to  this  dignitv*;  but  his  government,  ill  obeyed  even 
-  within  his  own  territory,  could  not  unite  the  people  in  any 
meafurcs,  either  for  the  eftabliihment  of  order,  or  for  de- 
fence •  againft  foreigners.  The  ambition  of  Henry  had, 
very  early  in  his  reign,  been  moved  by  the  profpecl  of 
thefe  advantages,  to  attempt  the  fubjeciing  of  Ireland  ; 
and  a  pretence  was  only  wanting  to  invade  a  people  who, 
being  always  confined  to  their  own  ifland,  had  never  given 
any  reaion  of  complaint  to  any  of  their  neighbours.  For 
this  purpole,  he  had  recourfe  to  Rome,  which  affumed  a 
right  to diipofe  of  kingdoms  and  empires;  and  not  fore- 
feeing  the  dangerous  difputes,  which  he  was  one  day  to 
maintain  with  that  fee,  he  helped,  for  prefent,  or  rather 
for  an  imaginary  convenience,  to  give  fandlion  to  claims 
which  were  now  become  dangerous  to  all  fovereigns.  Ad- 
rian III.  who  then  filled  the  papal  chair,  was  by  birth  an 
Englishman ;  and  being  on  that  account  the  more  difpofed 
to  oblige  Henry,  he  was  eafily  perfuaded  to  acl  as  mailer 
of  the  world,  and  to  make,  without  any  hazard  or  expence, 
the  acquifition  of  a  great  ifland  to  his  fpiritual  juiifdiclion. 
The  Irifh  had,  by  precedent  millions  from  the  Britons, 
been  imperfectly  converted  to  chriftianity  ;  and,  what  the 
pope  regarded  as  the  furefl  mark  of  their  imperfect  con- 
verfion,  they  followed  the  doctrines  of  their  firft  teachers, 
and  had  never  acknowledged  any  fubjeclion  to  the  fee  of 

»  Hoveden,  p.  527. 


HENRY      II.  317 

of  Rome.     Adrian,  therefore,  in  the  year  1 156,  iflued  a  C  H  A  P. 


bull  in  favour  of  Henry:  in  which,  after  prcn.ifing  that 
this  prince  had  ever  fhewn  an  anxious  care  to  enlarge  the  v 
church  of  God  on  ea.;h,  and  to  increafe  the  numher  of  his 
faints  and  elect  in  heaven  ;  he  reprefents  his  defign  of  fub- 
duing  Ireland  as  derived  from  the  fame  pious  motives  : 
He  confiders  his  care  of  previouftv  applying  for  the  apof- 
tolic  fan£tion  as  a  lure  earned  of  fucceis  and  victory  ;  and 
having  eftablilhed  it  as  a  point  inconteitable,  that  all  Chrif- 
tian  kingdoms  belong  to  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  he 
acknowledges  it  to  be  his  own  duty  to  low  among  them  the 
feeds  of  the  gofpel,  which  might  in  the  laft  day  frudtify  to 
their  eternal  lalvation  :  He  exhorts  the  king  to  invade 
Ireland,  in  order  to  extirpate  the  vice  and  wickednefs  of 
the  natives,  and  oblige  them  to  pay  vearlv,  from  every 
houfe,  a  penny  to  the  fee  of  Rome  :  He  gives  him  entire 
right  and  authority  over  the  ifland,  commands  all  the  in- 
habitants to  obe\-  him  as  their  fovereign,  and  inverts  with 
full  power  all  luch  godlv  Inftruments  as  he  mould  think 
proper  to  emplov  in  an  enterprife  thus  calculated  for  the 
glory  of  God  and  the  falvation  of  the  louls  of  men*.  Hen- 
ry, though  armed  with  this  authority,  did  not  immediately 
put  his  defign  in  execution  ;  but  being  detained  by  more 
interefling  bufineis  on  the  continent,  waited  for  a  favour- 
able opportunity  of  invading  Ireland. 

Dermot  Macmorroch,  king  of  Leinfter,  had,  by  his 
licentious  tyranny,  rendered  himfelfodious  to  his  fubjedts, 
who  feized  with  alacrity  the  firil  occafion  that  offered  cf 
throwing  off  the  yoke,  which  was  become  grievous  and 
oppreftive  to  them.  This  prince  had  formed  a  defign  on 
Dovergiida,  wife  of  O101  ic  prince  of  Brerlny  ;  and  taking 
advantage  of  her  hufband's  abfepcej  who,  being  obliged 
to  vifit  a  diltant  part  of  his  territory,  had  left  his  wire  ie- 
cure,as  he  thought,  in  an  illand  furrounded  by  a  bog;  he 
iuddenly  invaded  the  place  and  canied  off  the  princofsf. 
This  exploit,  though  ufual  among  the  lrilh,  and  rather 
deemed  a  proof  of  gallantry  and  fpirttf,  provoked  the  re- 
fentment  of  the  hufband  ;  who,  having  collected  forces, 
and  being  ftrengthened  by  the  alliance  of  Roderic  kingof 
Connaught,  invaded  the  dominions  of  Dermot,  and  expel- 
led him  his  kingdom.  The  exiled,  prince  had  lecourfcto 
Henry,  who  was  at  this  tiniL-  in  Guienne,  craved  his  a  {fin- 
ance in  refloring  himtohisfovereigmy,  and  offered,  on  that 
event,  to  hold  his  kingdom  in  valfalage  under  the  crown 
of  England.     Henry,    whole  views  were  already   turned 

*  M.  Faris,  p.  67.     Gitald.  Cambr.  Spelm.   Condi,   vvi.  ii.  p 
vol.  i.  p.  15.  -j.  oujui.  Cambr.  p.  71    , 

ccr,  vol.  v:. 


IX. 


3i8  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP-  towards  making  acquisitions  in   Ireland,   readily  accepted 
IX.       the  offer  ;  but   being  at  that  time  embarraffed  by  the  re- 

" •> '  bellionsof  his  French  fubje&s,  as  well  as  by  his  diiputes 

'172.  with  the  fee  of  Rome,  he  declined  fV  the  prefent  embark- 
ing in  the  enterprife,and  gave  Dermot  no  farther  aTiftance 
than  letters  patent,  by  which  he  empowered  all  hisfubjecls 
to  aid  the  Irifh  prince  in  the  recovery  of  his  dominions  *. 
Dermot,  fupported  by  this  authority,  came  to  Briftol;  and 
after  endeavouring,  though  for  fame  time  in  vain,  to  en- 
gage adventurers  in  the  enterprife,  he  at  laft  formed  a 
treaty  with  Richard,  furnamed  Strongbow,  earl  of  Strigul. 
This  nobleman,  who  was  of  the  illuftrious  houfe  of  Clare, 
had  impaired  his  fortune  byexpcnfive  pleafures;  and  being 
ready  for  any  defperate  undertaking,  he  promifed  affift- 
ance  to  Dermot,  on  condition  that  he  mould  efpoufe  Fva 
daughter  of  that  prince,  and  be  declared  heir  to  all  his 
dominions  f.  While  Richard  was  afTembling  his  fuc- 
cours,  Dermot  went  into  Wales  ;  and  meeting  with  Ro- 
bert Fitz-Stcphens,  conftable  of  Abertivi,  and  Maurice 
Fitz -Gerald,  he  alfo  engaged  them  in  his  fervice,  and  ob- 
tained their  promife  of  invading  Ireland.  Being  now  af- 
fured  of  fuccour,  he  returned  privately  (o  his  own  ftate  ; 
and  lurking  in  the  monaftery  of  Fernez,  which  he  had 
founded  (for  this  ruffian  was  alfo  a  founder  of  monafteries), 
he  prepared  every  thing  for  the  reception  of  his  Engiifh 
allies  %. 
Conqueft  The    troops  of  Fitz-Stephens  were  firft  ready.     That 

Llan'd.  gentleman  landed  in  Ireland  with  thirty  knights,  fixty 
efquires,  and  three  hundred  archers;  but  this  fmall  bod)4, 
-being  brave  men,  not  unacquainted  with  difcipline,  and 
completely  armed,  a  thing  almoft  unknown  in  Ireland, 
ft  rock  a  great  terror  into  the  barbarous  inhabitants,  and 
ieemed  to  menace  them  with  fome  fignal  revolution.  The 
conjunction  of  Maurice  de  Pendergaff,  who,  about  the 
fame  time,  brought  over  ten  knights  and  fixty  archers, 
enabled  Fitz-Stephens  to  attempt  the  fiege  of  Wexford,  a 
town  inhabited  by  the  Danes  ;  and  after  gaining  an  advan- 
tage, he  made  himfelf  matter  of  the  place  ||.  Soon  after, 
Fitz  Gerald  arrived  with  ten  knights,  thirty  efquires,  and 
a  hundred  archers*  *  ;  and  being  joined  by  the  former  ad- 
venturers, compofed  a  force  which  nothing  in  Ireland 
was  able  to  withffand.  Roderic,  the  chief  monarch  of  the 
illand,  was  foiled  in  different  actions;  the  prince  ofOffory 
was  obliged  to  fubmit,  and  give  hoftages  for  his  peaceable 
behaviour  ;  and    Dermot^  not  content  with  being  reftored 

*  Girald.  Camo.  p.  760.  f  Ibid.  p.  761. 
X  Ibid.  p.  7&r.                          |j  Girald.  Cambr.  p.  761,   76a. 

*  *  Ibid.  p.  766. 


HENRY      IT.  319 

to  his  kingdom  of  Leinfler,  projected  the  dethroning  of  C  II  A  P« 
Roderic,  and  afpired  to  the  fole  dominion  over  the  lrilh.  IX. 

In  profecution  of  thefe  views,  he  fent  over  a  meflcnger  * * — -/ 

to  the  eari  of  Strigul,  challenging  the  performance  of  his  ll72« 
promife,  and  difplayihg  the  mighty  advantages  which 
might  now  be  reaped  by  a  reinforcement  of  warlike  troops 
from  England.  Richard,  not  fatisfied  with  the  general 
allowance  given  by  Henry  to  all  his  fubjects,  went  to  that 
prince,  then  in  Normandy  ;  and  having  obtained  a  cold 
or  ambiguous  permiilion,  prepared  himfelf  for  the  executi- 
on of  his  defigns.  He  firll  fent  over  Raymond,  one  of  his 
retinue,  with  ten  knights  and  feventy  archers,  who,  land- 
ing near  Waterford,  defeated  a  body  of  three  thoufand 
lrilh  that  had  ventured  to  attack  him*;  and  as  Richard 
himfelf,  who  brought  over  two  hundred  horfe,  and  a  body 
of  archers,  joined,  a  few  days  after,  the  victorious  Eng- 
lish, they  made  themfelves  mafters  of  Waterford,  and 
proceeded  to  Dublin,  which  was  taken  by  afiault.  Rode- 
ric, in  revenge,  cut  off  the  head  of  Dermot's  natural  fon, 
who  had^been  left  as  a  hofiage  in  his  hands  ;  and  Richard, 
marrying  Eva,  became  foon  after,  by  the  death  of  Dermot, 
mafter  of  the  kingdom  of  Leinfler,  and  prepared  to  ex- 
tend his  authority  over  all  Ireland.  Roderic  and  the  other 
Irifh  princes  were  alarmed  at  the  danger;  and  combining 
together,  befieged  Dublin  with  an  army  of  thirty  thoufand 
men  :  But  earl  Richard,  making  a  fudden  fally  at  the 
head  of  ninety  knights,  with  their  followers,  put  this  nu- 
merous army  to  rout,  chafed  them  off the  field,  and  purfued 
them  with  great  (laughter.  None  in  Ireland  now  dared  to 
oppofe  themfelves  to  the  Englithf. 

Henry,  jealous  of  the  progrefs  made  by  his  own  fub- 
jects, fent  orders  to  recal  all  the  Englifh,  and  lie  made 
preparations  to  attack  Ireland  in  perfonj:  But  Richard, 
and  the  other  adventurers,  found  means  to  appeafe  him, 
by  making  him  the  mofl  humble  fubmiflions,  and  offering 
to  holdall  their  acquifitions  in  vaffalage  to  his  croun|U 
That  monarch  landed  in  Ireland  at  the  head  of  five  hund- 
red knights,  befides  other  foldiers :  He  found  the  Irifh 
fodifpirited  by  their  late  misfortunes,  that,  in  a  progrefs 
which  he  made  through  the  ifland,  he  had  no  other  occu- 
pation than  to  receive  the  homage  of  his  new  fubjects.  He 
left  moft  of  the  lrihVchieftains  or  princes  in  poffeiTion  of 
their  ancient  territories;  beflowed  fome  lands  on  the  Eng- 
glifh  adventurers  ;  gave  earl  Richard  the  commiffion  of 
fenefchal   of  Ireland ;  and  after  a  flay  of  a  few  motiths, 

•  Girald.  Cambr.  p.  7C7.  t  Ibid.  p.  773. 

t  lb;d-  P-  7/°«  H  Ibid.  p.  775. 


32° 

CHA 
•     IX. 

i :;  2. 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

P.  returned  in  triumph  to  England.    By  thefe  trivial  exploits,- 

icarcely    worth  relating,  except  for  the  importance  of  thd 
■^  con/equences,  was  Ireland   fubdued,  and  annexed  to  the 

Englith  crown. 

The  low  itate  of  commerce  and  induftry  during  thofe 

ages  made  it  impracticable  for  princes  to  fupport   regular 
armies,  which  might  retain  a  conquered  country  in  ~fub- 
jechon;  and  the  extreme  barbarifm  and  poverty  of  Ireland 
could  ftill  lefs  alFord  means  of  bearing  the  expence.  The 
only  expedient,  by  which  a  durable  conquefl  couid  then  be 
made  or  m  .intained,  was  by  pouring  in  a  multitude  of  new 
inhabitants,  dividing  among  them  the  lands  of  the!  vanquish- 
ed, eflablifhing  them  in  all  offices  of  truft  and  authority, 
and   thereby    transforming  the  ancient  inhabitants  into  a 
new  people.     By  this  policy,  the  northern  invaders  of  old, 
and  of  late  the  duke  of  Normandy,  had  been  able   to  fix 
their  dominion,   and  to  erect  kingdoms,  which  remained 
ftable  on  their  foundations,  and  were  tranfmitted  to  the 
poilerity  of  the  firft  conquerors.     But  the  ftate  of  Ireland 
rendered  that  illand  fo  little  inviting  to  the  Englifh,   that 
only  a  few  of  defperate  fortunes  could  be  perfuaded,  from 
time  to  time,  to  tranfportthemfelves  thither  *  ;  and  inftead 
of  reclaiming  the  natives  from  their  uncultivated  manners, 
they  were  gradually  affimilated  to  the  ancient  inhabitants, 
and  degenerated  from  the  cufloms  of  tfacir  own  nation.    It 
was  alfo  found  requifite  to  bellow  great  military  and  arbi- 
trary powers  on   the  leaders,  who  commanded  a  handful 
of  menamidlt  fuch  hoflile  multitudes  ;  and  law  and  equi- 
ty, in  a  little  time,  became  as  much  unknown  in  the  Eng- 
liih  fettlements,  as  they  had  ever  been   among  the    Irifh 
tribes.     Palatinates  were  erected  in  favour  of  the  new  ad- 
venturers ;  independent  authority  conferred  ;  the  natives, 
u  ver  fully  fubdued,  ftill  retained  their  animofity  againft 
:he  conquerors  ;  their  hatred  was  retaliated  by  like  inju- 
res ;  and  from  thefe^caufes,  the  Irifh,  during  the  courfe  of 
four  centuries,  remained  fUll   favage  and  untraceable:  It 
ivas  not  till  the  latter  end  of  Elizabeth's  reign,   that  the 
fland  was  fully  fubdued;  nor  till   that  of  her  fuccefTor, 
:hat  it  gave    hopes  of  becoming  a  ufeful  conquefl  to  the 

nglifli  nation. 

Besides  that  the  eafy  and  peaceable  fubmiflion  of  the 
Irifh  left  Henry  no  farther  occupation  in  that  illand,  he  was 
recalled  from  it  by  another  incident,  which  was  of  the  laft 
importance  to  his  intereft  and  fafety.  The  two  legates 
Albert  and  Theodin,  to  whom  was  committed  the  trial  of 
his  conduct  in  the  murder  of  archbiihop  Becket,  were  ar- 


*  Brompton,  p.  1069.     Neubr:g.  p.  403. 


HENRY      II.  321 

rived  in  Normandy  ;  and  being   impatient  of  delay,  fent  CHAP, 
liim  frequent    letters,  full    of    menaces,   if  he    protracted        IX. 

any  longer  making  his    appearance  before  them  *.     lie  * - ' 

hafiened  therefore  to  Normandy,  and  had  a  conference  ,172, 
with  them  at  Savignv,  where  their  demands  were  lo  exor- 
bitant, that  he  broke  off  the  negotiation,  threatened  to  re- 
turn to  Ireland,  and  bade  them  to  do  their  worft  againSt 
him.  They  perceived  that  the  feafon  was  new  pall  for 
taking  advantage  of  that  tragical  incident;  which,  had  it 
been  hotlv  purfued  bv  interdicts  and  excommunications, 
was  capable  of  throwing  the  whole  kingdom  into  combul- 
tion.  But  the  time  which  Henry  had  happily  gained  had 
contributed  to  appeafe  the  minds  of  men  :  The  event  could 
not  now  have  the  lame  influence  as  when  it  was  recent ;  and 
as  the  clergv  everv  dav  looked  for  an  accommodation  with 
the  king,  they  had  not  oppoied  the  pretentions  of  his  par- 
tifans,  who  had  been  very  induftrious  in  representing  to 
the  people  his  entire  innocence  in  the  murder  of  the  pri*- 
mate,  and  his  ignorance  of  the  deSigns  formed  by  the  aSSaS- 
fins.  The  legates,  therefore,  found  themfelves  obliged 
to  lower  their  terms;  and  Henry  was  So  fortunate  as  to 
conclude  an  accommodation  with  them.  He  declared  up- 
on oath,  before  the  reliques  of  the  faints,  that,  So  far  from 
commanding  or  defiring  the  death  of  the  archbiShop,  he 
was  extremely  grieved  when  he  received  intelligence  of 
it  :  But  as  the  pafhon,  which  he  had  exprefied  on  ac- 
count of  that  prelate's  conduct,  had  probably  been 
the  occafion  of  his  murder,  he  Stipulated  the  following  con- 
ditions, as  an  atonement  for  the  offence  :  He  promiled,  The  kiiic._ 
that  he  lhould  pardon  all  Such  as  had  been  baniShed  for  accommeda- 
adhering  to  Becket,  and  thould  reftore  them  to  their  liv-  '  °»  withth* 
ings  ;  that  the  fee  of  Canterbury  fhould  be  reinstated  in  all  l^me! 
its  ancient  polTeflions  ;  that  he  lhould  pay  the  templars  a 
him  of  money  fufticient  for  the  fuhfifience  of  two  hun- 
dred knights  during  a  year  in  the  Holy  Land  ;  that  he 
lhould  himSelf  take  the  crofs  at  the  Chriftmas  following, 
and,  if  the  pope  required  it,  ferve  three  years  againSt  the 
infidels,  either  in  Spain  or  PaleStine;  that  he  ihouid  not 
infill  on  the  obfervance  of  fuch  cuStoms,  derogatory  to  ec- 
cleliailical  privileges,  as  had  been  introduced  in  his  own 
time  ;  and  that  he  lhould  not  obStrutt  appeals  to  the  pope 
in  ecclefiallical  caufes,  but  lhould  content  himfelf  with 
exailyig  fulficient  Security  from  fuch  clergymen  as  left  his 
dominions  to  profecute  an  appeal,  that  they  lhould  attempt 
nothing  againft  the  rights  of  his  crownf.  Upon  Signing 
Vol.  I.  T  t 

•  Giiald.  Cambr.  p.  778.  t  M-  Par:s.  P-  8fc     Benei'.ict.  Abb. 

v.  j  j.     Kovsden,  p.  $39,    Diceto,  p.  560, .  Chrou.   Gerv.  p.  1432. 


022  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  thefe  conceffions,  Henry  received  abfolution  from  the  le- 
IX.       gates,  and  was  confirmed  in  the  grant  of  Ireland  made  by 

I ., '  pope  Adrian*;  and  nothing  proves  more  ftrongly  the  jz,reat 

*'7S-  abilities  of  this  monarch,  than  his  extricating  himfelf,  on 
fuch  eafy  terms,  from  fo  difficult  a  fituation.  He  had  al- 
ways infifted,  that  the  lawseftablifhed  at  Clarendon  con- 
tained not  any  new  claims,  but  the  ancient  cuflomr  of  the 
kingdom;  and  he  was  ftill  at  liberty,  notwithfianding  the 
articles  of  this  agreement,  to  maintain  his  pretenfions.  Ap- 
peals to  the  pope  were  indeed  permitted  by  that  treaty ;  but 
as  the  king  was  alio  permitted  to  exa&  reasonable  fecuri- 
ties  from  the  parties,  and  might  ftretch  his  demands  on  this 
head  as  far  as  he  pleafed,  he  had  it  virtually  in  his  power 
to  prevent  the  pope  from  reaping  any  advantage  by  this 
feeming  conceflion.  And  on  the  whole,  the  conflitutions 
of  Clarendon  remained  ftill  the  law  of  the  realm  ;  though 
the  pope  and  his  legates  feem  fo  little  to  have  conceived 
the  king's  power  to  lie  under  any  legal  limitations,  that 
they  were  fatisfied  with  his  departing,  by  treaty,  from  one 
of  the  moft  momentous  articles  of  thefe  conftitutions, 
without  requiring  any  repeal  by  the  ftates  of  the  king- 
dom. 

Henry,  freed  from  this  dangerous  controverfy  with  the 
ecclefiaftics  and  with  the  fee  of  Rome,  feemed  now  to  have 
reached  the  pinnacle  of  human  grandeur  and  felicity,  and 
to  be  equally  happy  in  his  domeflic  fituation  and  in  his  po- 
litical government.  A  numerous  progeny  of  fons  and 
daughters  gave  both  luftre  and  authority  to  his  crown,  pre- 
vented the  dangers  of  a  difputed  fucceffion,  and  repreffed 
all  pretenfions  of  the  ambitious  barons.  The  king's  pre- 
caution alfo,  in  eftablifhing  thefeveral  branches  of  his  fa- 
mily, feemed  well  calculated  to  prevent  all  jealoufy  among 
the  brothers,  and  to  perpetuate  the  greatnefsof  his  family. 
He  had  appointed  Henry  his  eldeft  fon,  to  be  his  fucceflbr 
in  the  kingdom  of  England,  the  dutchy  of  Normandy, 
and  the  counties  of  Anjou,  Maine,  and  Touraine;  terri- 
tories which  lay  contiguous,  and  which,  by  that  means, 
might  eafily  lend  to  each  other  mutual  affiflance  both 
againft  inteftine  commotions  and  foreign  invafions.  Rich- 
ard, his  fecond  fon,  was  inverted  in  the  dutchy  of  Guienne 
and  county  of  Poi6lou  ;  Geoffrey,  his  third  ion,  inherited, 
in  right  of  his  wife,  the  dutchy  of  Britanny;  and  the  new 
conqueflof  Ireland  was  deftined  for  the  appanage  of  John, 
his  fourth  fon.  He  hod  alfo  negotiated,  in  favour  of  this 
Jaft  prince,  a  marriage  with  Adelais,  the  only  daughter  of 
Humbert  count  of  Savoy  and  Maurienne  ;  and  was  to  re- 


*  Brompton.p.  1071,     Liber.  Nig.  Scac.  p.  47. 


HENRY      II.  323 

ceive  as  her  dowry  confiderable  dcmefnes  in   Piedmont,  C  H  A  P. 
Savoy,  Brefife,    and  Dauphiny*.     But  this  exaltation   of       IX. 

his  family  excited  the  jealoufy  of  all  his  neighbours,  who  * * ' 

made  thole  very  fons,  whofe  fortunes  he  had  fo  anxioully      ,J78, 
eftablifhed,  the   means  of  embittering  his  future  life   and 
difturbing  his  government. 

Young  Henry,  who  was  rifing  to  man's eftate,  began 
todifplay  his charafter,  and  afpire  to  independence:  Brave, 
ambitious,  liberal,  munificent,  affable ;  he  difcovered  qua- 
lities which  give  great  luftre  to  youth  ;  prognofticate  a 
fhining  fortune  ;  but,  unlefs  tempered  in  mature  age  with 
difcretion,  are  the  forerunners  of  the  greateft  calamitiesf. 
It  is  laid,  that  at  the  time  when  this  prince  received  the 
royal  unction,  his  father,  in  order  to  give  greater  dignity 
to  the  ceremony,  officiated  at  table  as  one  of  his  retinue  ; 
and  obferved  to  his  ("on,  that  never  king  was  more  royally 
ferved.  It  is  nothing  extraordinary,  faid  young  Henry  to 
one  of  his  courtiers,  if  the  /on  oj  a  count  Jlioutd  ferve  the 
[on  of  a  king.  This  faying,  which  might  pafs  only  for 
an  innocent  p'.eafantry,  or  even  for  an  oblique  compliment 
to  his  father,  was  however  regarded  as  a  fymptom  of  his 
afpiring  temper  ;  and  his  conduct  foon  after  juftified  the 
conje&ure. 

Henry,  agreeably  to  the  promife  which  he  had  given 
both  to  the  pope  and  French  king,  permitted  his  fon  to  be 
crowned  anew  by  the  hands  of  the  archbifhop  of  Rouen, 
and  affociated   the   princel's  Margaret,  fpoufe    to    young 
Henry,  in  the   ceremony  J.     He  afterwards  allowed  him 
to  pay  a  vifit  to  his  father-in-law  at  Paris,  who    took   the 
opportunity  of  inftilling  into  the  young  prince  thofe   am- 
bitious fentiments  to  which  he  was  naturally  but  too  much 
inclined  ||.     Though    it   had  been  the  conftant  practice  of  Revolt  of 
France, ever  fincetheacceffion  of  theCapetian  line.tocrown  an^his'0^ 
the  fon  during  the  lifetime  of  the  father,  without  conferring  brother. 
on  him  any  prefent  participation  of  royalty  ;   Lewis  per- 
fuaded  his  fon-in-law,  that,  by  this  ceremony,  which  in 
thole  ages  was  deemed  (b  important,  he  had  acquired  a  title 
to  fovereignty,  and  that  the    king  could   not,  without  in- 
juflice,  exclude    him    from    immediate    poffeffion  of  the 
whole,  or  at   lead  a  part,  of  his  dominions.     In  conle- 
quencc  of  thefe  extravagant  ideas,  young  Henry,  on  his 

*  Ypod.  Neuft.  p.  448.  Bened.  Abb.  p.  38.  Hoveden,  p.  53s.  Diceto, 
p.  563.     Brompton,  p.  io8l.     Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  33.  . 

t  Chron.  Gerv.  p.  1463.  }  Ho-eden,  p.  520.     Diceto.  p.  560, 

Brompton,  p.  1080.  Chron.  Gerv.  p.  1421.  Trivet,  p.  58.  It  appears  from 
Madox's  Hiftory  of  the  txchequer,  that  lilk  gaiments  were  then  krcwn-in  Eng- 
land, and  that  the  coronation  robes  of  the  young  king  and  queen  coft  ei^htvT 
l'«>-  en  pound  ten  (hillings  and  four  pence,  money   of  that  age. 

||  Girjld,  Cambr.  p.  782. 


324  HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  return,  defired  the  king  to  refign  to  him  either  the  crown 
IX.       of  England  or  the  dutchy  of  Normandv  ;  difcovered  great 

v — _ v/— «♦  difcontent  on  the  refufal;  fpake  in  the  moft  undutiful  terms 
i*73'       of  his  father  :   and  foon  after,  in  concert  with  Lewis,  made 
hisefcape  to  Paris,  where  he  was  protected  and  fupported 
by  that  monarch. 

While  Henrv  was  alarmed  at  this  incident,  and  had 
the  profpecf  of  dangerous  intrigues,  or  even  of  a  war, 
which,  whether  fuccefsful  or  not,  muft  be  extremelv  cala- 
mitous and  difagreeable  to  him,  he  received  intelligence 
of  new  misfortunes,  which  mull  have  affected  him  in  the 
moft  fenfible  manner.  Queen  Eleanor,  who  had  difgufied 
her  firft  hufband  by  her  gallantries,  was  no  lefs  oflenfive 
to  her  fecond  bv  her  jealoufv  ,'  and  after  this  manner  car- 
ried to  extremity,  in  the  different  periods  oi  her  life,  eve-r 
ry  circumftance  of  female  weakneis.  She  communicated 
her  difcontents  againft  Henry  to  her  two  younger  ions, 
Geoffrey  and  Richard,  perfuaded  them  that  tbey  were  alfo 
entitled  to  prefent  poifeflion  of  the  territories  affigned  to 
them  ;  engaged  them  to  tly  lecretly  to  the  court  of  France; 
and  was  meditating,  herfelf,  anefcape  to  the  fame  court, 
and  had  even  put  on  man's  apparel  for  that  purpole;  when 
lhe  was  feized  by  orders  from  her  hufband,  and  thrown 
into  confinement.  Thus  Europe  law  with  aitoniihment 
the  heft  and  moft  indulgent  of  parents  at  war  with  his  whole 
family;  three  bovs,  fcarcely  arrived*at  the  age  of  puber- 
ty, require  a  great  monarch,  in  the  full  vigour  of  his  age 
and  height  of  his  reputation,  to  dethrone  himfelf  in  their 
favour  ;  and  feveral  princes  not  afhamed  to  fupport  them 
in  thefe  unnatural  and  abfurd  pretentions. 

Henry,  reduced  to  this  perilous  and  difagreeable  Situa- 
tion, had  recourfe  to  the  court  of  Rome  :  Though  fenfi- 
ble of  the  danger  attending  the  interpofition  of  ecclefiafti- 
cal  authority  in  temporal  difputes,  he  applied  to  the  pope, 
>  as  his  fuperior  lord,  to  excommunicate  his  enemies,  and 
by  thefe  cenfures  to  reduce  to  obedience  his  undutiful  child- 
ren, whom  he  found  luch  reluctance  to  punifhby  the  fword 
of  the  magiftrate*.  Alexander,  well  pleafed  to  exert  his 
power  in  fe  juttifiable  a  caufe,  iftued  the  bulls  required  of 
him  :'  But  it  was  foon  found,  that  thefe  fpiritual  weapons 
had  not  the  fame  force  as  when  employed  in  a  fpiritual 
controverfy  ;  and  that  the  clergy  were  very  neg'lgent  in 
Supporting  a  fentence,  which  was  nowife  calculated  to 
promote  the  immediate  intercfts  cf  their  order.  The  king, 

*  Enift.  Tetri  Blef.  epift.  136.  in  Biblioth.  Patr.  torn.  xxiv.  p.  ro^S.  His 
words  are,  (rejlvx  jurifdiBionis  eji  itgnum  Angl'ne,  et  quantum  ad  fcud^to'ii 
juris  obligatKiem,  iiob'u  duniaxat  obnoxius  teneor.  The  lame  llrant,e  paper  is 
in  Rymer,  vui   i-  p.  jj.  and  1  river,  \ol.  i.  p.  6:. 


HENRY      II.  325 

after  taking  in  vain  this  humiliating  ftep,  was  obliged  to  CHAP, 
haverecourfe  to  arms,  and  toenlift  fuch  auxiliaries,  as  are       IX. 

the  ufual  refouroe  of  tyrants,  and  have  feldom  been  em-  * .• ' 

ployed  by  io  wile  and  juft  a  monarch.  ll7l- 

The  ioofe  government  which  prevailed  in  all  the  flates 
of  Europe,  the  many  private  wars  carried  on  among  the 
neighbouring  nobles,  and  the  impoffibility  of  enforcing 
any  general  execution  of  the  laws,  had  encouraged  a  tribe 
of  banditti  to  difturb  every  where  the  public  peace,  to  in- 
feft  the  highways,  to  pillage  the  open  country,  and  to 
brave  all  the  efforts  of  the  civil  magiftratc,  and  even  the 
excommunications  of  the  church,  which  were  fulminated 
againft  them*.  Troops  of  them  were  fometimes  in  lifted 
in  the  fer  ice  of  one  prince  or  baron,  fometimes  in  that  of 
another  :  They  often  acted  in  an  independent  manner, 
under  leaders  of  their  own  :  The  peace  ible  and  induftri- 
ous  inhabitants,  reduced  to  poverty  by  their  ravages,  were 
frequently  obliged,  for  tubiiitence,  to  betake  themfelves 
to  a  like  disorderly  courfe  of  life  :  And  a  continual  intel- 
tine  war,  pernicious  to  induftrv,  as  well  as  to  the  exe- 
cution of  j  eft  ice,  was  thus  carried  on  in  the  bowels  of 
every  kingdom  f.  Thole  defperate  ruffians  received  the 
name  fometimes  of  Brabancons,  fometimes  of  Routiers  or 
Cottereaux;  but  for  what  reafon  is  not  agreed  by  hiftori- 
ans :  And  they  formed  a  kind  of  foeiety  or  government 
among  themfelves,  which  fet  at  defiance  the  reft  of  man- 
kind. The  greateft  monarchs  were  notafhamed,  on  oc- 
rafion,  to  have  recourfe  to  their  affiftance;  and  as  their 
habits  of  war  and  depredation  had  given  them  experience, 
hardinefs,  and  courage,  they  generally  compofed  the  mod 
formidable  part  of  thofe  armies,  which  decided  the  politi- 
cal quarrels  of  princes.  Several  of  them  were  enlifted 
among  the  forces  levied  by  Henry's  enemies |;  but  the 
great  treafures  amafTed  by  that  prince  enabled  him  to  en- 
gage more  numerous  troops  of  them  jn  his  fervice  ;  and  the 
fituation  of  his  affairs  rendered  e  en  fuch  banditti  the  only 
forces  on  whofe  fidelity  he  could  repofe  any  confidence. 
His  licentious  barons,  difgufted  with  a  vigilant  govern- 
ment, were  more  defirous  of  being  ruled  by  young  princes, 
ignorant  of  public  affairs,  remiis  in  their  conduct,  and 
profufe  in  their  grants  || ;  and  as  the  king  had  en  Cured  to 
his  Ions  the  fucceffion  to  every  particular  province  of  his 
dominions,  the  nobles  dreaded  no  danger  in  adhering  to 
thole  who,  they  knew,  muft  fome  time  become  their  love- 
reigns.     Prompted  by  thefe  motives,  many  of  the  Norma  n 

brig.  p.  413.  f  Cbron.  Ger.\  p.  i.jCi. 

J  Peti.  Blcf.  e^ift.  47.  |j  Diccto,  p. 


326  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  nobility  had  deferted  to  his  fon  Henry;  the   Breton  and 
IX.       Gafcon    barons   Teemed  equally   difpofed  to  embrace  the 

V— v '  quarrel  of  Geoffrey  and  Richard.  DifafFection  had  creeped 

ll7i'  in  among  the  Englifh  ;  and  the  earls  of  Leicefter  and 
Chefter  in  particular  had  openly  declared  war  againft  the 
king.  Twenty  thoufand  Brabancons,  therefore,  joined,  to 
fome  troops  which  he  brought  over  from  Ireland,  and  a 
few  barons  of  approved  fidelity,  formed  the  fole  force  with 
which  he  intended  to  refill    his  enemies. 

Lewis,  in  order  to  bind  the  confederates  in  a  clofer 
union,  fummoned  at  Paris  an  afiembly  of  the  chief  vaflals 
of  the  crown,  received  their  approbation  of  his  meafures, 
and  engaged  them  by  o^th  to  adhere  to  the  caufe  of  young 
Henry.  This  prince,  in  return,  bound  himfelf  by  a  like 
tie  never  to  delert  his  French  allies ;  and  having  made  a 
new  great  leal,  he  lavifhly  diftributed  among  them  many 
confiderable  parts  of  thofe  territories  which  he  purpofed  to 
conquer  from  his  father.  The  counts  of  Flanders,  Bou- 
logne, Bloi  ,  and  Eu,  partly  moved  by  the  general  jealou- 
fy  arifing  from  Henry's  power  and  ambition,  partly  allured 
by  the  profpect  of  reaping  advantage  from  the  inconfide- 
rate  temper  and  the  neceflities  of  the  young  prince,  de- 
clared openly  in  favour  of  the  latter.  William,  king  of 
Scotland,  had  alfo  entered  into  this  great  confederacy  ; 
and  a  plan  was  concer ted  for  a  general  invafion  of  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  king's  extenfiveand  factious  dominions. 

Hostilities  were  firft  commenced  by  the  counts  of 
Flanders  and  Boulogne  on  the  frontiers  of  Normandy. 
Thofe  princes  laid  fiege  to  Aumale,  which  was  delivered 
into  their  hands  by  the  treachery  of  the  countof  that  name : 
This  nobleman  iurrendered  himfelf  prifoner:  and  on  pre- 
tence of  thereby  paving  his  ranfom,  opened  the  gates  of 
all  his  other  fortreffes.  The  two  counts  next  befieged 
and  made  themlelves  matters  of  Drincourt :  But  the  count 
of  Boulogne  was  here  mortally  wounded  in  the  affault ; 
and  this  incident  put  fome  flop  to  the  progrefsof  theFlemifh 
arms. 

T^(TS    .  In  another  quarter,  the  king  of  France,  being  ftrongly 

tions.  affiled  by  his  vaflals,   affembled   a   great  army  of    (even 

thoufand  knights  and  their  followers  on  horfeback,  and 
a  proportionable  number  of  infantry  :  Carrying  young 
Henry  along  with  him,  he  laid  fiegs  to  Verneuil,  which 
was  vigoroufly  defended  by  Hugh  de  Lacy  and  Hugh  de 
Beauchamp,  the  governors.  After  he  had  lain  a  month 
before  the  place,  the  garrifon,  being  ftraitened  for  provi- 
fions,  were  obliged  to  capitulate;  and  they  engaged,  if 
not  relieved  within  three  days,  to  furrender  the  town,  and 
to  retire  into  the  citadel.     On  the  laft  of  thefe  days,  Hen- 


HENRY      II.  327 

ry  appeared  with  his  army  upon  the  heights  above  Ver-  C  II  A  P» 
neuil.      Lewis,  dreading  an  attack,  fent  the  archbilhop  of       IX- 

Sens  and  the  count  of  Blois  to  the  Fnglilh  camp,  and  de-  v ' 

fired  that  next  day  ihould  be  appointed  for  a  conference,  in  ll7i* 
order  to  eiiablith  a  general  peace,  and  terminate  the  differ- 
ence between  Henry  and  his  Ions.  The  king,  who  paf- 
fionately  defired  this  accommodation,  and  fufpecled  no 
fraud,  gave  his  confent;  but  Lewis,  that  morning,  obliging 
the  garrifon  to  furrender,  according  to  the  capitulation,  fet 
fire  to  the  place,  and  began  to  retire  with  his  army.  Hen- 
rv,  provoked  at  this  artifice,  attacked  the  rear  with  vigour, 
put  them  to  rout,  did  fome  execution,  and  took  feveral 
prifoners.  Tne  French  armv,  as  their  time  of  fervice  was 
now  expired,  immediately  difperfed  themfelves  into  their 
feveral  provinces  ;  and  left  Henry  free  to  profecute  his 
advantages  againfl  his  other  enemies. 

The  nobles  of  Britanny,  infligated  by  the  earl  of  Chef- 
ter  and  Ralp  de  Fougeres,  were  all  in  arms;  but  their 
progrels  was  checked  by  a  body  of  Brabanijons,  which  the 
king,  after  Lewis's  retreat,  had  fent  againfi  them.  The 
two  armies  came  to  an  a£tion  near  Dol;  where  the  rebels 
were  defeated^  fifteen  hundred  killed  on  the  fpot,  and  the 
leaders,  the  earls  of  Chefler  and  Fougeres,  obliged  to  take 
fhelter  in  the  town  of  Dol.  Henry  haftened  to  form  the 
fiege  of  that  place,  and  carried  on  the  attack  with  fuch  ar- 
dour, that  he  obliged  the  governor  and  garrifon  to  fur- 
render  themfelves  prifoners.  By  thefe  vigorous  meafures 
and  happy  f accedes,  the  infurrcctions  were  entirely  quelled 
in  Britanny;  and  the  king,  thus  fortunate  in  all  quar- 
ters, willingly  agreed  to  a  conference  with  Lewis,  in  hopes 
that  his  enemies,  finding  all  their  mighty  efforts  entirely 
frufirated,  would  terminate  hoftilities  on  fome  moderate 
and  reafonable  conditions. 

The  two  monarchs  met  between  Trie  and  Gifors ;  and 
Henry  had  here  the  mortification  to  fee  his  three  fons  in 
the  retinue  of  his  mortal  enemy.  As  Lewis  had  no  other 
pretence  for  war  than  fupporting  the  claims  of  the  young 
princes,  the  king  made  them  fuch  offers  as  children  might 
be  alhamedto  infill  on,  and  could  be  extorted  from  him  bv 
nothing  but  his  parental  affedtion,  or  by  the  prefent  ne- 
ccffity  of  his  affairs*.  Pie  infilled  only  on  retaining  the 
lovereign  authority  in  all  his  dominions ;  but  offered  young 
Henry  half  the  revenues  of  England,  with  fome  places  of 
furety  in  that  kingdom  ;  or,  if  he  rather  chole  to  refidc 
in  Normandy,  half  the  revenues  of  that  dcitchy,  with  all 
thofe  of  Anjou.     He  made  a  like  offer  to    Richard   in 

•  Hevedep,  p.  539. 


32S  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  Guienne;  he  promifed  to  refign   Britanny  to   Geoffrey  ; 
IX.       and  if  thefe    concefli;ms  were  not   deemed  fufficient,  he 

; « '  agreed  to  add  to  them   whatever   the  pope's  legates,  who 

l,7i-  were  prefent,  mould  require  of  him  *.  The  earl  of  Lei- 
celter  was  alfo  prefent  at  the  negotiation  ;  and  either  from 
the  impetuofity  of  his  temper,  or  from  a  view  of  abruptly 
breaking  off  a  conference  which  rnuft  cover  the  allies  with 
confufion,  he  gave  vent  to  the  molt  violent  reproaches 
againlt  Heniy,  and  he  even  put  his  hand  to  his  iword,  as 
if  he  meant  to  attempt  fome  violence  againft  him.  This 
furious  action  threw  the  whole  company  into  confufion, 
and  put  an  end  to  the  treaty  +. 

The  chief  hopes  of  Henry's  enemies  feemed  now  to 
depend  on  the  ftate  of  affairs  in  England,  where  his  au- 
thority was  expofed  to  the  moft  imminent  danger.  One 
article  of  prince  Henry's  agreement  with  his  foreign  con- 
federates was,  that  he  fhould  refign  Kent,  with  Dover, 
and  all  its  other  fortreffes,  into  the  hands  of  the  earl  of 
Flanders  J:  Yet  fo  little  national  or  public  fpirit  prevailed 
among  the  independent  Englilh  nobility,  fo  wholly  bent 
were  they  on  the  aggrandizement  each  of  himfelf  and  his 
own  family,  that  notwithftanding  this  pernicious  concef* 
fion,  which  miff  have  produced  the  ruin  of  the  kingdom, 
the  greater  part  of  them  had  confpired  to  make  an  infur- 
reclion,  and  to  iupport  the  prince's  pretentions.  The 
king's  principal  refource  lay  in  the  church  and  the  bifhops, 
with  whom  he  was  now  in  perfect  agreement ;  whether 
that  the  decency  of  their  character  made  them  afhamed 
of  fupporting  fo  unnatural  a  rebellion,  or  that  they  were 
entirely  fatisfied  with  Henry's  atonement  for  the  murder 
of  Becket,  and  for  his  former  invafion  of  ecclefiafiical 
immunities.  That  prince,  however,  had  refigned  none 
of  theeflential  rights  of  his  crown  in  the  accommodation; 
he  maintained  ftill  the  fame  prudent  jealoufy  of  the  court 
of  Rome  ;  admitted  no  legate  into  England,  without  his 
(wearing  to  attempt  nothing  againft  the  royal  prerogatives; 
and  he  had  even  obliged  the  monks  of  Canterbury,  who 
pretended  to  a  free  election  on  the  vacancy  made  by  the 
death  of  Becket,  to  chufe  Roger,  prior  cf  Dover,  in  the 
place  of  that  turbulent  prelate  H. 
...         '  The  kins;  of  Scotland  made  an  irruption  into  Northum- 

Scotland.  berbnd,  and  committed  great  devaftations;  but  being  op- 
pofed  by  Richard  de  Lucy,  whom  Henry  had  left  guardian 
of  the  realm,  he  retreated  into  his  own  country,  and  a- 
greed  to  a  celFation  of  arms.  This  truce  enabled  the  guar- 

*  Hoveden,  p.  536.     Brompton,  p.  108S.  f  Hoveden,  p.  536.    , 

*  Ibid.  p.  533.     Brompton, 'p.  1^84.     Neub.  p.  50S.  ||  Hoveden, 


HENRY      II.  32$ 

dian  (o  march  fouthward  wit!)  his  army,  in  order  to  oppofe  C  II  A  P. 
aninvafion  which  the  earl  of  Leicefler,  at  the  liead  of  a        IX. 

great  body  of  Flemings,  had   made   upon  Suffolk.     The   « — -> 

Flemings  had  been  joined  by  Hugh  Bigod,  who  made  them  '  !73« 
matters  of  his  cattle  of  Framlitrgham ;  and  marchinginto 
the  heart  of  the  kingdom,  where  they  hoped  to  be  fup- 
ported  by  Leicetter's  vaffals,  they  were  met  by  Lucy, 
who,  affiled  by  Humphrey  Bohun,  the  coi.ft  ible,  and  (he 
earls  of  Arundel,  Glocetter,  and  CornwaJ,  had  advanced 
to  Farnham  with  a  lefs  numerous,  but  brave  army,  to  op- 
pofe them.  The  Flemings,  who  were  mottly  weavers  and 
artificers  (for  manufactures  were  now  beginning  to  be 
eftablifhed  in  Flanders),  were  broken  in  an  inttant,  ten 
thoulaud  of  them  were  put  to  the  fword,  the  earl  of  Lei- 
cetter  was  taken  prifoner,  and  the  remain:  of  the  invaders 
were  glad  to  compound  for  a  fafe  retreat  into  their  own" 
country. 

This  great  defeat  did  not  dilhearten  the  malcontents  ;      "74' 
who,  being  fuppoited  by  the  alliance  of  fo  many  foreign 
princes,  and  encouraged    by   the  king's  own  fons,  deter- 
mined to  perfevere  in  their  enterprise.     The  earl  of  Fer- 
rars,  Roger  de  Moubray,  Archetil  de   Mallory,  Richard 
de    Moreville,  Ilamo  de    Mafcie,  together    with    many 
friendsot  theearlsof  Leicefler  and  Chefter,  rofe  inarms: 
The  fidelity  of  the  earls  of  Clare  and  Glocefter  was  fuf- 
'  peeled  ;  and  the  guardian,  though  vigorously  fupported  by 
Geoffrey  biihopof  Lincoln,  the  king's  natural  Ion  by  the 
fair  Rofamond,   found  it  difficult  to  defend  himfelf  on  all 
quarters,  from  fo  many  open  and  concealed  enemies.  The 
more  to  augment  the  confufion,  the  king  of  Scotland,  on 
the  expiration  of  the  truce,  broke  into  the  northern   pro- 
vinces with  a  great  army*  of  80,000  men  :   which,  though 
undifcipiined  and  d i ford erly,  and  better  fitted  for  commit- 
ting devattation  than  for  exec  uting  any  military  enterprife, 
was  become  dangerous  from  the   pre  lent  factious  and  tur- 
bulent fpirit  of  the  kingdom.      I'enry,  who   had   baffled 
all  his  enemies  in  France,  and   had  put  his  frontiers  in  a 
potture  of  defence,  now  found  England  the  feat  of  danger ; 
and  he  determined  by  his  prefenceto  overawe  the  malcon- 
tents, or  by  his  conduct  and  courage  to  fubdue  them.    He 
landed  at   Southampton  ;    and    knowing  the  influence  of   sth  July. 
fuperftition  over  the  minds  of  the   people,  he  hattened  to  Penance  of 
Canterbury,  in  order  to  make  atonement  to  the  afhes  of  Jokers 
Thomas   a  Becket,  and  tender  his   fubmiffions  to  a  dead  murder. 
enemy.     As  foonas  he  came  within  fight  of  the  church  of 
Vol.  I.  U  u 

•  1.  ji. 


230  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Canterbury,  he  difmounted,  walked  barefoot  towards  it, 
IX.        proftrated  rrimfelf  before  thefbrineof  the  faint,  remained 

> v—— '  in  falling  and  prayer  during  a  whole  day,  and  watched  all 

"74  •  night  the  holy  reliques.  Not  content  with  this  hypocri- 
tical devotion  towards  a  man,  whofe  violence  and  ingra- 
titude had  fo  longdifquieted  his  government,  and  had  been 
the  object  of  his  moil  inveterate  animofity,  he  fubmitted 
to  a  penance  flill  more  lingular  and  humiliating.  He  af- 
fembled  a  chapter  of  the  monks,  difrobed  himfelf  before 
them,  put  a  fcourge  of  difcipline  into  the  hands  of  each, 
and  prefented  hts  bare  moulders  to  the  lafhes  which  thefe 
ecclefiaftics  fucceffively  inflicted  upon  him.  Next  day  he 
received  abfolution  ;  and  departing  for  London,  got  foon 
after  the  agreeable  intelligence  of  a  great  victory  which 
his  generals  had  obtained  over  the  Scots,  and  which  being 
gained,  as  was  reported,  on  the  very  day  of  his  abfolution, 
was  regarded  as  the  earned  of  his  final  reconciliation  with 
Heaven  and  with  Thomas  a  Becket. 

William  king  of  Scots,  though  repulfed  before  the 
caftle  of  Prudhow,  and  other  fortified  places,  had  com- 
mitted the  mod  horrible  depredations  upon  the  northern 
provinces  :  But  on  the  approach  of  Ralph  de  Glanville, 
«  the  famous  jufticiary,  feconded  by  Bernard  de  Baliol, 
Robert  de  Stuteville,  Odonel  de  Umfreville,  William  de 
Vefci,  and  other  nothern  barons,  together  with  the  gal- 
lant bifhopof  Lincoln,  he  thought  proper  to  retreat  nearer 
his  own  country,  and  he  fixed  his  camp  at  Alnwic.  He 
had  here  weakened  his  army  extremely,  by  fending  out 
numerous  detachments  in  order  to  extend  his  ravages  ;  and 
/  he  lay  abfolutely  fafe,  as  he    imagined,  from  any  attack 

of  the  enemy.  But  Glanville,  informed  of  his  fituation, 
made  a  hafiy  and  fatiguing  march  to  Newcaftle  ;  and  al- 
lowing his  foldiers  only  a  fmall  interval  for  refrelhment, 
he  immediately  fet  out  towards  evening  for  Alnwic.  He 
marched  that  night  above  thirty  miles  ;  arrived  in  the 
<*  '    morning,  under  cover  of  amift,  near  the  Scottilh  camp  ; 

and  regardieis  of  the  great    numbers  of  the    enemy,   he 
began  the  attack  with  his  fmall  but  determined   body  of 
cavalry.     William  was  living  in  fuch  lupine  fecurity,  that 
he  took  the  Englifh,  at  firft,  for  a  body  of  his  own  rava- 
gers,  who  were  returning  to  the  camp  :  But  the    fight  of 
their   banners  convincing  him  of  his  miftake,  he  enter- 
ed on  the  action  with  no    greater  body  than  a  hundred 
vviliam       horfe,    in   confidence    that   the    numerous    army  which 
kin^  of        furrounded   him,    would   foon  haflen  to   his  relief.     He 
Sc°fl  was    difmounted    on    the    firft  fhock,  and  taken  prifon- 

'dtaken      er  '   wn^c  his  troops,  hearing  of  this  difafter,  fled  on  all 
prisoner.      fides  with  the  utmofi  precipitation.  The  difperfed  ravagers 


HENRY      II.  331 

made  the  bed  of  their  way  to  their  own  country ;  and  dif-  CH  A  P. 
cord  ariiing  among  them,  they  proceeded  even  to  mutual        IX. 

hofHlities,  and  fuffered  more  from  each  other's  fword  than  ' * 

from  that  of  the  enemy.  ll74' 

This  great  and  important  victory  proved  at  laft  decifive 
in  favour  of  Henry,  and  entirely  broke  the  i'pirit  of  the 
Engiifh  rebels.  The  bilhop  of  Durham,  who  was  pre- 
paring to  revolt,  made  his  fubmiffions  ;  Hugh  Bigod, 
though  he  had  received  a  ftrong  reinforcement  of  Flem- 
ings, was  obliged  to  furrender  all  his  caflles,  and  throw 
himlelf  on  the  king's  mercy  ;  no  better  refource  was  left 
to  the  earl  of  Ferrars  and  Roger  de  Moubray  ;  the  inferior 
re'  els  imitating  the  example,  all  England  was  reftored 
to  tranquil litv  in  a  few  weeks  ;  and  as  the  king  appeared 
to  lie  under  the  immediate  protection  of  Heaven,  it  was 
deemed  impious  any  longer  to  refift  him.  The  clergy  ex- 
alted anew  the  merits  and  powerful  interceffion  of  Becket  ; 
and  Henrv,  inftead  of  oppofing  this  fuperftition,  plumed 
himfelf  on  the  new  friendfhip  of  the  faint,  and  propaga- 
ted an  opinion  which  was  fo  favourable  to  his  inter- 
efts*. 

Prince  Henry,  who  was  ready  to  embark  at  Grav- 
enlines,  with  the  earl  of  Flanders  and  a  great  army,  hear- 
ing that  his  partifans  in  England  were  fuppreiTed,  aban- 
doned all  thoughts  of  the  enterprife,  and  joined  the  camp 
of  Lewis,  who,  during  the  ablence  of  the  king,  had  made 
an  irruption  into  Normandy,  and  had  laid  fiege  to  Recent. 
The  place  was  defended  with  great  vigour  by  the  inha- 
bitants^: ;  and  Leu  is,  defpairing  of  fuccefs  by  open  force, 
tried  to  gain  the  town  by  a  ftratagem,  which,  in  that  fu- 
perftitious  age,  was  deemed  not  very  honourable.  He  pro- 
claimed in  his  own  camp  a  ceiT.ition  of  arms,  on  pretence 
of  celebrating  the  feflival  of  St.  Laurence  ;  and  when  the 
citizens,  fuppofmg  themfelves  in  fafetv,  were  fo  impru- 
dent as  to  remit  their  guard,  he  purpofed  to  take 'ad  vantage 
of  their  fecurity.  Happily,  fome  priefts  had,  from  mere 
curiofity,  mounted  afteeple,  where  the  alarm-bell  hung  ; 
and  obfervingthe  French  camp  in  motion,  they  immediate- 
ly rang  the  bell,  and  gave  warning  to  the  inhabitants,  who 
ran  to  their  feveral  ftations.  The  French,  who,  on  hear- 
ing the  alarm,  hurried  to  the  aflault,  had  already  mounted 
the  walls  in  fevcral  places  ;  but  being  repuiled  bv  the  en- 
<1  citizens,  v  1  to   retreat  with  confiderable 

lols||.     Next  day  Henry,  who  had  haftened  to  the  defence 
of  his  Norman  dominions,   palled   over  the   bridge  in  tii- 

*  Hoveden,  p.  5  ^, 

t  Uiceto,  p.  .  . 

Honing,  p.  503, 


332  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  umph;  and  entered  Rouen  in  fight  of  the   French  army. 
IX.        The  city  was  now  in  abfolute  iafety  ;   and  the  king,  in 

J v '  order  to  brave  the  French  monarch,  commanded  the  gates, 

11 71-  which  had  been  walled  up,  to  be  opened  ;  and  he  pre- 
pared to  pufh  his  advantages  againft  the  enemy.  Lewis 
laved  himlelf  from  this  perilous  tituation  by  a  new  piece 
of  deceit,  not  fo  juflifnble.  He  propofed  a  conference 
foradjafling  the  terms  of  a  general  peace,  which  he  knew 
would  be  greedily  embraced  by  Henry  ;  and  while  the 
king  of  England  trufted  to  the  execution  of  his  promife, 
he  made  a  retreat  with  his  army  into  France. 

There  was,  however,  a  neceflity  on  both  fidfre  for  an 
accommodation.  Henry  could  no  longer  bear  to  fee  his 
three  fons  in  the  hands  of  his  enemy;  and  Lewis  dreaded, 
left  this  great  monarch,  victorious  in  all  quarters,  crown- 
ed with  glory,  and  abfolute  mafter  of  his  dominions, 
might  take  revenge  for  the  many  dangers  and  difquietudes 
which  the  arms,  and  (till  more  the  intrigues  of  France, 
had,  in  his  difputes  both  with  Becket  and  his  fo  is,  found 
means  to  raife  him.  After  making  a  cefl'ition  of  arms,  a 
conference  was  agreed  on  near  Tours;  where  Henry 
granted  his  fons  much  lefs  advantageous  terms  thaa  he  had 
formerly  offered  ;  and  he  (received  their  fubnuilions.  The 
moft  material  of  his  conceffions  were  fome  penfions  which 
he  flipulated  to  pay  them,  and  fome  catties  which  he  grant- 

<  ation  cd  them  for  the  place  of  their  refidence  ;  together  with  in- 

vnh  his       demnity  fora'l  their  adherents,  who  were  reftored  to  thei? 
eftatesand  honours*. 

Of  all  thole  who  had  embraced  the  caufe  of  the  young 
prince,  William  king  of  Scotland  was  the  only  conliuer 
able  lofer  by  th-at  invidious  and  unjuft  enterprife.  Henry 
delivered  from  confinement,  without  exacting  any  ranfom, 
about  nine  hundred  knights  whom  he  had  taken  prifoners; 
but  it  coft  William  the  ancient  independency  of  his  crown  as 
the  price  of  his  liberty.  He  ftipulated  to  do  homage  to 
Henry  for  Scotland  and  all  his  other  poffeflions  ;  he  en- 
gaged that  all  the  barons  and  nobility  of  his  kingdom 
Ihould  alfo  do  homage;  that  the  bifhops  fliould  take  an 
oath  of  fealty  ;  that  both  ihould  fwear  to  adhere  to  the 
king  of  England  againll  their  native  prince,  if  the  latter 
fhould  break  his  engagements  ;  and  that  the  fortreflcs  of 
itthAug.  Edinburgh,  StirHng,  Berwic,  Roxborough,  and  Jedbo- 
rough,  fliould  be  delivered  into  Henry's  hands,  till  the 
nerformance  of  articleof.     This  fevere  and    humiliating 

*  Rvmer,  vol.  i.  p.  35.  Eened.  Abb.  p.  88.  Koveden,  p.  541- .  Diceto, 
p.  5S3.     Brompton,  p.  1098.     Heming.  p.  505.      Chion.  Dunn.  p.  36. 

f  M.Paris,  p.  91.  Chion.  Dunfl.  p.  36.  Hovesien,  p.  545.  M.  V.'tft. 
p.  351.  Ciceio,  p.  584.  Brompcon.p.  1103.  Rynter,  vol.  i.  p.  39.  L  be: 
;  J  caeca;  ii,  p.  36. 


The  king's 
accommD- 


a 


HENRY      II. 


'33 


treaty   was  executed  in  its  full   rigour.     William,  being  C  II  A  P- 
releafed,  brotght  up  all  his  barons,  prelates,  and   abbots;        IX. 

and  they  did  homage  to  Henry  in   the  cathedral  of  York,  * < ' 

and  acknowledged  hfHtnd  his  fucceflbrs  for  their  fuperior  !1 '•' -" 
Jord*.  The  EngliflWonarch  firetched  flill  farther  the 
rigour  of  the  conditions  which  he  exacted.  lie  engaged 
the  king  and  ftates  of  Scotland  to  make  a  perpetual  ceflfion 
of  the  fortreflesof  Beiwic  and  Roxborough,  and  to  allow 
the  caftle  of  Edinburgh  to  remain  in  his  hands  for  a  limited 
time.  This  was  the  hrfl  great  afcendant  which  England 
obtained  over  Scotland;  and  indeed  the  hrlt  important 
tranfaclion  which  had  paffed  between  the  kingdoms.  Few 
princes  have  been  fo  fortunate  as  to  gain  confiderable  ad- 
vantages over  their  weaker  neighbours  with  lefs  violence 
and  in  juftice  than  was  practifed  by  Henry  againft  the  king 
of  Scots,  whom  he  had  taken  prifoner  in  battle,  and  who 
had  wantonly  engaged  in  a  war,  in  which  all  the  neigh- 
bours of  that  prince,  and  even  his  own  family,  were,  with- 
out provocation,  combined  againft  himf. 

Henry  having  thus,  contrary  to  expectation,  extricated  King's 
himfelf  with  honour  from  a  fituation  in  which  his  throne  e*jui™ja 
was  expofed  to  great  danger,  was  employed  for  fo veral  years  amion. 
in   the  adminiftration   of   juftice,  in  the  execution  of  the 
laws,  and  in  guarding  againft  thofe  inconveniences,  which 
either  the  pad  convulfions  of  his  ftate,  or  the  political  in- 
ftitutions  of  that  age,  unavoidably  occafioned.     The  pro- 
vifions  which  he  made  {how  fuch  largenefs  of  thought  as 
qualified  him  for  being  a  legiflator  ;  and  they  were  com- 
monly calculated  as  well  for  the  future  as  the  prefent  hap- 
pinel'sof  his  kingdom. 

He  enacted  fevere  penalties  againft  robbery,  murder,  II70. 
fall's  coining,  arl'on;  and  ordained  that  thefe  crimes  mould 
be  punilbed  by  the  amputation  of  the  right  hand  and  right 
foot  X'  The  pecuniary  commutation  for  crimes,,  which 
hasa  falfe  appearance  of  lenity,  had  been  gradually  cifu!- 
cd  ;  and  feems  to  have  been  entirely  abolifhed  by  the  rigour 
of  thefe  ftatutes.  The  fuperftitious  trial  by  water  ordeal, 
though  condemned  by  the  church ||,  ftill  fubfifted  ;  but 
Henry  ordained,  that  any  man  accufed  of  murder,  ox  any 
heinous  felony,  by    the  oath  of  the  legal  knights  of  the 

*  Bened.  Abb.  p.  u  j. 

+  Some  Scotch  hiftorians  pretend,  th.M  William  paid.b 

ifotn,   wh.ch  is  quif*  incredible.       1  he  rani  'in  of  Richard  1.  who,  bi -, 
Lngland,  p->flelTed  fo  nja:iy  rich  territories  in  France,  w»s  onlj  a  uks, 

and   yet  was  levied  with  great  diti.e  1,  two  iliiuisof  it  only  could 

be  paid  before  his  deliverance. 

t  Bened.  Abb.  p.  ij;.     Hoveden,   p.  549.  I    -Sc!d.  Spiclleg.  ad 

1.  p.  204. 


334 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

county,  fhould,  even  though  acquitted  by  the  ordeal,  be 
obliged  to  abjure  the  realm*. 

All  advances  towards  reafonand  good  fenfe  are  flow 
ai7°'  and  gradual.  Henry,  though  V^Hle  of  the  great  ab- 
surdity attending  the  trial  by  duel  or  battle,  did  not  ven- 
ture to  abolilh  it :  He  only  admitted  either  of  the  parties 
to  challenge  a  trial  by  an  aflize  or  jury  of  twelve  freehold- 
ers^. This  latter  method  of  trial  Seems  to  have  been  very 
ancient  in  England,  and  was  fixed  by  the  laws  of  king  Al- 
fred: But  the  barbarous  and  violent  genius  of  the  age  had 
of  late  given  more  credit  to  the  trial  by  battle,  which  had 
become  the  general  method  of  deciding  all  important  con- 
troversies. It  was  never  abolifhed  by  law  in  England  ; 
and  there  is  an  inftance  of  it  fo  late  as  the  reign  of  Eliza- 
beth :  But  the  infiitution  revived  by  this  king,  being  found 
more  reafonable  and  more  Suitable  to  a  civilized  people, 
gradually  prevailed  over  it. 

The  partition  of  England  into  four  divifions,  and  the 
appointment  of  itinerant  juftices  to  go  the  circuit  in  each 
divifion,  and  to  decide  the  caufes  in  the  counties,  was 
another  important  ordinance  of  this  prince,  which  had  a 
direct  tendency  to  curb  the  oppreffive  barons,  and  to  pro- 
tect the  inferior  gentry  and  common  people  in  their  proper- 
ty J.  Thofe  juftices  were  either  prelates  or  considerable 
noblemen  ;  who,  befides  carrying  the  authority  of  »he  king's 
commirnon,  were  able,  by  the  dignity  of  their  own  cha- 
racter, to  give  weight  and  credit  to  the  laws. 

That  there  might  be  fewer  obstacles  to  the  execution 
of  juftice,  the  king  was  vigilant  in  demolithing  all  the  new 
erected  caftles  of  the  nobility,  in  England  as  well  as  in 
his  foreign  dominions;  and  he  permitted  no  fortrefs  to 
remain  in  the  cuStody  of  thofe  whom  he  found  reafon  to 
SuSpectll. 

But  left  the  kingdom  Should  be  weakened  by  this  de- 
molition of  the  fortreffes,  the  king  fixed  an  affize  of  arms, 
by  which  all  his  Subjects  were  obliged  to  put  themfelves 
in  a  Situation  for  defending  themfelves  and  the  realm.  Eve- 
ry man  pofSeflTed  of  a  knight's  fee  was  ordained  to  have 
for  each  fee  a  coat  of  mail,  a  helmet,  a  Shield,  and  a  lance  ; 
every  free  layman,  poflelTed  of  goods  to  the  value  of  Six- 
teen marks,  was  to  be  armed  in  like  manner  ;  every  one 
that  poffeffed  ten  marks  was  obliged  to  have  an  iron  gorget, 
a  cap  of  iron,  and  a  lance  ;  all  burgeffes  were  to  have  a 
cap  of  iron,  a  lance,  and  a  wambais  ;  that  is,  a  coat  quilt  • 
ed  with  wool,  tow,  or  SucJHike  materials**,     ltappears 

*  Bened.  Abb.  p.    132.  f  Glanv.  lib.  ii.cap.'j. 

+  Hoveden   p.  590.  |j  Bened.  Abb.  p.  202.     Diceio,  p.  5S5. 

*  *  Bened.  Abb.  p.  305.     Anna'..  Waverl.  p.  161. 


HENRY      II.  335 

that  archery,  for  which  the  Englifh   were   afterwards  foCH  A  P. 
renowned,  had  not,  at  this  time  become  very   common  a-       IX. 

mong  them.     The  fpear  was  the  chief  weapon  employed  * — -' 

in  battle.  M± 

The  clergy  a ncf^^Hnty  were,  during  that  age,  in  a 
ftrange  fituation  witrr^regard  to  each  other,  and  fuch  as  ' 
may  feem  totally  incompatible  with  a  civilized, and  indeed 
with  any  fpecies  of  government.  If  a  clergyman  were 
guilty  of  murder,  he  could  be  punifhed  by  degradation 
only  i  If  he  were  murdered,  the  murderer  was  expofed  to 
nothing  but  excommunication  and  ecclefiafUcal  cenfures  ; 
and  the  crime  was  atoned  for  by  penances  and  fubmiffion*. 
Hence  the  affaffins  of  Thomas  a  Becket  himfelf,  though 
guilty  of  the  moft  atrocious  wickednefs,  and  the  moft.  re- 
pugnant to  the  fentiments  of  that  age,  lived  fecurely  in 
their  own  houfes,  without  being  called  to  account  by  Hen- 
ry himfelf,  who  was  fo  much  concerned,  both  in  honour 
and  intereft,  to  punifh  that  crime,  and  who  profeffed,  or 
affected  on  all  occafions,  the  moft  extreme  abhorrence  of 
it.  It  was  not  till  they  found  their  prefence  fhunned  bv 
every  one  as  excommunicated  perfons,  that  they  were  in- 
duced to  take  a  journev  to  Rome,  to  throw  themfelves  at 
the  feet  of  the  pontiff,  and  to  fubmit  to  the  penances  im- 
pofed  upon  them  :  After  which,  they  continued  to  poffefs, 
without  moieitation,  their  honours  and  fortunes,  and  fceni 
even  to  have  recovered  the  countenance  and  good  opinion 
of  the  public.  But  as  the  king,  by  the  conftitutions  of 
Clarendon,  which  he  endeavoured  fUll  to  maintainf,  had 
fubje£red  the  clergv  to  a  trial  by  the  civil  magiftrafe,  it 
feemed  but  juft  to  give  them  the  protection  of  that  power 
to  which  they  owed  obedience  :  It  was  enacted,  that  the 
murderers  of  clergymen  fhould  be  tried  before  the  juftici- 
ary,  in  the  prefence  of  the  bilhop  or  his  official;  and  be- 
fidesthe  ufual  puniihment  for  murder,  fhould  be  fubjeCted 
to  a  forfeiture  of  their  eftates,  and  a  confifcation  of  their 
goods  and  chattels^. 

The  king  palled  an  equitable  law,  that  the  goods  of  a 
vaffal  fhould  not  be  fcized  for  the  debt  of  his  lord,  unlefs 
the  vaffal  be  furety  for  the  debt ;  and  that  the  rents  of  vaf- 
fals  fhould  be  paid  to  the  creditors  of  the  lord,  not  to  the 
lord  himfelf.  It  is  remarkable,  that  this  law  was  enacted 
by  the  king  in  a  council  which  he  held  at  Verneuil,  and 
which  confifted  of  fome  prelates  and  barons  of  England, 
as  well  as  fome  of  Normandy,  Poi£tou,  Anjou,  Maine, 
Touraine,  and  Britanny ;   and  the  ftatute  took  place  in  all 

*  Petri  Bleflen.  epift.  73.  apud  Bibl.  Fair.  torn.  xxiv.  p.  992. 

•  ion.  Gcrvafe,  p.  1433.  *  Diceto.  p.  592.     Chron.  Gervafc, 

P-  HJJ. 


336  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  thefe  laft-mentioned  territories*,  though  totally  unconnec- 
IX.       ted  with  each  other  f:   A  certain  proof  how  irregular  the 

v— — v '  ancient  feudal  government  was,  and   how  near  the   fove- 

1176-  reigns,  in  fome  inrtances,  approad^kto  dcipotifm,  though 
in  others  they  feemed  fcarcely  to^^Hpany  authority.  If 
a  prince  much  dreaded  and  revered^ike  Henry,  obtained 
but  the  appearance  of  general  confent  to  an  ordinance 
which  was  equitable  and  juft,  it  became  immediately  an 
eftdblilhed  law,  and  all  his  fubjecls  acquiefced  in  it.  If 
the  prince  was  hated  or  defpifed  ;  if  the  nobles  who  fup- 
ported  him  had  fmall  influence;  if  the  humours  of  the 
times  difpofed  the  people  to  queiVton  the  jufiice  of  his  or- 
dinance ;  the  fuller!  and  mail  authentic  alTembly  had  no 
authority.  Thus  all  was  confufion  and  dilorder  ;  no  re- 
gular idea  of  a  conftitution  ;  force  and  violence  decided 
every  thing. 

The  fuccefs  which  had  attended  Henrv  in  his  wars 
did  not  much  encourage  his  neighbours  to  form  any  at- 
tempt againft  him  ;  and  his  tranlactions  with  them,  during 
feveral  years,  contain  little  memorable.  Scotland  remain- 
ed in  that  ftate  of  feudal  iubjeclion  to  which  he  had  re- 
duced it,  and  gave  him  no  farther  inquietude.  He  fent 
over  his  fourth  fon,  John,  into  Ireland,  with  a  view  of 
making  a  more  complete  conqueft  of  the  iiland;  but  the 
petulance  and  incapacity  of  this  prince,  by  which  he  en- 
raged the  Irilh  chieftains,  obliged  the  king  foon  after  to 
recal  him  J.  The  king  cf  France  had  fallen  into  an  ab- 
jecl:  fuperftition  ;  and  was  induced,  by  a  devotion  more 
fincere  than  that  of  Henry,  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  the 
tomb  of  Becket,  in  order  to  obtain  his  interceffion  for,  the 
cure,  of  Philip,  his  eldeft  fon.  He  probably  thought  him- 
felf  well  entitled  to  the  favour  of  that  faint,  on  account  of 
their  ancient  intimacy  ;  and  hoped  that  Becket,  whom  he 
had  protected  while  on  earth,  would  not  now,  when  he 
wasfo  highly  exalted  in  heaven,  forget  his  old  friend  and. 
benefactor.  The  monks,  fenfible  that  their  faint's  ho- 
nour was  concerned  in  the  cafe,  failed  not  to  publifh  that 
Lewis's  prayers  were  anfwered,  and  that  the  young  prince 
was  reftored  to  health  by  Becket's  interceffion.  That 
king  himfelf  was  foon  after  ftruck  with  an  apoplexy,  which 
deprived  him  of  his  underflanding:  Philip,  though  a  youth 
of  fifteen,  took  on  him  the  adminiflration,  till  his  father's 

*  Bened.  Abb.  p.  248.  It  was  ufual  for  the  kings  of  England,  after  the 
conrjueft  of  Ireland,  to  fummon  bsrons  and  members  of  that  country  to  the 
Lnglifh  parliament.     Molineux's  Cafe  of  Ireland,    p.  64,  65,  66. 

f  Spelman  even  doubts  whether  the  law  weie  not  alfo  extended  to  England. 
If  it  were  not,  it  could  only  be  becaufe  Henry  did  not  chufe  it  ;  for  his  autho- 
rity was  greater  in  that  kingdom  than  in  his  tranfmaiine  dominions. 

i  Bensd.  Abb.  p.  437.  &c 


HENRY      II.  337 

death,  which  happened  foon  after,  opened  his  way  to  the  CHAP, 
throne  ;   and  he    proved    the  ableft  and  greatcft   monarch        IX. 

that  had  governed  the   kingdom  fince  the   age  of  Charle-  v v— — ' 

magne.  The  fupe[^Mkl<ears,  however,  and  experience  of  ll7u" 
Henry,  while  they  moderated  his  ambition,  gave  him 
fuch  dn  afcendant  over  this  prince,  that  no  danserousrival- 
fhip,  for  a  long  time,  arofe  between  them.  The  Englith 
monarch  infiead  of  taking  advantage  of  his  own  fituation,  ii3». 
rather  employed  his  good  offices  in  compofing  the  quarrels 
which  arofe  in  the  royal  family  of  France;  and  he  was 
fucoefsful  in  mediating  a  reconciliation  between  Philip  and 
his  mother  and  uncles.  Thefe  fervices  were  but  ill  requit- 
ed bv  Philip,  who,  when  he  came  to  man's  eflate,  foment- 
ed all  the  domefh'c  difcords  in  the  roya!  family  of  Eng- 
land, and  encouraged  Henrv's  fons  in  their  ungrateful  and 
undutiful  behaviour  towards  him. 

Prince  Henry,  equally  inpatient  of  obtaining  power, 
and  incapable  of  ufing  it,  renewed  to  the  king  the  demand 
of  his  refigning  Normandy  ;  and  on  meeting  with  a  refu- 
fal,  he  fled  with  his  confort  to  the  court  of  France  :  But 
not  finding  Philip  at  that  time  difpofed  to  enter  into  war 
for  his  fake,  he  accepted  of  his  father's  offers  of  reconci- 
liation, and  made  him  fubmiffions.  It  was  a  cruel  circum- 
ffance  in  the  king's  fortune,  that  he  could  hope  for  no 
tranquillity  from  the  criminal  enterprifes  of  his  fons  1  i* 
by  their  mutual  difcord  and  animofities,  which  difturc  J 
his  family,  and  threw  his  ftate  into  convulfions.  Richard, 
whom  he  had  made  mafrer  of  Guienne,  and  who  had  dif- 
played  his  valour  and  military  genius  by  fuppreffing  the 
revolts  of  his  mutinous  barons,  refufed  to  obey  Henry's 
orders,  in  doing  homage  to  his  elder  brother  for  that  dut- 
chy  ;  and  he  defended  himfelf  againft.  young  Henry  and 
Geoffrey,  who,  uniting  their  arms,  carried  war  into  hfs 
territories*.  The  king,  with  fome  difficulty,  compofed 
this  difference  ;  but  immediately  found  his  eldefl  fon  en- 
gaged in  confpiracies,  and  ready  to  take  arms  againft 
himfelf.  While  the  young  prince  was  conducting  thefe 
criminal  intrigues,  he  was  feized  with  a  fever  at  Martel,  a 
caftle  near  Turenne,  to  which  he  had  retired  in  difcontent; 
and  feeing  the  approaches  of  death,  he  was  at  lafl  ftruck 
with  remorfe  for  his  undutiful  behaviour  towards  his  father, 
lie  fent  a  meffage  to  the  king,  who  was  not  far  diftant  ; 
exprcfled  his  contrition  for  his  faults  ;  and  entreated  the 
favour  of  a  vifit,  that  he  might  at  leaf!  die  with  the  fatis- 
fact ion  of  having  obtained  his   forgivenefs.     Henry,  who 

Vol.  1.  X  x 

•  YpoJ.  Neuft.  p.  4jj.     Bened.  Abb.  p.  383.     Diesto,  p.  617. 


038  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  had  fo  often  experienced  the  prince's  ingratitude  and  vio- 
IX.  lence,  apprehended  that  his  ficknefs  was  entirely  feigned, 
and  he  durit  not  entruft  himfelf  into  his  fon's  hands  :  But 
when  he  foon  after  received  intelligence  of  young  Henry's 
death,  and  the  proofs  of  his  fincererepentance,  this  good 
prince  was  affected  with  the  deepeft  forrow  ;  he  thrice 
fainted  away  :  he  accufed  his  own  hard-heartednefs  in 
refuting  the  dyings  requeft  of  his  fon ;  and  he  lamented 
that  he  had  deprived  that  prince  of  the  laft  opportunity  of 
nuking  atonement  for  his  offences,  and  of  pouring  out  his 
foul  in  thebofomof  his  reconciled  father*.  This  prince 
died  in  the  twenty-eighth  year  of  his  age. 

The  behaviour  of  his  furviving  children  did  not   tend 
to  give  the  king  any  confolation  for  the  lofs.      As  prince 
Henry  had  left  no  pouerity,  Richard  was  become  heir  to 
all  his  dominions;  and  the  king  intended    that  John,  his 
third  furviving  ion  and   favourite,  fhould  inherit  Guienne 
as  his  appanage:   But  Richard  refufed  his  confent,  fled  into 
that  dutchy,  and  even  made   preparations  for  carrying  on 
war,  as  well  againft  his  father  as  againft  his  brother  Geof- 
frey, who  was  now  put  in  poffeflion  of  Britanny.     Henry, 
fent  for  Eleanor  his  queen,  the  heirefs  of  Guienne,  and 
required  Richard  to  deliver  up  to  her  the  dominion  of  thefe 
territories  ;  which  that  prince,  either  dreading  an  iniurrec- 
tion  of  the  Gafconsin  her  favour;  or  retaining  fome  fenfe 
of  duty  towards  her,  readily  performed  ;  and  he  peaceably 
returned  to  his  father's  court.     No  fooner  was  this  quarrel 
accommodated,  than  Geoffrey,  the  moft  vicious   perhaps 
of  ail  Henry's  unhappy  family,  broke  out  into  violence  ; 
demanded  Anjou  to  be  annexed  to  his  dominions  of  Britan- 
ny ;  and  on  meeting  with  a  refufal,  fled  to  the  court  of 
"§5-       France,  and  levied  forces  againft  hisfatherf.     Henry  was 
freed  from  this  danger  by  his  fon's  death,  who  was   killed 
in  a  tournament  at  Paris  j.     The  widow  of  Geoffrey,  foon 
after  his  deceafe,  was  delivered   of  a    fon,  who  received 
the  name  of  Arthur,  and  was  inverted  in   the  dutchy    of 
Britanny,  under   the    guardianfhip    of   his    grand-father, 
who,  as  duke  of  Normandy,  was  alio  fuperior  lord  of  that 
territory.     Philip,  as  lord  paramount,  difputed   fome  time 
his  title  to  this  wardlhip;   but  was  obliged  to  yield   to  the 
inclinations  of  the  Bretons,  who  preferred  the  government 
of  Henry. 
Cmfades.  But  the  rivalihip  between  thefe  potent  princes,  and  all 

their  inferior  inter  eft,  feemed  now  to  have  given  place  to 
the  general  paffion  for  the  relief  of  the  Holy   Land,    and 

*  Bcned.  Abb.  p.  393.     Hoveden,  p.  621.     Trivet,  vol.  i.  p.  84. 
f  Neubrig.p.  422.  +  Bened.  Abb.  p.  451.     Chroa.  Garvafe, 

p.  1480. 


HENRY      II. 

and  the  expulfion  of  the  Saracens.  Thofe  infidels,  though  C  II  A  \~'. 
obliged  to  yield  to  t!ie  immenfe  inundation  of  ChrifHans  in        tX. 

the  firfl   crufade,  had  recovered  courage  after    the  torrent  * v— — f 

was  pair;   and  attaching  on  ail  quarters  the  fettlements  of 
the  European;  .  I  thefe adventurers  to  great  dif- 

ficulties, andobJiged  them  to  apply  again  for  fuccoursfrom 
the  Weft.  A  fecond  crufade,  under  the  emperor  Con- 
rad, and  Lewis  VII.  kingof  France,  in  which  there  pe- 
riihed  above  j.go,ooo  men,  brought  them  but  a  temporary 
relief;  and  thofe  princes,  after  lofing  fuch  immenfe  armies, 
and  leeing  the  flower  of  their  nobility  fall  by  their  fide, 
returned  with  little  honour  into  Europe.  But  thefe  re- 
peated  misfortunes,  which  drained  the  weftern  world  of 
its  peop'c  and  treafure,  were  not  yet  fufficient  to  cure  men 
of  their  palfion  for  thofe  fpiritual  adventures  ;  and  a  new 
incident  rekindled  with  frefh  fury  the  zeal  of  ;he  ecclefi- 
aftics  and  military  adventurers  among  the  Latin  ChrifHans. 
Saladin,  a  piince  of  great  generofity,  bravery,  and  con- 
duct, having  fixed  himfelf  on  the  throne  of  Egypt,  began 
to  extend  his  conquefts  over  the  Rail  ;  and  finding  the  fet- 
tlement  of  the  ChrifHans  in  PalefHne  an  invincible  obftacle  , 
to  the  progrefsuf  his  arms,  he  bent  the  whole  force  of  his 
policy  and  valour  tp  lubdue  that  fmail  and  barren,  but  im- 
portant territory.  Taking  advantage  of  diflenfions  which 
prevailed  among  the  champions  of  the  crofs,  and  having 
iecretly  gained  the  count  of  Tripoli,  who  commanded 
their  armies,  he  invaded  the  frontiers  with  a  mighty  power; 
and,  aided  by  the  treachery  of  that  count,  gained  over 
them  at  Tiberiade  a  complete  victory,  which  utterly  an- 
nihilated the  force  of  the  already  languifliing  kingdom  of 
Jeruialem.  The  holy  .city  itfelf  fell  into  his  hands,  after  „ 
a  feeble  refinance;  the  kingdom  of  Anrioch  was  almofr. 
entirely  fubdued;  and  except  fome  maritime  towns,  nothing 
confiderable  :    of  thofe  boafted  conquefts,  which 

near  a  century  before,  it  had  coll  the  efforts  of  all  Europe 
to  acquire*. 

IE  weftern  Chriftians  were  aftoniihed  on  receiving 
this  diimal  intelligence.  Pope  Urban  III,  it  is  pretended, 
died  of  grief;  and  his  fucceflbr,  Gregory  VIII.  employed 
the  whole  time  of  his  ihort  pontificate  in  routing  to  arms 
all  the  LhrilHans  v  .  his  authority.     The 

generalcry  was,  that  they  were  unworthy  of  enjqyinga 
inheritance  in  .  who   did  not  vindicate   from   the 

dominion  of  the  ii  ■  inheritance  of  God  wi  earth, 

cied  ho::,  that  country    which  had   been 


3-p  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  coafecrated  bv  the  footfteps  of  their  Redeemer.     William 
IX.       archbifhop   of  Tyre,  having  procured    a   conference  be- 

x v '  tween  Henry  and  Philip  near  Gifors,  enforced  all  thefe 

ii88.  topics  ;  gave  a  pathetic  defcription  of  the  miferable  ftate 
'  J  of  the  eailern  Chrtftians ;  and  employed  every  argument 
to  excite  the  ruling  paffions  of  the  age,  fuperftition,  and 
jealoufy  of  military  honour*.  The  two  monarchs  imme- 
diately took  the  crofs;  many  of  their  mod  confiderable 
vafTals  imitated  the  example  i* ;  and  as  the  emperor  Fre- 
deric I.  entered  into  the  fame  confederacy,  fome  well- 
grounded  hopes  of  fuccefs  were  entertained;  and  men  flat- 
tered themfelves,  that  an  enterprife  which  had  failed  under 
the  conduct  of  many  independent  leaders,  or  of  imprudent 
princes,  might  at  laft,  by  the  efforts  of  fuch  potent  and 
able  monarchs,  be  brought  to  a  happy  iflue. 

The  kings  of  France  and  England  impofed  a  tax, 
amounting  to  the  tenth  of  all  moveable  goods,  on  fuch  as 
,  remained  at  home+  ;  but  as  they  exempted  from  this  bur- 
den mod  of  the  regular  clergy,  the  fecular  afpired  to  the 
fame  immunity  ;  pretended  that  their  duty  obliged  them 
toaffift  the  crufade  with  their  prayers  alone;  and  it  was 
with  fome  difficulty  they  were  conflrained  to  defift  from  an 
oppofition,  which  in  them,  who  had  been  the  chief  pro- 
moters of  thofe  pious  enterprises,  appeared  with  the  word 
grace  imaginable  ||.  This  backwardnefs  of  the  clergy  is 
perhaps  a  lymptom,  that  the  enthufiaftic  ardour  which  had 
at  firfl:  feizcd  the  people  for  crufades,  was  now  by  time 
and  ill  fuccefs  cqnfiderabiy  abated  ;  and  that  the  frenzy 
was  chiefly  fupported  bv  the  military  genius  and  love  of 
glory  in  the  monarchs. 

But  before  this  great  machine  could  be  put  in  motion, 
there  were  fiill  many  obftacles  to  furmont.  Philip,  jealous 
of  Henry 's  power,  entered  into  a  private  confederacy  with 
young  Richard;  and,  workingonhis  ambitious  and  im- 
patient temper,  perfuaded  him,  inflead  of  fupporting  and 
aggrandifing  that  monarchy  which  he  was  one  day  to  in- 
herit, to  feek  prefent  powerand  independence  by  difturbing 
11S9.       and  difmembering  it.     In  order  to  give  a  pretence  for  hof- 

Revoltof      tilities  between  the  two  kings,  Richard  broke  into  the  ter- 

RicharU.  Tories  of  Raymond  count  of  Touloufe,  who  immediately 
carried  complaints  of  this  violence  before  the  king  of 
France  as  his  fuperior  lord.  Philip  remonftrated  with 
Henry  ;  but  received  for  anfwer,  that  RLhard  had  con- 
fefled  to  thearchbilhop  of  Dublin,  that  hisenterprife  againft 
Raymond  had  been  undertaken  by  the  approbation  of  Phi- 

*   Rened.  Abb.  p.  t  Neubrig.  p.  43^.    Heming.  p.  512. 

J  Bened.  Abb.  p.  |j  Petri  Bieilbn.  epift.  lift. 


HENRY      II.  341 

lip  himfolf,  and  was  conduced  by    his  authority.     The  CHAP, 
king  of  France,  who  might  have  been  covered  with  fhame 
and  conf'ufion  bv  this  detection,  Hill  profecuted  hisdeftgn, 
and  invaded  tlio  provinces  of  Berri  and  Auvcrgne,   under 
colour  of  revenging  the  quarrel  of  the  count  of  Touloule*. 
Henry  retaliated,  by  making  inroads  upon  the  frontiers  of 
France,  and  burning  Dreux.    As  this  war,  which  deltroy- 
ed  all  hopes  of  fuccefs  in  the  projected  crufade,  gave  great 
fcandal,   the  two  kings  held  a  conference  at  the  accuftomed 
place  between  Gifors  and  Trie,   in  order  to  find  means  of 
accommodating  their  differences:  They  fcparated  on  worfe 
terms  than  before  ;   and  Philip,  to  (how  his  difguft,  order- 
ed  a  great  elm,  under  which   the  conferences  had  been 
ufually  held,  to  be  cut  down  f  ;  as  if  he  had   renounced 
alldefire  of  accommodation,  and  was  determined  to  carry 
the  war  to  extremities  again'!  the  king  of  England.     But 
his  own  vaffals  refuted  to  ferve  under  him  in  fo  invidious  a 
caufej;  and  he  was  obliged  to  come  anew  to  a  conference 
with  Flenrv,  and  to  offer  terms  of  peace.  Thefe  terms  were 
(uch  as  entirely  opened  the  eyes  of  the  king  of  England, 
and  fully  convinced  him  of  the  perfidv  of  his  fon,  and  his 
fecret  alliance  with  Philip,  of  which  he  had  before    only 
entertained  fome  fufpicion.     The  king  of  France  required 
that  R -chard  fhould  be   crowned  king  of  England   in   the 
lifetime  of  his  father,  fhould  be  inverted  in  all  his  tranfma- 
rine  dominions,  and  (hould  immediately  efpoule  Alice, Phi- 
lip's filler,  to  whom  he  had  formerly  been  affianced,  and  who 
had  already  been  conducted  into  England  II.  Henry  had  ex- 
perienced fuch   fatal    effects,  both  from   the  crowning   of 
his  eldeft  fon,  and  from  that  prince's  alliance  with  the  royal 
family  of  France,  that  he  rejected  thefe  terms  ;  and  Rich- 
ard, in  confequence  of  his   fecret  agreement  with  Philip, 
immediately  revolted  from  him**,  did  homage  to  the  king 
of  France  for  all  the  dominions  which  Henry  held  of  that 
crown,  and  received  the  inveftitures  as  if  he  had   already 
been  the  lawful  pofleflbr.     Several  hiftorians  aflert,  that 
Henry  himfelf  hud  become  enamoured  of  young   Alice, 
and  mention  this  as  an  additional    reafon    for  his   refufing 
the!e  conditions;   But  he  had  fo  many  other   juit  and  equi- 

e  motives  for  his  conduct,  that  it  is  fuperfluous  to  allign 
a  caufe,  which  the  great  prudence  ;:nd  advanced  age  of 
that  monarch  render  fomewhat  improbable. 

Cardinal  Albano,  the  pope's   legate,  difplcafed  with 
thei'e  incrcafing  obitacles  to   the  crufade,  excommunicated 

hard,  as  the  chief  fpring  of  difcoid  :   But  the  ientence 

f  Ibid.  p.  517.  53«. 
id •  P-    310.  Bened.  Abb*  p.  521.     Hovcden,  p.* 

**  Bionipion,  p.  1149.     Neubrig.  p.  437. 


342  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  of  excommunication,  which,  when  it    was  properly  pre- 
IX.       pared,  and   was    zealoufly  fupported   by    the  clercv,  had 

v •, '  oftafi  great  influence  in  that  age,  proved  entireiy  ineffec- 

llS9-  tual  in  the  prefer.t  cafe.  The  chief  barons  of  Poictou, 
Guienne,  Normandy,  and  Anjou,  being  attached  to  the 
young  prince,  and  finding  that  he  had  now  received  the 
inveftiture  from  their  fuperior  lord,  declared  for  him,  and 
made  inroads  into  the  territories  of  fuch  as  ftill  adhered  to 
the  king.  Henry,  difquieted  by  the  daily  revolts  of  his 
mutinous  fubjetb,  and  dreading  ftill  worfe  effects  from 
their  turbulent  difpofitions  had  again  recourfe  to  papal 
authoity;  and  engaged  the  cardinal  Anagni,  who  had 
fucceeded  Albano  in  the  legatefhip,  to  threaten  Philip 
with  laying  an  interdict  on  all  his  dominions.  But  Phi- 
lip, who  was  a  prince  of  great  vigour  and  capacity,  defpif- 
ed  the  menace,  and  told  Anagni,  that  it  belonged  not  to 
the  pope  to  interpoie  in  the  temporal  difputes  of  princes, 
much  lefs  in  thole  between  him  and  his  rebellious  vaiiil. 
He  even  proceeded  (b  far  as  to  reproach  him  with  paitia- 
lity,  and  with  receiving  bribes  from  the  king  of  England*  ; 
while  Richard,  ftill  more  outrageous,  offered  to  draw  his 
fword  againfl  the  legate,  and  was  hindered  by  the  interpo- 
lation alone  of  the  company,  from  committing  violence 
upon  himf. 

The  king  of  England  was  now  obliged  to  defend  his 
dominions  by  arms,  and  to  engage  in  a  war  with  France, 
and  with  his  eldeft  fon,  a  prince  of  great  valour,  on  fuch 
disadvantageous  terms.  Ferte-Bcrnard  fell  firft  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy:  Mans  was  next  taken  by  aflluilt  ; 
and  Henry,  who  had  thrown  himfelf  into  that  place, 
efcaped  with  fome  difficulty:  $  Amboife,  Chaumont,  and 
Chateau  de  Loire,  opened  their  gates  on  the  appearance 
of  PhHip  and  Richard  :  Tours  was  menaced  ;  and  the  king, 
who  had  retired  to  Saumur,  and  had  daily  inftances  of  the 
covvatdice  or  infidelity  of  his  governors,  expected  the  molt 
difmal  iflue  to  all  his  enterprifes.  While  he  was  in  this 
flateof  defpondency,  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  the  earl  o\ 
Flanders,  and  the  archbifhop  of  Rheims,  intcrpofed  with 
their  good  orbec?;  and  the  intelligence  which  he  received 
of  the  taking  of  Tours,  and  which  made  him  fully  (cn^ 
fible  of  the  defperate  fituatiou  of  his  affairs,  fo  fubdued 
his  fpirit  that  he  fubmitted  to  all  the  rigorous  terms  which 
were  impofed  upon  him.  He  agreed,  that  Richard  mould 
marry  the  princefs  Alice  ;  that  that  prince  mould  receive 
the  homage   and  oath  of  fealty  of  all   his  fubjecis  both  in 

j 

Hoveden,  p.   <V,2. 
p.  i of,.      Be 


*    M.  Tzm,   p,    :     ;. 

Bcncd.  Abb.  p. 

f  M.  Pari ;,  )».  rpf. 

%  M. 

Pari 

Hcvedsn,  p.  653. 

HENRY      II.  343 

England  and  his  tran.":narine  dominions  ;  that  lie  himfelf  CHAP, 
fho  Id  pay  twenty  thousand  marks  to  the  king  of  France       IX. 

as  a  compenfation    for  the  charges  of  the  war  ;  that   his  v j ' 

own  barons  ihould  engage  to  make  him  obferve  this  treaty 
by  force,  and  in  cafe  of  his  violating  it,  ihould  promiie 
to  join  Philip  and  Richard  againft  him;  and  that  all  his 
vaifals  who  had  entered  into  confederacy  with  Richard, 
Ihould  receive  an  indemnity  for  the  offence*. 

Bur   the  mortification  which  Henry,  who  had  been  ac- 
cuftomed  to  give   the  law  in  meft  treaties,  received   from 
thefe   di (advantageous  terms,  was  the   lead   that    he   met 
with  on  thisoccafion.     When  he  demanded  a  lift  ofthofe 
barons  to  whom  he  was  bound  to  grant  a  pardon  for  their 
connections  with   Richard,    he   was  aflonifhed    to  find   at 
the  head  of  them  the  name  of  his  iecond  ion  John  t  ;  who 
had  always  been  his  favourite,  whole  interefls  he  had  ever 
anxioufly  at  heart,  and  who  even,  on  account  of  his  alCen- 
dant  over  him,  often   excited  the    jeaioufy  cf  Richard  |. 
The  unhappy  father,  already  overloaded   with   cares  and 
forrows,   finding   his  laft   disappointment   in   his  domeftic 
tendernefs,  broke  out  into  expreifions  of  the  utmoft  defpair, 
curled  the  day  in   which  he  received  his   miferable  being, 
and   beflowed  on  his  ungrateful  and   undutiful   children  a 
malediction  which   he  never  could  be    prevailed  on  to  re- 
tract ||.     The  more  his  heart  was  difpofed  to  friendfhip  and 
affection,  the  more  he  relented  the  barbarous  return  which 
his  four  Ions  had  fucceffively    made  to  his   parental  care  ; 
and  this  finifhing  blow,   by  depriving  him  of  every  com- 
fort  in  life,  quite  broke  his  fpirit,  and    threw  him  into  a 
lingering  fever,  of  which  he  expired  at  the  caftle  of  Chin- 
on  near  Saumur.     His  natural  ion  Geoffrey,  who   alone    6th  July. 
had  behaved  dutifully  towards  him,  attended  his  corpfe  to    Ucash 
the  nunnery  of  Fontervrault  ;  where  it  lay  in   flate  in  the 
abbey-church.     Next  day  Richard,  who  came  to  vifit  the 
dead   body  of  his  father,   and    who,  notwithstanding  his 
criminal  conduct,   was  not  wholly  deftitute  of  generofity, 
was  (truck  with  horror  and  remorfe  at  the  fight;  and  as  the 
attendants  ob.'erved,  that  at  that  very  inftant,  blood  gufh- 
ed  from  the  mouth   and  noftriis  of  the  corpfe**,   he   ex- 
claimed,  agreeably  to  a  vulgar   fuperftition,  that  he   was 
his  father's  murderer;  and  he  exprelted  a  deepfenie,  though 
too  late,  of  that  undutiful  behaviour  which  had  brought 
his  parent  to  an  untimely  grave  f  f. 

M.  P.iris,  p.  106.  Bened.  Abb.  p.  545.     Hoveden,   p.  65J. 
t  Hoveclen,  p.  654.  +  Bened.  Abb.  p. 

I|  Hoveden,  p.  654.  »*  Bened.   Abb.  p.   547.     Eromrv 

ton,  p.  1151.  |f  M.  Pai.ij(  p#  l07< 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Thus  died,  in  the  fifty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  and 
thirty  fifth  of  his  reign,  the  greateft  prince  of  his  time  for 
wifdom,  virtue,  and  abilities,  and  the  moft  powerful  in  ex- 
tent of  dominion  of  all  thole  that  had  ever  filled  the 
throne  of  England.  His  character,  in  private  as  well  as 
in  public  life,  is  almoft  without  a  blemifh  ;  and  he  feems 
to  haveiponeffed  every  accomplishment,  both  of  body  and 
mind,  which  makes  a  man  either  eftimable  or  amiable. 
He  was  of  a  middle  ftature,  ftrongand  well  proportioned; 
his  countenance  was  lively  and  engaging;  his  converlati- 
on  affable  and  entertaining ;  his  elocution  eafy,  perfuafive, 
and  ever  at  command.  He  loved  peace,  but  poffeiTed  both 
bravery  and  conduct  in  war  ;  was  provident  without  timi- 
dity ;  fevere  in  the  execution  of  juftice  without  rigour  ; 
and  temperate  without  aufterity.  He  preferved  health, 
and  kept  himfelf  from  corpulency,  to  which  he  was  fome- 
what  inclined,  by  an  abftemious  diet,  and  by  frequent  ex- 
ercife,  particularly  hunting.  When  he  could  enjoy  lei- 
fure,  he  recreated  himfelf  either  in  learned  couverfation 
or  in  reading  ;  and  he  cultivated  his  natural  talents  by 
fludy,  above  any  prince  of  his  time.  His  afFeclions,  as 
well  as  his  enmities,  were  warm  and  durable  ;  and  his 
long  experience  of  ingratitude  and  infidelity  of  men  never 
deftroyed  the  natural  fenfibility  of  his  temper,  which  dif- 
pofed  him  to  friendfhip  and  fociety.  His  character  has 
been  tranfmitted  to  us  by  feveral  writers  who  were  his  con- 
temporaries*; and  it  extremely  refembles,  in  its  moil  re- 
markable features,  that  of  his  maternal  grandfather  Hen- 
ry I.  :  Excepting  only,  that  ambition,  which  was  a  ruling 
pailion  in  both,  found  not  in  the  firlt  Henry  fuch  unexcep- 
tionable means  of  exerting  itfelf,  and  pufhed  that  prince 
into  meafures,  which  were  both  criminal  in  themfelves  and 
were  the  caufe  of  farther  crimes,  from  which  hisgrandfon's 
conduct  was  happily  exempted. 
MHceiiane-  This  prince,  like  moft  of  his  predeceflbrs  of  the  Nor- 
ous  trance-  man  line,  except  Stephen,  palTed  more  of  his  time  on  the 
thlsrelen.  continent  than  in  thisifland:  He  was  furrounded  with  the 
Englifh  gentry  and  nobility,  when  abroad  :  The  French 
gentry  and  nobility  attended  him  whem  he  refided  in  Eng- 
land :  Both  nations  aCted  in  the  government  as  if  they 
were  the  fame  people ;  and,  on  many  occafions,  the  legifla- 
turcs  feem  not  to  have  been  diflinguilhed.  As  the  king 
and  all  the  Englith  barons  were  of  French  extraction,  the 
manners  of  that  people  acquired  the  afcendant,  and  were 
regarded  as  the  models  of  imitation.    All  foreign  improve- 

*  Petri  Blef.  epift.  46,  47.  in  Biblioiheca  Fatrum,  vol.  xxiv.  p.    9S5,   9S6. 
kc.  Girald.  Camb.  p.  7S3.  iks. 


HENRY      II.  345 

merits,  therefore,  fuch  as  they  were,  in  literature  and   po-  CHAP, 
litenei's,  in  laws  and  arts,  feem  now  to  have  been,  in    a       IX. 

good  meafure,  tranfplanted  into  England  ;  and  that  king-  * >r— ' 

dom  was  become  little  inferior  in  all  the  fafhionable  ac-  ,,89« 
complifhments,  to  any  of  its  neigbours  on  the  continent. 
The  more  homely  but  more  fenfible  manners  and  princi- 
ples of  the  Saxons,  were  exchanged  for  the  affectations  of 
chivalry  and  the  fubtilities  of  ichoo!  philolophy  :  The  feu- 
dal ideas  of  civil  government,  the  Romifh  fentiments  in 
religion,  had  taken  entire  poffefiion  of  the  people  :  By 
the  former,  the  (cn(c  of  fuhmiffion  towards  princes  was 
fomewhat  diminifhed  in  the  barons  ;  bv  the  latter,  the  de- 
voted attachment  to  papal  authority  was  much  augmented 
among  the  clergy.  The  Norman  and  other  foreign  fami- 
lies eftablifhed  in  England,  had  now  (truck  deep  root  ; 
and  being  entirely  incorporated  with  the  people,  whom  at 
firft  they  oppreiTeC land  defpifed,  they  no  longer  thought  that 
they  needed  the  protection  of  the  crown  for  the  enjoyment 
of  their  pofleflions,  or  confidered  their  tenure  as  precari- 
ous. They  afpired  to  the  fame  liberty  and  independence 
which  they  faw  enjoyed  by  their  brethren  on  the  continent, 
and  defired  to  reltrain  thofe  exorbitant  prerogatives  and  ar- 
bitrary practices  which  the  neceffities  of  war  and  the  vio- 
lence of  conqueft  had  at  firft  obliged  them  to  indulge  in 
their  monarch.  That  memory  alio  of  a  more  equal  go- 
vernment under  the  Saxon  princes,  which  remained  with 
theEnglifh,  diffufed  (till  farther  the  fpirit  of  liberty,  and 
made  the  barons  both  defirous  of" more  independence  to 
themfelves,  and  willing  to  indulge  it  to  the  people.  And 
it  was  not  Ions  ere  this  fecret  revolution  in  the  fentiments 
of  men  produced,  firft  violent  convulfions  in  the  ftate, 
then  an  evident  alteration  in  the  maxims  of  government. 

The  hiftory  of  all  the  preceding  kings  of  England 
fince  the  conqueft,  gives  evident  proofs  of  the  dilorders 
attending  the  feudal  inftitutions  ;  the  licentioufnels  of  the 
barons,  their  fpirit  of  rebellion  againft  the  prince  and 
laws,  and  of  animofity  againft  each  other  :  The  conduct 
of  the  barons  in  the  tranfmarine  dominions  of  thofe  mo- 
narchs,  afforded  perhaps  ftill  more  flagrant  inftances  of 
thefe  convulfions ;  and  the  hiftory  of  France,  during 
feveral  ages,  confifts  almofi  entirely  cf  narrations  of  this 
nature.  The  cities,  during  the  continuance  of  this  vio- 
lent government,  could  neither  be  very  numerous  nor  po- 
pulous ;  and  there  occur  inftances  which  feem  to  evince, 
that,  though  thefe  are  always  the  firft  feat  of  law  and  li- 
berty, their  police  was  in  general  loofeand  irregular,  and 
expofed  to  the   fame  diforders  with  thoie  by    which    the 

Vol.  I.  Y  v 


546  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  country  was  generally  infeftcd.  It  wasacuftom  in  Lon- 
IX.  don  for  great  numbers,  to  the  amount  of  a  hundred  or 
S — ., — >•*  more,  the  Ions  and  relations  of  confiderable  citizens,  to 
1189.  form  themfelves  into  a  licentious  confederacy,  to  break  in- 
to rich  houfes  and  plunder  them,  to  rob  and  murder  the 
paffengers,  and  to  commit  with  impunity  all  Torts  of  dis- 
order. By  thefe  crimes,  it  had  become  fo  dangerous  to 
walk  the  Streets  by  night,  that  the  citizens  durft  no  more 
venture  abroad  after  fun-fet,  than  it  thev  had  been  ex- 
pofed  to  the  incus  lions  of  a  public  enemy.  The  brother 
of  the  ear!  of  Ferrars  had  been  murdered  by  fome  of  thole 
nocturnal  rioters ;  and  the  death  of  iu  eminent  a  perfon, 
which  was  much  more  regarded  than  that  of  many  thou- 
sands of  an  inferior  flation,  fo  provoked  the  king,  that 
he  Svore  vengeance  againft  the  criminals,  and  became 
thenceforth  more  rigorous  in  the  execution  of  the  laws  *. 

There  is  another  inflance  given  by  hiftorians,  which 
proves  to  what  a  height  fuch  riots  had  proceeded,  and  how 
open  thefe  criminals  were  in  committing  tneir  robberies. 
A  band  of  thein  had  attacked  the  houle  of  a  rich  citizen, 
with  an  intention  of  plundering  it;  hid  broken  through  a 
fionc-wa  11  with  hammers  and  wedges;  and  had  already 
entered  the  houie  fword  in  hand  ;  when  the  citizen,  armed 
cap-a-pee,  and  fupported  by  his  faithful  Servants,  appeared 
in  the  paffage  to  oppofe  them  :  He  cut  off  the  right  hand 
of  the  hrfl  robber  that  entered  ;  and  made  fuch  flout  refin- 
ance, that  his  neighbours  had  leifure  to  affemble,  and  come 
to  his  reiief.  The  man  who  loft  his  hand  was  taken  ;  and 
Wd3  tempted  by  the  promife  of  pardon  to  reveal  his  con- 
federates ;  among  whom  was  one  John  Senex,  eSteemed 
among  the  richeft  and  bfft-born  citizens  in  London.  He 
was  convicted  by  the  ordeal ;  and  though  he  offered  five 
hundred  marks  for  his  life,  the  king  refufed  the  money, 
and  ordered  him  to  be  hanged  f.  It  appears  from  a  ftatute 
of  Edward  1.  that  thefe  dilorders  were  not  remedied  even 
in  that  reign.  It  was  then  made  penal  to  go  out  at  night 
after  the  hour  of  the  curfew,  to  carry  a  weapon,  or  to  walk 
without  a  light  or  lanthorn  \.  It  is  Said  in  the  preamble  to 
this  law,  that,  both  by  night  and  by  day,  there  were  con- 
tinual frays  in  the  ftreets  of  London. 

Henry's  care  in  adminiftering  juflice  had  gained  him 
fo  great  a  reputation,  that  even  foreign  and  diftant  princes 
made  him  arbiter,  and  fubmitted  their  differences  to  his 
judgment.  Sanchez  king  of  Navarre,  having  fome  con- 
troversies   with   Alfonlo   king  of  Caftile,  was  contented, 

*  Ber.ed.  Abb.  p.  196.  +  Bened.  Abb.  p.  197,   198. 

%  Observations  on  the  ancient  Statutes,  p.  216. 


HENRY      If. 


347 


though  Alfotifo    had  married  the  daughter  of  Henry,  to  C  H  A  P, 
chufe  this  prince  for  a  referee;  and  they  ai/reed,  each  of       IX. 

them    to   confer)    three   cuflles  into    neutral   hands,  as  a  N «■ ' 

pledge  of  tucir  not  departing  from  his  award.  Henry  ,lS9« 
made  thecuifebe  examined  before  his  great  council,  and 
gave  a  fentence,  which  was  fubtnitted  to  by  both  parties, 
Thefe  two  Spanifh  kings,  lent  each  a  flout  champion  to 
the  court  of  England,  in  order  to  defend  his  cauie  by 
arms,  in  caie  the  way  of  duel  had  been  chofen  by  Hen- 
ry *. 

Henry  fofar  aboiiihed  the  barbarous  and  abfurd  prac- 
tice  of  Confifcatiag  (hips  which  had  been  wrecked  on  the 
coaft,  (hat  he  ordained,  if  one  man  or  animal  were  alive 
in  the  thip,  that  the  veiTel  and  goods  lhould  be  refiored  to 
the  owners  f. 

The  reign  of  Henry  was  remarkable  alfo  for  an  inno- 
vation which  wasafterwards  carried  farther  by  his  fuccelTors, 

.  was  attended  with  the  mott  important  cona-querices. 
This  prince  was  dilguflcd  with  the  fpecies  of  military  force 
which  was  elUbl'uhed  by  the  feudal  infliturions,  and  which 
though  it  was  extremely  burdenlbme  to  the  fubje£t,  yet 
rendered  very  little  fervice  to  the  fovereign.  The  barons, 
or  military  tenants,  came  laie  into  the  field  ,*  thev  were 
obliged  to  ferve  only  forty  days;  they  were  unfkilful  and 
difoiderly  in  all  their  operations  ;  and  they  were  apt  to 
carry  into  the  camp  the  fame  refractory  and  independent 
fpirit,  to  which  they  were  accuffomed  in  their  civil  govern- 
ment. Henry,  therefore,  introduced  the  practice  of  mak- 
ing a  commutation  of  their  military  fervice  for  money  ; 
and  he  levied  fcutages  from  their  baronies  and  knights 
fees,  iuftead  of  requiring  the  perfonal  attendance  of  his 
valla's.  There  is  mention  made,  in  the  hiflorv  of  the  ex- 
chequer, of  thefe  fcutages  in  his  fecond,  filth,  and  eigh- 
teenth year  J;  and  other  writers  give  us  an  account  of  three 
more  of  them||.  When  the  prince  had  thus  obtained 
money,  he  made  a  contract  with  fome  of  thofe  adventu- 
rers in  which  Europe  at  that  time  abounded  :  They  found 
him  ioldiers  of  the  fame  character  with  themfelves,  who 
were  bound  to  ferve  for  a  ftipulated  time:  The  armies  were 
lefs  numerous,  but  more  ufeful,  than  when  composed  of 
all  the  military  vaflals  of  the  crown  :  The  feudal  instituti- 
ons began  to  relax  :  The  kings  become  rapacious  for  mo- 
ney, on  which  all  their  power  depended:  The  barons, 
feeing  no  end  of  exactions,  fought  to  defend  t'icir  proper- 
ty :  And  as  the  famecaufes.  had  nearly  ihe  lame  effects  in 

*  Rymer,  veil.  iv.  p.  4  _ .  Lbb    p.  17?.      Di<  ■      Bromp- 

ton,  p.  t  Madox,  p.  4j5, 

43tl'  4J7.  4jS. 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

the  different  countries  of  Europe,  the  feveral  crowns  either 
loft  or  acquired  authority,  according  to  their  different  JjiC- 
cefs  in  the  conteft. 

This  prince  was  alfo  the  firft  that  levied  a  tax  on  the 
moveables  or  perfonal  eftates  of  his  fubjecis,  nobles  as  well 
as  commons.  Their  zeal  for  the  holy  wars  made  them 
fubmit  to  this  innovation  ;  and  a  precedent  being  once  ob- 
tained, this  taxation  became,  in  following  reigns,  the  ulu- 
al  method  of  Supplying  the  neceffities  of  the  crown.  The 
tax  of  Danegelt,  (o  generally  odious  to  the  nation,  was 
remitted  in  this  reign. 

It  was  a  ufual  pra&ice  ot  the  kings  of  England  to  re- 
peat the  ceremony  of  their  coronation  thrice  every  year, 
on  alTembling  the  Hates  at  the  three  great  revivals.  Hen- 
ry, after  the  firft  years  of  his  reign,  never  renewed  this 
ceremony,  which  was  found  to  be  very  expenfive  and  very 
uieleis.  None  of  his  fucceftors  revived  it.  It  isconfider- 
ed  as  a  great  acl  of  grace  in  this  prince,  that  he  mitigated 
the  rigour  of  the  foreft  laws,  and  punifhed  any  tranlgref- 
fions  of  them,  not  capitally,  but  by  fines,  impriionments, 
and  other  more  moderate  penalties. 

Since  we  are  here  collecting  fome  detached  incidents, 
which  (how  the  genius  of  the  age,  and  which  could  not  fo 
well  enter  into  the  body  of  our  hiftory,  it  may  not  be  im- 
proper to  mention  the  quarrel  between  Roger  archbifhop 
of  York,  and  Richard  archbifhop  of  Canterbury.  We 
may  judge  of  the  violence  of  military  men  and  laymen, 
when  ecclefiaftics  could  proceed  to  luch  extremities.  Car- 
dinal Haguezun  being  fent,  in  1176,  as  legate  into  Britain, 
fummoned  an  aflembly  of  the  clergy  at  London  ;  and  as 
both  the  archbifhops  pretended  to  fit  on  his  right  hand, 
this  queftion  of  predency  begat  a  contro^erfy  between 
them.  The  monks  and  retainers  of  archbifhop  Richard 
fell  upon  Roger,  in  the  prefence  of  the  cardinal  and  of  the 
fynod,  threw  him  to  the  ground,  trampled  him  under  foot, 
and  fo  bruifed  him  with  blows,  that  he  was  taken  up  half 
dead,  and  his  life  was,  with  difficulty,  faved  from  their 
violence.  The  archbifhop  of  Canterbury  was  obliged  to 
pay  a  large  fum  of  money  to  the  legate,  in  order  to  fup- 
prefsall  complaints  with  regard  to  this  enormity*. 

We  are  told  by  Gyraldus  Cambrenfis,  that  the  monks 
and  prior  of  St.  Swithun  threw  themfelves  one  day,  pro- 
ftiate  on  the  ground  and  in  the  mire  before  Henry,  com- 
plaining, with  many  tears  and  much  doleful  lamenta- 
tion, that  the  bilhop  of  Winchefter,  who  was  alfo 
their  abbot,  had  cut  oif'three  difhes  from  their  table.  How 

*  Bened.  Abb.  p.  138,  139.  Brompton,  p.  1109.  Chron.  Gerv.  p.  1433. 
Neubrig.  p.  4 1 3. 


HENRY      II.  349 

many  has  he  left  you  ?  faid  the  king.     Ten  only,  replied  CHAP. 
the  difconfolate  monks.     1   myfcif,  exclaimed   the  king,       IX. 

never  have  more  than  three  ;  and  I  enjoin  your  biihop  to  v « ' 

reduce  you  to  the  fame  number*.  ll89- 

This  king  left  only  two  legitimate  fons,  Richard  who 
fucceeded  him,  and  John  who  inherited  no  territory, 
though  his  father  had  often  intended  to  lea<e  him  a  part 
of  his  extenfive  dominions.  He  was  thence  commonly  de- 
nominated Lackland.  Henry  left  three  legitimate  daugh- 
ters; Maud,  born  in  1 156,  and  married  to  Henry  duke  of 
Saxony;  Eleanor,  born  in  1162,  and  married  to  Alphonfo 
king  of  CafHle;  Joan,  born  in  1 165,  and  married  to  Wil- 
liam king  of  Sicily  f. 

Henry  is  faid  by  ancient  hiflorians  to  have  been  of  a 
very  amorous  difpofition  :  They  mention  two  of  his  natural 
fons  by  Rofamond,  daughter  of  lord  Clifford,  namely, 
Richard  Longeipee,or  Longfword  (fo  called  from  the  iword 
he  ufually  wore),  who  was  afterwards  married  toEla,  the 
daughter  and  heir  of  the  earl  of  Salifbury  ;  and  Geoffrey, 
firft  bifhop  of  Lincoln,  then  archbifhop  of  York.  All 
the  other  circumflancesof  the  ftory,  commonly  told  of  that 
lady,  feem  to  be  fabulous. 


Gir.  Camb.  cap,  5.  in  Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  ii.  f  Diceto,  p.  616. 


(     35°    ) 


C^AP.      X. 


RICHARD       I. 


The  kings  preparations  for  the  crujade Sets  out  on  the 

crujade Tranfailions   in    Sicily King's   arrival 

in    Pale/line—— r-Statc    of    Palejline Diforders  in 

England The  king' s  heroic  adions  in  Palejiine 

His  return  from   Palejline Captivity  in  Germany 

War  with    France The  king's  delivery Return  to 

England War  with  France Death and  cha- 
racter of  the  king Mifcellaneous  tranfatlions  of  this 

reign. 


_  r  B  "*  H  E  compuncrion  of  Richard  for  his   undutiful  be- 

v-  JL     haviour  towards  his  father  was  durable,   and  influ- 

enced him  in  the  choice  of  his  minifters  and  fervants  after 
hisacceffion.  Thofe  who  had  feconded  and  favoured  his 
rebellion,  inftead  of  meeting  with  that  trull  and  honour 
which  they  expected,  were  furprifed  to  find  that  they  lay- 
under  difgrace  with  the  new  king,  and  were  on  all  occasi- 
ons hated  and  defpifed  by  him.  The  faithful  miniflers  of 
Henrv,  who  had  vigoroufly  oppofed  all  the  enterprises  of 
hisfons,  were  received  with  open  arms,  and  were  continu- 
ed in  thofe  offices  which  they  had  honourably  difcharged 
to  their  former  mafler*.  This  prudent  conduct  might  be 
the  refult  of  reflection;  hut  ina  prince,  like  Richard,  fo 
much  guided  by  paffion,  and  fo  little  by  policy,  it  was 
commonly  afcribed  to  a  principle  Hill  more  virtuous  and 
more  honourable. 

R [chard,  that  he  might  make  atonement  to  one  parent 
for  his  breach  of  duty  to  the  other,  immediately  fent  orders 

*  Hoveden,  p.  655.     Bencd.  Abb.  p.  547.     M.  Paris,  p.  107. 


X. 

1189. 


R     I    C     H     A    R     D      I.  351 

for  releafing  the  qucen-dowager  from  the  confinement  in  C  H  A  P. 
which  he  ike  hud  long  been  detained  ;  and  he  entrufted  her        X. 

with  t^e  government  of  England   till  his  arrival  in  that  ' ' 

kingdom.  His  bounty  to  his  brother  John  was  rather  Il?9" 
profuie  and  imprudent.  Befides  beftowmg  on  him  the 
county  of  Mortaigne  in  Normandy,  granting  him  a  pcn- 
fion  of  four  thoufand  marks  a  year,  and  marrying  him  to 
Avifa  the  daughter  of  the  earl  of  Glocefter,  by  whom  he 
inherited  all  the  potTeflions  of  that  opulent  family,  he  in- 
creafed  this  appanage,  which  the  late  king  had  deftined 
him,  by  other  extenfive  grants  and  conceffions.  He  con- 
ferred on  him  the  whole  eftate  of  William  Peverell,  which 
had  efcheated  to  the  crown  :  He  put  him  in  poiTeffion  of 
eight  caftles,  with  all  the  forefts  and  honours  annexed  to 
them:  He  delivered  over  to  him  no  lefs  than  fix  earldoms, 
Cornwal,  Devon,  Somerfet,  Nottingham,  Dorfet,  Lancaf- 
ter,  and  Derby  :  And  endeavouring  by  favours,  to  fix  that 
vicious  prince  in  his  duty,  he  put  it  too  much  in  his  power, 
whenever  he  pleafed,  to  der  art  from  it. 

The  king,  impelled  more  by  the  love  of  military  glory 
than  by  fuperrtition,  ailed,  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  The  king-, 
as  if  the  fole  purpofe  of  his  government  had  been  the  re-  f07?hecr°u 
lief  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  the  recovery  of  Jerufalem  fides. 
from  the  Saracens.  This  zeal  a  gain  ft  infidels,  being  com- 
municated to  his  fubjecls,  broke  out  in  London  on  the 
day  of  his  coronation,  and  made  them  find  a  crufade  lefs 
dangerous,  and  attended  with  more  immediate  profit.  The 
prejudices  of  the  age  had  made  the  lending  of  money  on 
intereft  pafs  by  the  invidious  name  of  ufury  :  Yet  the  nc- 
ceffity  of  the  practice  had  Itill  continued  it,  and  the  greater 
part  of  that  kind  of  dealing  fell  every  where  into  the  hands 
of  the  Jews  ;  who,  being  already  infamous  on  account  of 
their  religion,  had  no  honour  to  lofe,  and  were  apt  to  ex- 
ercife  a  profeffion,  odious  in  itfelf,  by  every  kind  of  ri- 
gour, and  even  fometimes  by  rapine  and  extortion.  The 
induftry  and  frugality  ot  this  people  had  put  them  in  pof- 
feffion  of  all  the  ready  money,  which  the  idleneis  and 
profulion  common  to  the  English  w  ith  other  European  na- 
tions, enabled  them  to  lend  at  exorbitant  and  unequal 
intereft.  The  monkifh  writers  repreient  it  as  a  great  ftain 
on  the  wife  and  equitable  government  of  Hemy,  that  he 
had  carefully  protected  this  infidel  race  from  all  injuries  and 
infults;  but  the  zeal  of  Richard  afforded  the  populace  a 
pretence  for  venting  their  animofity  againft  them.  The 
king  had  ifiucd  an  cd.ct  prohibiting  their  appearance  at 
his  coronation  ;  but  feme  of  them  bringing  him  large  pre- 
sents from  their  nation,  prefumed,  in  confidence  of  that 


352  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  merit,  to  approach  the  hall  in  which  he  dined  :   Being  dif- 
X.        covered,  they  were  expo'ed   to  the  infults  of  the  byftan* 

* w '  ders;  they  took  flight ;  the  people  purfued  them  ;  the  ru- 

ll89-  mour  was  fpread,  that  the  king  had  iffued  orders  to  maffa- 
cre  all  the  Jews  ;  a  command  fo  agreeable  was  executed 
in  an  inftant  on  luch  as  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  populace ; 
thofe  who  had  kept  at  home  were  expofed  to  equal  dan- 
ger ;  the  people,  mo\'ed  by  rapacity  and  zeal,  broke  into 
their  houfes,  which  they  plundered,  after  having  murdered 
the  owners  ;  where  the  Jews  barricadoed  their  doors  and 
defended  themfelves  with  vigour,  the  rabble  fet  fire  to  the 
houies,  and  made  way  through  the  flames  to  exercife  their 
pillage  and  violence  ;  the  ufual  licentioufnefs  of  London, 
which  the  fovereign  power  with  difficulty  retrained,  broke 
out  with  fury,  and  continued  thele  outrages  ;  the  houfes 
of  the  rich  citizens,  though  Chriftians,  were  next  attacked 
and  plundered  ;  and  vvearinefs  and  fatiety  at  lad  put  an  end 
to  the  diforder :  Yet,  when  the  king  impow'ered  Glan- 
ville,  the  judiciary,  to  enquire  into  the  authors  of  thefe 
crimes,  the  guilt  was  found  to  involve  io  many  of  the  mod 
confiderable  citizens,  that  it  was  deemed  more  prudent  to 
drop  the  profecution  ;  and  very  few  fuffered  the  punifh- 
ment  due  to  this  enormity.  But  the  diforder  flopped  not 
at  London.  The  inhabitants  of  the  other  cities  of  Eng- 
land, hearing  of  this  (laughter  of  the  Jews,  imitated  the 
example:  In  York,  five  hundred  of  that  nation,  who  had 
retired  into  the  caftle  for  fafety,  and  found  themfelves  un- 
able to  defend  the  place,  murdered  their  own  wives  and 
P  children,  threw  the  dead  bodies  over  the  walls  upon    the 

populace,  and  then  fetting  fire  to  the  houfes,  perifhed  in 
the  flames.  The  gentry  of  the  neighbourhood,  who  were 
all  indebted  to  the  Jews,  ran  to  the  cathedral,  where  their 
bonds  were  kept,  and  made  a  folemn  bonfire  of  the  papers 
before  the  altar.  The  compiler  of  the  Annals  of  Waver- 
ley,  in  relating  thele  events,  blefles  the  Almighty  for  thus 
delivering  over  this  impious  race  to  deftrudtion*. 

The  ancient  fituation  of  England,  when  the  people 
podeHed  little  riches  and  the  public  no  credit,  made  it  im- 
poflible  for  fovereigns  to  bear  the  expence  cf  a  fleady  or 
durable  war,  even  on  their  frontiers ;  much  lei's  could 
they  find  regular  means  for  the  fupportof  diftant  expedi- 
tions like  thofe  into  Paleftine,  which  were  more  the  refult 
of  popular  frenzy  than  of  fober  reafon  or  deliberate  policy. 
Richard,  therefore,  knew  that  he  mull:  carry  with  him  all 
the  treafure  neceffary  for  his  enterprife,  and  that  both  the 
remotenefs  of  his  own  country  and  its  poverty  made  it  un- 

*  Gale's  Colleft.  vol.  iii.  p.  165. 


R     1    C    H     A    R    D      I.  353 

able  tofurnifh  him  with  thofe  continued  fuppliei  which  the  C  H  A  P. 
exigencies  of  fo  perilous  a   war  mull    neceii'ari  y  require.        X. 

His    father  had  left  him  a    treafure  of  above    a    hundred  v— -~ ' 

thoufand  marks;  and  the  king,  negligent  of  every  confide-      llS^' 
ration  but  his  ptefent  object,  endeavoured  to  augment  this 
fam  by  all  expedients,  how  pernicious  foever  to  the  public, 
or  dangerous  to  royal  authority.     He  put  to  fale  the  reve- 
nues and  manors  of  the  crown;  the  offices  of  greateft  truft 
and  power,  even  thole  of  forefter  and  IberifF,  which  anci- 
ently were  fo  important*,  became  venal ;  the    dignity  of 
chief  judiciary,  in  whole  hands  was  lodged  the  whole  ex- 
ecution of  the  laws,  was  fold  to  Hugh  de  Puzas,  biihop  of 
Durham,  for  a  thoufand  marks;   the  fame  prelate  bought 
the    earldom   of  Northumberland  for  lifef ;  manv  of  the 
champions  of  the  crofs,  who  had    repented    of  their  vow, 
purchafed  the  liberty  of  violating  it  ;   and   Richard,  who 
ftood  lets  in.  need   of  men  than  of  money,  difpen fed,  en 
thele  conditions,  with  their  attendance.     Elated  with  the 
hopes  of  fame,  which  in   that  age  attended   no  wars  but 
thofe  againft  the  infidels,  he  was  blind  to  every  other  con- 
fideration  ;  and  when  fome  of  his  wifer  minifters  objected 
to  this  dniipation  of  the  revenue  and   power  of  the  crown, 
he  replied,   that  he  would  fell  London  itfelf,  could  he  find 
a  purchalar  $.      Nothing  indeed  could  be  a  ftronger  proof 
how  negligent  he  was  of  all  future  interefts  in  companion 
of  the  crufade,  than  his  felling,  for   fo    (mall    a  fum  as 
10,000   marks,  the   vaiTalage  of  Scotland,  together  with 
the  fortrefles  of  Roxborough  and  Berwic,  the  greateft  ac- 
quifition  that    had   been    made  by    his   father   during  the 
courfe  of  his  victorious  reign  ;  and   his  accepting  the   ho- 
mage of  William  in  the  u  ual  terms,  merely  for  the  terri- 
tories which  that  prince  held  in  England  J|.     The  Englilh, 
ot  all    ranks  and  ftations,  were  opprefled   bv    numerous 
exactions:    Menaces  were  employed,  both  againft  the  in- 
nocent and  the  guilty,  in  order  to  extort  money  from  them: 
And  where  a  pretence  was  wanting  againft  the  rich,  the 
king  obliged  them,  by  the  fear  of  his  difpleafure,  to  lend 
him  fums  which,  he  knew,  it  would  never  be  in  his  power 
to  repay. 

Bur  Richard,  though  he   facrificed  every  intereft  and 
confederation  to  the  fuccefs  of  this  pious  enterprife,  carried 
fo  little   the  appearance  of  fan£tity  in   his  conduct,   that 
Vol.  I.  Z  z 

*  The  flierifThad  anciently  both  the  adminiflration  of  juflice  and  the  ma- 
nagement of  the  kind's  revenue  committed  to  him  in  the  county.  See  Halt  of 
Sheriff's  Accounts. 

t  M.  i'.tr.s,  p.  109.  *  W.  Fleming,  p.  519.     Knyghton,  p.  240:. 

II  Hoveden,  p.  60k.     RymCr,  vol.  i.  p.  64.     M.  Weil.  p.  857. 


354  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Fulk,  curate  of  Neuilly,  a  zealous  preacher  of  the  crufrde, 
X.        who  from  that  merit  had  acquired  the  privilege  of  fpeaking 

*»»-v i  the  boldeft  truths,  advifed  him  to  rid  himfelf  of  his  noto- 

»&9«  rious  vices,  particularly  his  pride,  avarice,  and  voluptuouf- 
nefs,  which  he  called  the  king's  three  favourite  daughters. 
You  counfel  well,  replied  Richard,  and  I  hereby  ^dt/pqfe 
of  the  fir jl  to  the  Templars,  of  thefecond  to  the  Beneditiines, 
and  of  the  third  to  my  prelates* 

Richard,  jealous  of  attempts  which  might  be  made  on 
England  during  his  abfence,  laid  prince  John,  as  well  as 
his  natural  brother  Geoffrey  archbilhop  of  York,  under 
engagement,  confirmed  by  their  oaths,  that  neither  of  them 
ibould  enter  the  kingdom  till  his  return ;  though  he  thought 
proper,  before  his  departure,  to  withdraw  this  prohibition. 
The  adminiftration  was  left  in  the  hands  of  Hugh  bilhop 
of  Durham,  and  of  Longchamp  bifhop  of  Ely,  whom  he 
appointed  judiciaries  and  guardians  of  the  realm.  The 
latter  was  a  Frenchman  of  mean  birth,  and  of  a  violent 
character  ;  who  by  art  and  addrefs  had  infinuated  himfelf 
into  favour,  whom  Richard  had  created  chancellor,  and 
whom  he  had  engaged  the  pope  alfo  to  invert  with  the  le- 
gantine  authority,  that,  by  centering  every  kind  or  power 
in  his  perfon,  he  might  the  better  enlure  the  public  tran- 
quillity. All  the  military  and  turbulent  fpirits  flocked 
about  the  perfon  of  the  king,  and  were  impatient  to  diftin- 
guifh  themfelves  againft  the  infidels  in  Afia  ;  whither  his 
inclinations,  his  engagements,  led  him,  and  whither  he 
was  impelled  by  meffages  from  the  king  of  France,  ready 
to  embark  in  this  enterprife. 

The  emperor  Frederic,  a  prince  of  great  fpirit  and  con- 
duel,  had  already  taken  the  road  to  Palefline  at  the  head 
of  150,000  men,  collected  from  Germany  and  all  the  nor- 
thern ftates.  Having  furmounted  every  obftacle  thrown  in 
his  way  by  the  artifices  of  the  Greeks  and  the  power  of  the 
infidels,  he  had  penetrated  to  the  borders  of  Syria;  when, 
bathing  in  the  cold  river  Cydnus  during  the  greateft  heat 
of  the  lummer  feaf'on,  he  was  feized  with  a  mortal  difiem- 
per,  which  put  an  end  to  his  life  and  his  rafh  enterprife  *. 
His  army,  under  the  command  of  his  fon  Conrade,  reached 
Paleftine;  but  was  fodiminilhed  by  fatigue,  famine,  mala- 
dies, and  the  iword,  that  it  fcarcely  amounted  to  eight 
thoufand  men  ;  and  was  unable  to  make  any  progrefs 
againft  the  great  power,  valour,  and  conduct  of  Saladin. 
Thefe  reiterated  calamities  attending  the  crufades  had 
taught  the  kings  of  France  and  England  the  neceflity  of 
trying  another  road  to  the  Holy  Land  ;  and  they  determin- 

*  Bened.  Abb.  p.  556, 


RICHARD      I. 


355 


ed  to  conduct  their  armies  thither  by  fea,  to  carry  provifi-  CHAP 
ons  along  with  them,  and  bv  means  of   their  naval  power,         X. 

to  maintain  an  open  communication  with  their  own  ftates,  v «— — ' 

and  with  the  weHern  parts  of  Europe.     The  place  of  ren-      n90- 
dezvous  was  appointed  in   the  plains  of  Vezelay,   on  the     f* 
borders  of  Burgundy*:   Philip  and  Richard,  on  their  ar- 
rival there,  found  their  combined  army  amount  to  100,000  2)thJune« 
menf  ;  a  mighty  force,  animated  with  glory  and  religion, 
conducted  by  two  warlike  monarchs,  provided  with  every 
thing  which  their  l^veral  dominions  could  fupply,  and  not 
to  be  overcome  but  by  their  own  mifcondu£t,  or  by  the  un- 
furmountable  obflacles  of  nature. 

The  French  prince  and   the   Englifh    here  reiterated  Kingfets 
their  promifes   of  cordial    friendfhip,  pledged  their   faith  out  on  the 
not  to  invade  each  other's  dominions   during  the  crufade,  cruladc- 
mutually  exchang<  d  the  oaths  of  all  their  barons  and  pre- 
lat      to  the   fame  effect,  and  fubjected   themfelves  to  the 
penalty  of  interdicts  and  excommunications,  if  they  fhould 
ever  violate  this  public  and  folemn    engagement.      Thev 
then  feparated  ;   Philip  took  the   road  to  Genoa,  Richard 
that  to  Mar fei lies,  with  a  view  of  meeting   their  fleets, 
which    were  feveral  y  appointed  to  rendezvous  in  thefe 
harbours.     They  put  to  ica  ;  and,  nearly  about  the  fame  14th Sept. 
time,  were  obliged,  by   ftrefs  of  weather,  to  take  fhelter 
in  Medina,  where  they  were  detained  during-  the  whole 
winter.     This  incident  laid  the  foundation  of  animofities 
which  proved  fatal  to  their  enterprife. 

Richard  and  Philip  were,  by  the fituation  and  extent 
of  their  dominions,  rivals  in  power  ;  by  their  age  and  in- 
clinations, competitors  for  glory  ;  a*.d  thefe  caufes  of  emu- 
lation which,  had  the  princes  been  employed  in  the  field 
againft  the  common  enemy,  might  have  ftimulated  them 
to  martial  enterprifes,  loon  excited,  duiing  the  prefent 
leifure  and  repofe,  quarre's  between  monarchs  of  fuch 
a  fiery  character.  Equally  haughty,  ambitious-,  intrepid, 
and  inflexible,  they  were  irritated  with  the  leaft  appea- 
rance of  injury,  and  were  incapable,  by  mutual  conde- 
fcenfions,  to  efface  thofe  caufes  of  complaint  which 
unavoidably  arole  between  them.  Richard,  candid, 
fincere,  undeiigninji  impolitic,  violent,  laid  1  imfclfopen, 
on  every  occafion,  to  the  defigos  of  his  antagonifi  ;  w  ho, 
provident,  interefted,  intriguing,  failed  not  to  take  all 
advantages  againft  him:  And  thus,  both  the  circum- 
ftances  of  their  dii'pofition  in  which  they  were  fimilar, 
and  thofe  in  which   they   differed,  rendered  it  "innoinble 

*  Hoveden,  p.  660.  \   Viplfauf,  p.  305. 


356  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  for  them  to  perfevere  in  that  harmonv  which  was  fo  necef- 
X.        lary  to  the   fuccefs  t>f  their  undertaking. 

v y f       The  lad  king  of  Sicily  and  Naples  was  William  II. 

Mao,       w\lo  ha(j  marriec|  Joan,  filter  to  Richard,  and  who,  dying 

tions iri         without  iffue,  had  bequeathed  his  dominions  to  his  paternal 

Sicily.  amt  Conftantia,  the  only  legitimate   defcendant  furviving 

of  Roger,  the  firft  (overeign  of  thole  ftates  who  had  been 
honoured  with  the  royal  title.  This  princefs  had,  in  ex- 
pectation of  that  rich  inheritance,  been  married  to  Henry 
VI.  the  reigning  emperor* ;  but  Tancred,  her  natural 
brother,  had  fixed  fuch  an  intereft  among  the  barons,  that, 
taking  advantage  of  Henry's  abfence,  he  had  acquired  pof- 
feftion  of  the  throne,  and  maintained  his  claim,  by  force 
of  arms,  againft  all  the  efforts  of  the  Germans f.  The 
approach  of  the  crufaders  naturally  gave  him  apprehenfi- 
ons  for  his  unliable  government  ;  and  he  was  uncertain, 
whether  he  had  mod  reafon  to  dread  the  prefence  of  the 
French  or  of  the  Englifh  monarch.  Philip  was  engaged 
in  a  ftri£t  alliance  with  the  emperor  his  competitor:  Ri- 
chard wasoifguftedby  his  rigours  towards  the  queen-dowa- 
ger, whom  the  Sicilian  prince  had  confined  in  Palermo ; 
becaufefhe  had  oppofed  with  all  her  intereft  his  fucceflion 
to  the  crown.  Tancred,  therefore,  fenfible  of  the  prefenr, 
neceiTiry,  refolved  to  pay  court  to  both  thefe  formidable 
princes;  and  he  was  not  unfuccefsful  in  his  endeavours. 
He  perluaded  Philip  that  it  was  highly  improper  for  him 
to  interrupt  his  enterprife  againft  the  infidels,  by  any  at- 
tempt againfl.  a  Chriftian  ftate  :  He  reftored  queen  Joan 
to  her  liberty  ;  and  even  found  means  to  make  an  alliance 
with  Richard,  who  ftipulated  by  treaty  to  marry  his  ne- 
phew, Arthur,  the  young  duke  of  Britanny,  to  one  of  the 
daughters  of  Tancred+.  But  before  thefe  terms  of  friend- 
ship were  fettled,  Richard  jealous  both  of  Tancred  and  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Medina,  had  taken  up  his  quarters  in 
,  the  fuburbs  and  had  po  fie  fled  himfelfofa  fmall  fort,  which 

commanded  the  harbour;  and  he  kept  himfelf  extremely 

-ejoaober.  onhisguard  againft  their  enterprifes.  The  citizens  took 
umbrage.  Mutual  infults  and  attacks  paffed  between  them 
and  the  Englifh:  Philip,  who  had  quartered  his  troops  in 
the  town,  endeavoured  to  accommodate  the  quarrel,  and 
held  a  conference  with  Richard  for  that  purpofe.  While 
the  two  kings,  meeting  in  the  open  fields  were  engaged 
in  diicourfe  on  this  fubject,  a  body  of  thofe  Sicilians  tee- 
med to  be  drawing  towards  them  ;  and  Richard  pufhed  for- 
wards, in  order  to  inquire  into  the  reafon  of.  this  extraor- 
dinary movement ||.     The  Englifh,    infolent  from    their 

*  Bened.  Abb.  p.  5S0.  f  Hoveden.  p.  663. 

t  Hoveden,  p.  f'76  677.     Bened.  Abb.  p.  615. 
||  Bened.  Abb.  p.  608. 


RICHARD      I.  357 

power,  and  inrlamed  with   former  animofities,  wanted  but  Q  \\  a  p. 
a  pretence  for  attacking  the  Meffinefe  :   They  toon  dialed         X. 

them  off  the  field,  drove  them  into   the  town,  and  entered   « ' 

with  them  at  the  gates.  The  king  employed  his  authority  «9°« 
to  reftrain  them  from  pillaging  and  maffacriftg  the  de- 
fenceJel's  inhabitants  ;  but  lie  gave  orders,  in  token  of  his 
victory,  that  the  ftandard  of  England  fhould  be  erected 
on  the  walls.  Philip,  who  confidered  that  place  as  his 
quarters,  exclaimed  againfl  the  intuit,  and  ordered  fome 
of  histrcopsto  pulldown  the  ftandard  J  But  Richard  in- 
formed bird  by  a  metlenger,  that,  though  he  hirnfelf  would 
willingly  remote  that  ground  oforlence,  he  would  not  permit 
it  to  be  done  by  others  ;  and  if  the  French  kinj:  attempted 
fuch  an  intuit  upon  him,  he  fhould  not  h.ccecd  but  by  the 
utmoft  erfufion  of  biood.  Philip,  content  with  this  fpe- 
ciesol  haughty  fubmiifion,  recalled  his  orders*  :  1  he  dif- 
ference was  leemingly  accommodated  ;  but  (till  left  the  re- 
mains of  rancour  and  jealouly  in  the  breafls  of  the  two 
monarchs. 

Tancred,  who,  for  his  own  fecuritv,  defired  to  inflame 
their  mutual  hatred,  employed  an  artifice  which  might 
have  been  attended  with  confequences  Hill  more-  fatal.  He  ng,. 
(bowed  Richard  a  letter,  Ggncd  by  the  French  king,  and 
delivered  to  him,  as  he  pretended,  by  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy ;  in  which  that  monarch  defired  Fancied  to  fall 
upon  the  quarters  of  the  F.nglilh,  and  promii'cd  to  affift 
him  in  putting  them  to  the  lvvord,  as  common  enemies. 
The  unwary  Richard  gave  credit  to  the  information  ;  but 
was  too  candid  not  to  betray  his  difcontertt  to  Philip,  who 
abfolutely  denied  the  letter,  and  charged  the  Sicilian 
prince  with  forgery  and  falfehood.  Richard  either  was, 
or  pretended  to  be,  entirely  fatisfiedt. 

Lest  thefe  jealoufies  and  complaints  fhould  multiply 
between  them,  it  was  propoied,  that  they  fhould,  bv  a  lo- 
lemn  treaty,  obviate  all  future  differences,  and  adjuft  e\[e- 
ry  point  that  could  pollibly  hereafte*  become  a  controveriy 
between  tliem.  But  this  expedient  darted  a  new  difpi 
which  might  have  proved  more  dangerous  than  anv  of  tlhe 
foregoing,  and  which  deeply  concerned  the  honour  of  Phi- 
lip's family.  When  Kichard,  in  every  treaty  which  tike 
late  king,  infilled  fo  ftrenuoufly  on  being  allowed  to  mar- 
ry AKce  of  France,  he  had  only  fought  a  pretence  fur 
quarrelling;  and  never  meant  to  take  to  his  bed  a  princels 
iulpcdted  ot  a  criminal  amour  with  his  own  father.  Alter 
he  became  mailer,  he  no  longer  (pake  of  that  alliance  :  He 

•  Ho-e.'en.  p.  674.  f  Ibid.  p.  6SS.     Bened.  Alb.    p.  642, 

64}.     Broiiipton,  p.  1195. 


358  HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  even   took  meafures  for  efpoufing  Berengaria,  daughter  of 
X.       Sanchez  king  of  Navarre,   with    whom    he    had    become 

« t  enamoured  during  his  abode  in  Guienne*:   Queen   Elea- 

■'91-  nor  was  daily  expecled  with  that  princefs  at  Medina  f  : 
And  when  Philip  renewed  to  him  his  applications  for 
efpoufinghis  fifter  Alice,  Richard  was  obliged  to  give  him 
an  abfolute  refufal.  It  is  pretended  bv  Hoveden,  and 
other  hiftorians  $,  that  he  was  able  to  produce  iuch  con- 
vincing proofs  of  Alice's  infidelity,  and  even  of  her  having 
born  a  child  to  Henry,  that  her  brother  defifted  from 
his  applications,  and  chofe  to  wrap  up  the  diihonour 
of  his  family  in  filence  and  oblivion.  It  is  certain,  from 
the  treaty  itfelf,  which  remains  ||,  that,  whatever  were 
his  motives,  he  permitted  Richard  to  give  his  hand  to  Be- 
rengaria ;  and  having  fettled  all  other  controverfies  with 
that  prince^  he  immediately  fet  fail  for  the  Holy  Land. 
Richard  awaited  fome  time  the  arrival  of  his  mother  and 
bride  ;  and  when  they  joined  him,  he  feparated  his  fleet 
into  two  fquadrons,  and  let  forward  on  his  enterprife. 
Queen  Eleanor  returned  to  England  ;  but  Berengaria, 
and  the  queen-dowager  of  Sicily,  his  fifter,  attended  him 
on  the  expedition**. 

The  Englifh  fleet,  on  leaving  the  port  of  Medina,  met 
with  a  furious  tempeft ;  and  the  fquadron  on  which  the  two 
princefles  were  embarked,  was  driven  on  the  coaft  of   Cv- 

12th  April,  prus,  and  fpme  of  the  veflels  were  wrecked  near  Limiflb 
in  that  ifland.  Ifaac,  prince  of  Cyprus,  who  a  (Turned  the 
magnificent  title  of  Emperor,  pillaged  the  (hips  that  were 
(handed,  threw  the  feamen  and  paflengers  into  prifon, 
and  even  r^fufed  to  the  princefles  liberty,  in  their  danger- 
ous fituation,  of  entering  the  harbour  of  Limiflb.  But 
Richard,  who  arrived  foon  after,  took  ample  vengeance* 
on  him  for  the  injury.  He  difembarked  his  troops;  de- 
feated the  tyrant,  who  oppofed  his  landing  ;  entered  Li- 
miflb by  ftorm  ;  gained  next  day  a  fecond  victory  ;  obliged 
Ifaac  to  furrender  at  difcretion  ;  and  eftablHhed  governors 
over  the  ifland.  The  Greek  prince,  being  thrown  into 
piifonand  loaded  with  irons,  complained  of  the  little  re- 
gard with  which  he  was  treated  :  Upon  which,  Richard 
ordered  filver  fetters  to  be  made  for  him ;  and  this  emperor, 
pleafed  with  the  diflinclion,  exprefled  a  fenfe  of  the  gene- 
|2thMay.  rofity  of  his  conqueror  +  t«  The  king  here  efpoufed  Be- 
rengaria, who,  immediately  embarking,  carried  along  with 
her  to  Palefline  the  daughter  of  theCypriot  prince;  a  dan-j 

*  Vinifauf,   p.  3 t6.  +  M.  Paris,  p .  112.     Trivet,  p.    102.     W. 

Iteming,  p.  ">")•  +   Hoveden,  p.  6SS.  I|  Rymer,  vol.  i. 

p.  69.     C'hron.  fie  D  irift.  p.  44.  *  *  Bened.  Abb.  p.  644. 

ft  Bened.  Abb.  p.  650.  Ann.  Waverl.  p.  164.  Vinifauf,  p.  328.  VV% 
Hcming.  p.  523. 


R     1    C    H    A    R     D      I.  359 

gerous  rival,  who  was  believed  to  have  feduced  the  aflfe&i-  CHAP. 

ons  of  her  hufband.     Such  were  the    libertine   character         X. 

and  conduct  of  the   heroes  engaged    in  this  pious  enter-  ' « ' 

•  r    i  1 1 9 1 . 

Pni5  '       _  ....  ,        •         ,       The  king's 

The  Englith  army  arrived  in  time  to  partake  in  the  arv;,„;  nl 
glory  of  the  liege  of  Acre  or  Ptolemais,  which  had  been  Paleftine. 
attacked  for  above  two  years  by  the  united  force  of  all  the 
Chriftians  in  Paleftine,  and  had  been  defended  by  the  ut- 
mofi  efforts  of  Saladin  and  the  Saracens.  The  remains 
of  the  German  army,  conducted  by  the  emperor  Frederic, 
and  the  feparate  bodies  of  adventurers  who  continually  pou- 
red in  from  the  Weft,  had  enabled  the  king  of  Jerusalem 
to  form  this  important  enterpril'e*  :  But  Saladin,  hav- 
ing thrown  a  ftrong  garrifon  into  the  place  under  the  com- 
mand of  Caracos,  his  own  mafter  in  the  art  of  war,  and 
molefting  the  befiegers  with  continual  attacks  and  failles, 
had  protracted  the  fuccefs  of  the  enterprife,  and  wafted 
the  force  of  his  enemies.  The  arrival  of  Philip  and  Ri- 
chard infpired  new  life  into  the  Chriftians  ;  and  thefe 
princes,  adding  by  concert,  and  fharing  the  honour  and 
danger  of  every  action,  gave  hopes  of  a  final  victory  over 
the  infidels.  They  agreed  on  this  plan  of  operations  : 
When  the  French  monarch  attacked  the  town,  theEnglifh 
guarded  the  trenches:  Next  day,  when  the  Englifh  prince 
conducted  the  aflault,  the  French  lucceeded  him  in  pro- 
viding for  the  fafety  of  the  aflailants.  The  emulation  be- 
tween thofe  rival  kings  and  rival  nations  produced  extra- 
ordinary a£ts of  valour:  Richard  in  particular,  animated 
with  a  more  precipitate  courage  than  Philip,  and  more 
agreeable  to  the  romantic  fpirit  of  that  age,  drew  to  himfelf 
the  general  attention,  and  acquired  a  great  and  fp'endid 
reputation.  But  this  harmony  was  of  ihort  duration  ;  and 
occafions  of  dil'cord  foonarofe  between  thefe  jealous  and 
haughty  princes. 

The  family  of  Bouillon,  which  had  Citft  been  placed  state  of 
on  the  throne  of  Jerufalem,  ending  in  a  female,  Fulk,  Paleftine. 
count  of  Anjou,  grandfather  to  Henry  II.  of  England, 
married  the  heirefs  of  that  kingdom,  and  tranfmitted  his 
title  to  the  younger  branches  of  his  family.  The  Anjcvin 
race  ending  alfo  in  a  female,  Guy  deLufignan,  by  eipou- 
fing  Sibylla,  the  heirefs,  had  fucceeded  to  the  title;  and 
though  he  loft  his  kingdom  by  the  invafion  of  Saladin,  he 
was  ftill  acknowledged  by  all  the  Chriftians  for  king  of 
Jerufalem  f.  But  as  Sibylla  died  without  iffuc,  during 
the  fiege  of  Acre,  Ifabella,  her  younger  fifter,  put  in  her 
claim  to  that  titular  kingdom,  and  required  Lufignan  to 
refign  his  pretenfions  to  her  hufband  Conrade  marquis  of 

•  Vinifauf,  p.  269.  271.  279.  f  Vinifauf,  p.  281. 


360  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  Montferrat.     Lufignan,  maintaining  that  the   royal  title 
X.        was  unalienable  and  indefeazable,  had  recourle  to  the  pro- 

* „ '  te&ion  of  Rich  ird,  attended  on  him  before  he  left  Cvprus, 

I!9'-  and  engaged  him  to  embrace  his  caufe*.  There  needed 
no  other  reafon  for  throwing  Philip  into  the  party  of  Con- 
rade ;  and  the  oppofite  views  of  thefe  great  monurchs 
brought  faction  and  diflenfiion  into  the  Chriftian  army, 
and  retarded  all  its  operations.  The  Templars,  the  Ge- 
noefe,  and  the  Germans,  declared  for  Philip  and  Conrade; 
the  Flemings,  the  Pifans,  the  knights  of  the  hofpital  of 
St.  John,  a  ihered  to  Richard  and  Lufignan.  Rut  not- 
withstanding thefe  difputes,  as  the  length  of  the  fiege  had 
reduced  the  Saracen  garrifon  to  the  laft   extremity,   they 

isthjuiy.  furrendered  themfelves  prifoners;  fiipulated,  in  return  for 
their  lives,  other  advantages  to  the  Chriftians,  fuch  as  the 
,  refioring  of  the  Chriftian  prifoners,  and  the  delivery  of 
the  wood  of  the  true  crol ,+ ;  and  this  great  enterprife, 
which  had  long  engaged  the  attention  of  all  Europe  and 
Afia,  wasatlaft,  after  the  lofs  of  300,000  men,  brought 
to  a  happy  period. 

But  Philip,  inftead  of  purfuing  the  hopes  of  farther 
conqueft,  and  of  redeeming  the  holy  city  from  flavery, 
being  difgufted  with  the  afcendant  ailumed  and  acquired 
by  Richard,  and  having  views  of  many  advantages  which 
he  might  reap  by  his  prefence  in  Europe,  declared  his  re- 
solution of  returning  to  P'rance;  and  he  pleaded  his  bad 
ftate  of  health  as  an  excufe  for  his  defertion  of  the  com- 
mon caufe.  He  left,  however,  to  Richard,  ten  thoufand, 
of  his  troops,  under  the  command  of  the  duke  of  Burgun- 
dy ;  and  he  renewed  his  oath  never  to  commence  hoftili- 
tiesagainft  that i>rince's  dominions  during  his  abfence.  But 
he  had  no  foo/ier  reached  Italy  than*  he  applied,  it  is  pre- 
tend d,  to  pope  CeJeftift.e'lLT.  for  a  diipenfation  from  this 
vow;  and  when  denied!  that  requeft,4te  ftill  proceeded, 
though  after  a  covert  manneVjin  a  project,  which  the  pre- 
fent  fituation  of  England  rendered  inviting,  and  which 
gratified,  in  an  eminent  degree,  both  his  refeniment  and 
his  ambition. 

Diforders  Immediately  after  Richard  had  left  England,  and  bc- 

inLngiand.    gun  his  march  to  the  Holy   Land,  the  two  prelates  whom 
he  had  appointed  guardians  of  the  realm,  broke  out  into 
animofitiesagainft  each  other,  and  threw  the  kingdom  into 
• 

*  Trivet,  p.  134.     Vinifauf,  p.  342.     W.  Heming.  p.  524. 

f  This  true  crofs  was  lo(t  in  the  battle  of  Tiberiade,    to   which  it  had  bee 
carried  by  the  crufaders  for  their  pioteclion.     Rigord,  an   author   of  that   age, 
f'.iys,  that  after  this  difmal  event,  all  the  children  who   were   born  throughou 
all  Chriflendom,  had  only  twenty  or  twenty-two  teeth,  inftead  of  thirty  or  thirt 
two,  which  was  their  former  complement,  p.  14, 

^  Hoveden,   p.  665.     Knyghton,  p.  2404.  ||  W.  Heming.  p.  52S. 


RICHARD       I.  ^i 

ibuftioo.      Longchamp,  prefumptuous  in  his  nature,  C  H  A  P, 
elated  by  the  favour  which  he  enjoyed  with  his  mafter,  and         X. 

ith  tin.-  legantine  cornmiflion,  could  not  fubmit  to  v *-— J 

an  equality  with  the  bithopof  Durham:  He  even  went  fo  l'9'' 
tar  as  to  arreft  his  colleague,  and  to  extort  from  him  a  re- 
gion of  the  earldom  of  X  !and,  and  of  his 
Other  dignities,  as  the  price  of  his  liberty*.  The  king, 
informed  of  thele  dilTenfion",  ordered,  by  letters  from  Mar- 
fcilles,  that  the  bithop  fhould  be  reinliated  in  his  offices  ; 
but  Longchamp  had  fti!l  the  boldnefs  to  refufe  compliance, 
on  pretence  that  he  himfelf  was  better  acquainted  with 
the  king's  fccrel  intentions  1*.  He  proceeded  to  govern  the 
by  his   fo!e    authority  ;    to  treat  all  the  nobility 

arrogance  ;   an  I  to  difplay  bis  power  and  riches  with 

.  iJious  oft  en  tat  ion.  He  never  travelled  without  a 
ftrong  guard  of  fifteen  hundred  foreign  foldiers,  collected 

i  that  licentious  tribe  with  which  t he  age  was  general- 
ly infefted  :   Xo'olcs  and  knights  were  proud  of  being  ad- 

i  into  his  train  :    His  retinue  wore  the  afpectof  royal 
.   And   when,    in   his  progrefs  through   the 

.lorn,  he  lodged  in  any  monaftery,  his  attendants,  it  is 
.   were  fufficient  to  devour,   ;  kht,  the  revenue 

ireral  yearsf.  The  king,  who  was  detained  in  Eu- 
rope longer  than  the  haughty  prelate  expected,  hearing 
of  this oftentation,  which  exceeded  even  what  the  habits 
of  that  age  indulged  in  ecclefiaftics  ;  being  alio  informed 
ofthe  infolent,  tyrannical  conducl  of  his  minifter ;  thought 
proper  to  reft  rain  his  power:  Hefent  new  orders,  appoint- 
ing Waiter  archbiihop  of  Rouen,   William   Marefhal  carl 

Peter,  William  Briewere,  and 
Hugh  Bardolf,  councilors  to  Lonchamp,  and  command- 
ing him  to  take  no  meafure  of  importance    without  their 

urrence  and  approbation.  But  luch  general  terror 
had  this  man  imp  '  ;     •  iolent  condi^,  that  even 

the  archbiihop  ofRMn  andlhe  eJrW**bf  Suigul  durft  not 
produce  this    marVdute    of    the  king's  ;    and    Longchamp 
maintained    an     uncontrolled  the 

nation.      But   when  he  proceeded  fo  o   throw  into 

prifon    Geoffrey   archbiihop  of  Yorl  had  oppofed 

mis  meafures,  this   breach  of  ecclefiafij'cal  privileges  ex- 

:  fuchan  univerfal  ferment,  tin/  prince  John,  di ("gulled 
with  the  fmall  iliare  he  poflefXed   in  I  iment,  and 

personally   difobliged    by    Longchamp,  ventured  to  Sum- 
mon, at  Reading,  a   general  council  of  the   nobility   and 
Vol.  1.  3  A 

i,  p.   3403.  f  \V.  Heming. 

X  Hoveden,  j>.  6S   ■ 


362  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  prelates,  and  cite  him  to  appear  before  them.     Longchamp- 
X.        thought  it   dangerous   to  entrufl  his  perfon  in  their  hands, 

! ■J—^-'  and  he  fhut  himi'elfupin  the  Tower  of  London  ;  but  being 

J19^-  foon  obliged  to  furrender  that  fortrefs,  he  fled  beyond  lea, 
concealed  under  a  female  habit,  and  was  deprived  of 
his  offices  of  chancel'or  and  chief  judiciary  ,'  the  lafl  of 
which  was  conferred  on  the  archbishop  of  Rouen,  a  prelate 
of  prudence  and  moderation.  I  he  commifTion  of  legate, 
however,  which  had  been  renewed  to  Longchamp  by 
pope  Celeftine,  flill  gave  him,  notwithstanding  bis  abfence, 
great  authority  in  the  kingdom,  enabled  him  to  diftuib 
the  government,  and  forwarded  the  views  of  Philip,  who 
watched  every  opportunity  of  annoving  Richard's  domini- 
ik)».  ons.  That  monarch  firfi  attempted  to  carry  open  viar  into 
Normandv  ;  but  as  the  French  nobilitv  refufed  to  follow 
him  in  an  invafion  of  a  ftate  which  they  had  fworn  to  pro- 
tect, and  as  the  pope,  who  was  the  general  guardian  of 
all  princes  that  had  taken  the  crol's,  threatened  him  with 
ecciefialtical  cenfures,  he  defified  fiom  his  enterprife,  and 
employed  agjinfl  Fngland  the  expedient  of  fecret  policy 
and  intrigue.  He  debauched  prince  John  from  his  allegi- 
ance ;  promifed  him  his  lifter  Alice  in  marriage;  offered 
to  give  him  po  fie  (lion  of  all  Richard's  tranlmarine  domini- 
ons; and  had  not  the  authority  of  queen  Eleanor,  and 
the  menaces  ot  the  Englifh  council,  prevailed  over  the  in- 
clinations of  that  turbulent  piince,  he  was  ready  to  have 
croffed  the  feas,  and  to  have  put  in  execution  his  criminal 
'     enterprifes. 

The  jealoufy  of  Philip  was  every  moment  excited  by 
hcroic"c-S  tne  g'orV  which  the  great  adtionsof  Richard  was  gaining 
tions  in  him  in  the  Ea(f ,  and  which,  being  compared  to  his  own 
takftine.  defertion  of  that  popular  caufe,  threw  a  double  lufhe  on 
his  rival.  His  envy,  therefore,  prompted  him  to  obfeure 
that  fame  which  he  had  not  equalled  ;  and  he  embraced 
every  pretence  of  throwing  the  mod  violent  and  mod  im- 
probable calumnies  on  the  king  of  England.  There  was 
a  petty  prince  in  Afia,  commonly  called  The  old  man  of 
the  mountain,  who  had  acquired  fuch  an  afcendant  over 
his  fanatical  fubjefts,  that  they  paid  the  moft  implicit  de- 
ference to  his  commands  ;  efteemed  afiaffination  meritori- 
ous, when  fanClified  by  his  mandate;  courted  danger,  and 
even  certain  death,  in  the  execution  of  his  orders;  and 
fancied,  that  when  they  faciihced  their  lives  for  his  fake, 
the  higheil  joys  of  paradife  were  the  infallible  reward  of 
their  devoted  obedience*.  It  was  the  cuflom  of  this  prince, 
when  he    imagined  himfelf  injured,    to  difpatch  lecretly 

*  W.  Heming.  p.  532.     Eiompton,  p.  12^3. 


R     I    C    H    A    R    D      I.  363 

fomc  of  his  fubjefts  againft  the  aggreflbr,  to  charge  them  CHAP. 
with  the  execution  of  his  revenge,  to  inilrucl  them  in  eve-         X. 

rv  art  of  dilguifing  their  purpofe  ;  and  no  precaution  was  ' >/— — J 

fufficient  10  guard  any  man,  however  powerful,  agaiufl  u92- 
the  attempts  of  thufe  lubtleand  determined  ruffians.  1  he 
greateft  monarchs  flood  in  awe  of  thisprinceof  the  Afial- 
fins  (for  that  was  the  name  of  his  people;  whence  the  word 
hi  paffed  into  mod  European  languages),  and  it  was  the 
higheft  indifcretion  in  Conrade  rrurquia  of  Montferrat  to 
otiend  and  affront  him.  The  inhabitants  of  Tyre,  who 
were  governed  by  that  nobleman,  had  pit  to  death  fome 
of  this  dangerous  people:  The  prince  demanded  fatisfac- 
tion  ;  for,  as  he  piqued  himielf  on  never  beginning  any 
offence*,  he  had  his  regular  and  eftablilhed  formalities  in 
requiring  atonement :  Conrade  treated  his  mefTengers  with 
dildain  :  The  prince  ifiued  the  fatal  orders  :  Two  of  his 
iubjecb,  who  had  infinuared  themfelves  in  difguiie  among 
Conrade's  guards,  openly,  in  the  ftreets  of  Sidon,  wounded 
him  mortally  ;  and  when  they  were  feized  and  put  to  the 
moll  cruel  tortures,  they  triumphed  an.idfl  their  agonies, 
and  rejoiced  that  they  had  been  dedined  by  heaven  to  fuf- 
fer  in  lb  juit  and  meritorious  a  eaufe. 

Ever/  one  in  Palelline  knew  from  what  hand  the  blow 
came.  Richard  was  entirely  free  from  fufpicion.  Though 
that  monarch  had  formerly  maintained  the  caufe  of  Lufig- 
nan  againi!  Conrade,  he  had  become  fenfible  of  the  bad 
cffetls  attending  thole- ^dillenfions,  and  had  voluntarily  % 
conferred  on  the  forme*  the  kingdom  of  Cvprus,  on  con- 
d  tion  that  he  (bould  refign  to  his  rival  all  pretentions  to  the 
crown  of  Jesufalemf.  Conrade  himielf,  with  his  dying 
breath,  had  recommended  his  widow  to  the  protection  of 
Richard  £  ;  the  prince  of  the  aflaflins  avowed  the  aclion  in 
a  formal  narrative  which  he  lent  to  Europe  I!;  vet  on  this 
foundation,  the  king  of  France  thought  fit  to  build  the 
moil  egregious  calumnies,  and,  to  impute  to  Richard  t lie 
murder  of  themirquisof  Montferrat,  whole  elevation  he 
had  once  openly  oppofed.  Me  filled  all  Europe  with  ex- 
clamations againlt  the  crime;  appointed  a  guard  for  his 
own  perfon,  in  order  to  defend  himielf  againft  a  like  at- 
tempt**; and  endeavoured,  by  thefe  (hallow  artifices,  to 
cover  the  infamy  of  attacking  the  dominions  of  a  prince, 
whom  he  himielf  had  deferted,  and  who  was  engaged  with 
fo  much  glory  in  a  war,  univerfally  acknowledged  to  be 
the  common  caufe  of  Chriilendom. 

*   Rv  j  \  -    ■  *  •• 

i>.  544.    n;>:  to,  p. 


35j  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.       Bur   Richard's  heroic   actions    in   Faleftine   weie    the 
X.        belt  apology  for  his  condutt.     The  Chriftian   adventurers 

I ,, /  under  his  command  determined,  on  opening  the  campaign, 

i  »92'  to  attempt  the  liege  of  Afcalon,  in  order  to  prepare  the  way 
for  that  of  Jerusalem  ;  and  thVy  mar-,  hed  along  the  fea- 
coaft  with  that  intention.  Saladin  purpofed  to  intercept 
their  palfjge;  and  he  placed  himfelf  on  the  road  with  an 
army  amounting  to  r. 00,000  combatants.  On  this  occafion 
was  fought  one  of  the  greatefl  battles  of  that  age;  and  the 
mofl  celebrated,  for  the  military  genius  of  the  commanders, 
for  the  number  and  valour  of  the  troops,  and  for  the  great 
variety  of  events  which  attended  it.  Both  the  right  wing 
of  the  Chrifiians,  commanded  by  d'Avefnes,  and  the  left, 
conducted  by  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  were,  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  day,  broken  and  defeated;  when  Richard, 
who  led  on  the  main  body,  reftored  the  battle  ;  attacked 
the  enemy  with  intrepidity  and  pretence  of  mind;  perfor- 
med the  part  both  of  a  confummate  general  and  gallant 
foldier ;  and  not  only  gave  his  two  wings  leiiure  to  recover 
from  their  confufion,  but  obtained  a  complete  victory  over 
the  Saracens,  of  whom  forty  thoufand  are  laid  to  have 
*  perifhed  in  the  field*.  Afcalon  foon  after  fell  into  the 
lianas  of  the  Chrifiians:  Other  (iegeswere  carried  on  with 
equal  fuccefs:  Richard  was  even  able  to  advance  within 
light  of  Jerufalem,  the  object  of  his  enterprise;  when  he 
had  the  mortification  to  find,  that  he  muft  abandon  ail 
hopes  of  immediate  fuccefs,  and  muft  put  a  flop  to  his 
career  of  victory.  The  crufaders,  animated  with  an  en- 
thufiaftic  ardour  for  the  holy  wars,  broke  at  firft  through 
all  regards  to  fafetv  or  interefl  in  the  profecution  of  their 
purpose;  and  trufling  to  the  immediate  affiftance  of  hea- 
ven, fet  nothing  before  their  eyes  but  fame  and  victory  in 
this  world,  and  a  crown  of  glory  in  the  next.  But  long 
abience  from  home,  fatigue,*difeaie,  want,  and  the  variety 
of  incidents  which  naturally  attend  war,  had  gradually 
abated  that  fury,  which  nothing  was  able  directly  to  with-* 
fland;  and  everyone,  except  the  king  of  England,  ex- 
prefled  a  defire  of  fpeedily  returning  into  Europe.  The 
Germans  and  the  Italians  declared  their  resolution  of  de- 
fiftiig  from  the  tnterprife  :  The  French  were  Mill  more 
obftinate  in  this  purpofe  :  1  he  duke  of  Burgundy,  in  order 
to  pay  court  to  Philip,  took  all  opportunities  of  mortifying 
and  pppofing  Richard  f.  And  there  appeared  an  abfolute 
neceffity  of  abandoning  for  the  prefent  all  hopes  of  farther 
conquefi,and  of  fecuringthe  acquifitions  of  the  Chrifiians 

*  Hpveden,  ]  'lb.   p.  677.     Dicsto     p.    662.     &>< 

p.  12'-}.  t  Vinifauf,  p.  3S0. 


R    I    C    H    A    R     D      I.  365 

by  an  accommodation  with   Salad  in.     Richard,  therefore,  C  H  A  P. 
concludi  1  a  trace  with   that  monarch,  and  ftipulated,  that        X. 

Acr.  .  and  other  feapdrt  towns  of  Paleiline,  lliould  s «, ' 

,  and  that  every  one      llg-' 
of  t:.:i  religion  mould  have  liberty   to  perform  his  pilgri-* 

■  to  Jerufalem  unmolefted.  rhis  truce  was  concluded 
for  three  years,  three  mouths,  three  weeks,  three  days,  and 
three  hours;  a  magical  number,  which  had  probably  been 

cd  bv  the  Europeans,  and  which  was  fuggeued  by  a 
fuperftition  well  fuited  to   the  obje&  of  the  war. 

The  liberty,  in  which  Salad  in  indulged  the  Chriftians, 
to  perform  their  pilgrimages  to  Jerufalem,  was  an  eafy 
facrificeon  his  part  ;  and  the  furious  wars  which  he  waged 
in  defence  of  the  barren  territory  of  Judea,  were  not  with 
him,  as  with  the  European  adventurers,  the  refult  of  fu- 
perfttlion,  but  of  policy.  The  advantage  indeed  of  icience, 
moderation,  humanity,  was  at  that  time  entirely  on  the 
fide  of  the  Saracens;  and  this  gallant  emperor,  in  particu- 
lar, difplayed,  during  the  courfe  of  the  war,  a  fpirit  and 
gcnerofity,  which  even  his  bigotted  enemies  were  obliged 
to  acknowledge  and  admire.  Richard,  equally  martial 
and  brave,  carried  with  him  more  of  the  barbarian  charac- 
ter ;  and  was  guilty  of  acts  of  ferocity,  which  threw  a 
flain  on  his  celebrated  victories.  When  Saladin  refilled 
to  ratify  the  capitulation  of  Acre,  the  kino;  of  England 
ordered  all  his  prifoners,  to  the  number  of  five  thoufand, 
to  be  butchered  ;  and  the  Saracens  found  themfelves  oblig- 
ed to  retaliate  upon  the  Chriflians  by  a  like  cruelty  *.  Sa- 
ladin died  at  Damafcus  foon  after  concluding  this  truce 
with  the  princes  of  the  crufade  :  It  is  memorable,  that, 
before  he  expired,  he  ordered  his  winding-fheet  to  be  car- 
ried as  a  (tandard  through  every  ilre^t  of  the  city  ;  while 
a  crier  went  before,  and  proclaimed  with  a  loud  voice, 
7 his  is  all  that  remains  to  the.  mighty  Saladin,  ths  conque- 
ror of  the  Eafl.  By  his  lad  will  he  ordered  charities  to  be 
diftributed  to  the  poor,  without  diftindtion  of  Jew,  Chrif- 
1,  or  Mahometan. 

There  remained,  after  the  truce,  no  bufinefs  of  impor-  The 
tance  to  detain  Richard  in  Paleftine;  and  the  intelligence  ' 
which  he  received,  concerning  the  intrigues  of  his  brother  ! 
John,  and  tho;e  of  tiie  king  Ot   France,  made  him  fenfi- 
ble,  that  his  pretence  was   neceffary    in    Europe.     As  he 
d  ired  not  to  pa  h  France,  he  failed  to  the  Adriatic  ; 

and  being  fliipwrecked  near  Aquileia,   he  put  on    the  dif- 

'  ot  a  pilgrim,   with  a  purpofe  of  taking   his   jo:;.. 

n,  p.  607.     BeneJ.  Ai  b.    ■  \ 


*66 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


X. 


I  1 1)2. 

aoth  De- 
cember. 


"93- 


Can:i"itv  in 
Germany. 


CHAP,  fecretly  through  Germany.  Purfued  by  the  governor  of 
Iflria,  he  was  forced  out  of  the  direct  road  to  England, 
and  wasobliged  topafsby  Vienna;  where  hisexpences  and 
liberalities  betrayed  themonarch  inthe habit  of  thepilgrim  ; 
and  he  was  arretted  by  orders  of  Leopold  duke  of  Aufiria. 
This  prince  had  ferved  under  Richard  at  the  fiegeof  Acre ; 
but  being  dilgufted  by  fome  infult  of  that  haughty  mo- 
narch,  he  was  io  ungenerous  as  to  feize  the  prefent  oppor- 
tunity of  gratifying  at  once  his  avarice  and  revenge  ;  and 
he  threw  the  king  into  p  ifon.  The  emperor  Henrv  VI. 
who  alfo  confidered  Richard  as  an  enemy,  on  account  of 
the  alliance  contracted  by  him  with  Tancred  king  of  Sici- 
ly, difp itched  meflengers  to  the  duke  of  Audria,  required 
the  royal  captive  to  be  delivered  to  him,  and  ilipulated  a, 
large  fum  of  money  as  a  reward  for  this  fervice.  Thus  the 
k;ng  of  Ed  gland,  who  had  filled  the  whole  world  with  his 
renown,  found  himfelf,  during  the  molt  critical  ftate  of  his 
affairs,  confined  in  a  dungeon,  and  loaded  with  irons,  in 
the  heart  of  Germany  *,  and  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  his 
enemies,  the  bafeft  and  moll  fordid  of  mankind. 

The  Englifh  council  was  afloniihed  on  receiving  this 
fatal  intelligence  ;  and  forefaw  all  the  dangerous  confe- 
quences  which  might  naturally  arife  from  that  event.  The 
queen-dowager  wrote  reiterated  letters  to  pope  CeleOine, 
exclaiming  againft  the  injury  which  her  fon  had  fuftained  ; 
reprefenting  the  impiety  of  detaining  in  prifon  the  mod 
illuftrious  prince  that  had  yet  carried  the  banners  of  Chrifl 
into  the  Hoiv  Land  ;  claiming  the  protection  of  the  apoflo- 
lic  fee,  which  was  due  even  to  the  meaneft  of  thole  adven- 
turers ;  and  upbraiding  the  pope,  that,  in  a  caufe  where 
juliice,  religion,  and  the  dignity  of  the  church,  were  fo 
much  concerned,  a  caufe  which  it  might  well  befit  his  holi- 
nefs  himfelf  to  fupport  by  taking  in  per  fon  a  journey  to 
Germany,  the  fpiritual  thunders  fhould  fo  long  be  fu impen- 
ded over  thofe  facrilegious  offenders +.  The  zeal  of  Ce- 
lefline  ccrefnonded  n^t  to  the  impatience  of  the  queen- 
mother  ;  and  the  regency  of  England  were,  for  a  long 
time,  left  to  ftruggle  alone  with  all  their  domeflic  and  fo- 
reign enemies. 

The  king  of  France,  quickly  informed  of  Richard's 
confinement  by  a  meiTage  from  the  emperor  X,  prepared 
himfelf  to  take  advantage  of  the  incident ;  and  he  employ- 
ed every  means  of  force  and  intrigue,  of  war  and  negotia- 
tion, againt?  the  dominions  and  the  per  fon  of  his  unfortu- 
nate rival.     He  revived  the  calumny  of  Richard's  ail'alfi- 


Var  with 
Fiance. 


*   Cliron.  T.    "."■        .   p.  J5. 

+  Rvmer,  vol.  i,  p.  73,  73,   7.5,  J$,   76,  &c. 


R     I     C     H     A     R     D      I.  367 

nating  the  marquis  of  Montferrat ;  and  by  that  abfurd  pre-  C  H  A  i\ 
tence   he  induced    his  barons  to    violate  their  oaths,  by        X. 

which  they   had   engaged  that,  during    the   crulade,  they  ' . ' 

never  would,  on  any  account,  attack  the  dominions  of  the  II9i« 
king  of  England.  He  made  the  emperor  the  largeft  offers, 
if  he  would  deliver  into  his  hands  the  royal  prifoner,  or 
at  leal!  detain  him  in  perpetual  captivity  :  He  even  formed 
an  alliance  by  marriage  with  the  king  of  Denmark,  defi- 
red  that  the  ancient  Danifh  claim  to  the  crown  of  England 
ihould  be  transferred  to  him,  and  folieited  a  fuppfy  of  {hip- 
ping to  maintain  it.  But  the  trioft  fuccefsful  of  Philip's 
negotiations  was  with  prince  John,  who,  forgetting  eve- 
ry tve  to  his  brother,  his  fovereiirn  and  his  benefactor, 
thought  of  nothingbut  how  to  make  his  own  advantage  of 
the  public  calamities.  That  traitor,  on  the  firfl  invitation 
from  the  court  of  France,  fuddenly  went  abroad,  had  a 
conference  with  Philip,  and  made  a  treaty,  cf  which  the 
obje£t  was  the  perpetual  ruin  of  his  unhappy  brother.  He 
ftipulated  to  deliver  into  Philip's  hands  a  great  part  of  Nor- 
mandy*: he  received,  in  return,  the  inveititure  cf  all 
Richard's  tranfmarine  dominions ;  and  it  is  reported  bv 
leveral  hiftorians,  that  he  even  did  homage  to  the  French 
king  for  the  crown  of  England. 

In  confequence  of  this  treaty,  Philip  invaded  Norman- 
dv  ;  and  by  the  treachery  of  John's  emiflaries,  made  him- 
ielt  matter,  without  onpofition,  of  many  fortrefles,  Neuf- 
chatel,  Neauflc,  Gifors,  Pacey,  Ivree  :  He  fubdued  the 
counties  of  Eu  and  Aumale;  and  advancing  to  form  the 
fiege  of  Rouen,  he  threatened  to  put  all  the  inhabitants 
to  the  fword,  if  thev  dared  to  make  refifiance.  Hap- 
pily, Robert  earl  of  Loicefler  appeared  in  that  critical  mo- 
ment ;  a  gallant  nobleman,  who  had  acquired  great  honour 
during  the  crulade,  and  who,  being  more  fortunate  than 
his  mailer  in  finding  his  pafiage  homewards,  took  on  him 
the  command  in  Rouen,  and  exerted  himfelf,  by  his  ex- 
hortations and  example,  to  infufe  courage  into  the  difmayed 
Normans.  Philip  was  repulfed  in  everv  attack  ;  the  time 
of  lervice  from  his  vaiLls  expired ;  and  he  coniented  to 
a  truce  with  the  Englilh  regency,  received  in  return  the 
promife  of  20,000  marks,  and  had  four  caftles  put  into 
his  hands,  as  fecurity  for  the  payment  f. 

Prince  John,  who,  with  a  view  of  increafing  the  ge- 
neral confufion,  went  over  to  England,  was  (till  lefs  fuc- 
cefsful in  his  enterprifes.  He  w<is  only  able  to  make  him- 
felf mailer  of  the  caftles  of  Windfor    and  VVallingford  ; 

*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  85.  t  Hoveden,  p.  7^0,  7 j  1.  Rymer, 

vol.  i.  p.  Si. 


368  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  uut  when  he  arrived  in  London,  and  claimed  the  kingdom 
X.        as  heir  to   his  brother,  of  whole  death  he    pretended   to 

* . '  have  received  certain  intelligence,  he  was  rejected  by  all 

"9J-  the  barons,  and  meafures  were  taken  to  oppofe  and  Tub- 
due  him*.  The  judiciaries,  fupported  by  the  general 
affection  of  the  peopie,  provided  to  well  for  the  defence 
of  the  kingdom,  that  John  was  obliged,  after  fome  fruit- 
lefs  efforts,  to  conclude  a  truce  with  them;  and  before 
its  expiration,  he  thought  it  prudent  to  return  into  France, 
where  he  openly  avowed  his  alliance  with  Philip  +  . 

Meanwhile  the  high  fpiritof  Richard  fuffered  in  Ger- 
many every  kind  of  intuit  and  indignity.  The  French  am- 
bafladors,  in  their  mailer's  name,  renounced  him  as  a  vaf- 
lal  to  the  crown  of  France,  and  declared  all  his  fiefs  to  be 
forfeited  to  his  liege-lord.  The  emperor,  that  he  might 
render  him  more  impatient  for  the  recovery  of  his  liberty, 
and  make  him  fubmit  to  the  payment  of  a  larger  ra-nfom, 
treated  him  with  the  greateft  feverity,  and  reduced  him  to 
a  condition  worie  than  that  of  the  meaneft  malefactor.  He 
was  even  produced  before  the  diet  of  the  empire  at  Worms, 
andaccufedby  Henry  of  many  crimes  and  mifdemeanors;  of 
making  an  alliance  with  Tancred,  the  u  fur  per  of  Sicilv  ; 
of  turning  the  arms  of  the  Crufade  again  ft  a  Chriftian 
prince,  and  fubduing  Cyprus;  of  affronting1  the  duke  of 
Auftria  before  Acre;  of  obftrudting  the  progrefs  of  the 
Chriftian  arms  by  his  quarrels  with  the  king  of  France;  of 
affaffinating  Conrade  marquis  of  Montferrat  ;  and  of  con- 
cluding a  truce  with  SaLdin,  and  leaving  Jerufalem  in  the 
hands  of  the  Saracen  emperor  J.  Richard,  whofe  fpirit 
was  not  broken  by  his  misfortunes,  and  whole  genius  was 
rather  rou fed  bv  thefe  frivolous  or  Scandalous  imputations; 
after  premifing,  that  his  dignity  exempted  him  from  an- 
swering before  any  jurifdic-tion,  except  that  of  heaven  ; 
yet  condescended,  for  the  fake  of  his  reputation,  to  juflify 
his  conduct  before  that  great  affembly.  He  obferved,  that 
he  had  no  hand  in  Tancred's  elevation,  and  only  concluded 
a  treaty  with  a  prince,  whom  he  found  in  pofTefrion  of  the 
throne:  That  the  king,  or  rather  tyrant  of  Cyprus,  had 
provoked  his  indignation  by  the  mofl  ungenerous  and  un- 
juft  proceedings;  and  though  he  chafiifed  this  aggreffor, 
he  had  not  retarded  a  moment  the  progrefs  of  his  chief  en- 
terprife:  That  if  he  had  at  any  time  been  wanting  in  civi- 
lity to  the  duke  of  Auftria,  he  h.id  already  been  fufrici- 
ently  pun  i  (lied  for  that  tally  of  paffion  ;  and  it  better  became 
men,  embarked  together  in  fo  holy  a  caufe,  to  forgive  each 

*  Hoveden,  p.  724.  f  W.  Heming.  p.  536. 

i   M.  taiis,  p.  191.     W.  li  136. 


RICH    A    R    D      I.  ' 

other's  infirmities,  than  to  purfue  a  flight  offence  with  fuel)  C  H  A  V. 
unrelenting  iengeance  :   1  hat  it  had  tly  appeared 

hv  the  event,  whether  the  king  of  France  or  he*  were  moil  v ■~m^J 

zealous  for  the conqueft  of  the  Holy  Laud,  and  were  moll  ll)-' 
likely  to  facrifice  private  paffions  and  animofities  to  that 
great  object  :  That  it  the  whole  tenor  of  his  lire  had  not 
fliown  him  incapable  of  a  bale  aflaflmatipn,  and  juftified 
him  from  that  imputation  in  the  eyes  of  bis  very  enemies, 
it  was  in  vjiti  for  him,  at  prefent,  to  make  his  apology,  or 
plead  the  many  irrefragable  arguments  which  he  could 
produce  in  his  own  favour  I   And  that,   however  he    might 

.  t  the  necellity,   lie  was  fo  far  from  being  afhamed  of 

his  truce  with  Saladin.that  he  rather  gloried  in  that  eve::t; 

and  thought  it  extremely  honourable,  that,  though   aban- 

'  by   all  the  world,   fupporl  by  his  own    cou- 

and  by  the  fmall  remains  of  national  troops,  he  could 
yet  obtain  iditionsfrom  the  mod:  powerful  and  moft 

warlike  emperor  that  the  Eaft  had  ever  yet  produced. 
Richard,  alter  thus  deigning  tv  apologife  for  his  conduct, 
burft  out  into  indignation  at  the  cruel  treatment  which  he 
had  met  with  ;  that  he,  the  champion  of  the  crols,  flill 
wearing  that  honourable  badge,  fhonld,  after  expending 
the  blood  and  treafure  of  his  lubjectsin  the  common  caufe 
of  Chrirtendom,  be  intercepted  by  Chriftian  princes  in  his 
return  to  his  own  country,  be  thrown  into  a  dungeon,  be 
loaded  with  irons,  be  obliged  to  plead  his  caufe,  as  if  he 
were  a  iubjeel  2nd  a  malefactor  ;  and,  what  he  ftill  more  re- 
gretted, be  thereby  prevented  from  making  preparations  for 
a  new  cruiade,  which  he  had  projected,  after  the  expiration 
of  the  truce,  and  from  redeeming  the  fepulchre  of  Chriit, 
Avhich  had  fo  long  been  profaned  by  the  dominion  of  infi- 
dels. Thefpirjtand  eloquence  of  Richard  made  fuch  im- 
preffion  on  the  German  princes,  that  they  exclaimed  loud- 
ly againfl  the  conduct  of  the  emperor,  the  pope  threatened 
him  withexc;  :tion;  and  Henry,  who  had  heark- 

ened to  the  propofals  of  the  king  of  France  and  prince 
Tohn,  found  that  it  would  be  impracticable  for  him  to  exe- 
cute his  and  their  bale  purfrofes,  or  to   detain  the    king  of 

England  any  longer  in  captivity,    lie  therefore  concluded 

■ix.-  .  i  •  i-  j  J  ,  .  n  The  king's 

with  him  a  treaty  tor  his  ranlom,  and    agreed  '  to    reltore  deli 

him  to  his  freedom   for  Uie  fum  of  l 5 0,000  marks,  about 

300,000  pounds  of  our  prefent  money;  of  which  100,000 

marks  were  to  be  paid  before  he  received  his  liberty,  and 

fixty-feven  hoftages  delivered  for  the   remainder*.     The 

•ror,  as  if  to  glofs  over  the  infamy  of  this  tranfaclion, 

Vol.  I.  d  B 


.  civ. 


370  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  made  at  the  fame  time  a  prefent  to  Richard   of  the  king- 
X.       dom  of  Aries,  comprehending  Provence,  Pauphiny,  Nar- 

w— -v '  bonne,  and  other  ftates  ;  over  which  the  empire  had  fonie 

I!-**'       antiquated  claims;  a    prefent  which  the  king  very  wifely 
neglected. 

The  captivity  of  the  fuperior  lord  was  one  of  the  cafes 
provided  for  by  the  feudal  tenures;  and  all  the  vaflals  were 
in  that  event  obliged  to  give  an  aid  for  hi>ranfom.  Twen- 
ty (hillings  were  therefore  levied  on  each  knighi's  fee  in 
England;  but  as  this  monev  came  in  flowlv,  and  was  not 
iufficicnt  for  the  intended  purpofe,  the  voluntary  zeal  of  the 
people  readily  fupplied  the  deficiency.  The  churches  and 
monaileries  melted  down  their  pi  >te,  to  the  amount  of 
30,000  marks;  the  bilhops,  abbots,  and  nobles,  paid  a 
T1  fourth  of  their  yearly  rent ;   the  parochial   clergy    contri- 

4:hF?b.  buted  a  tenth  of  their  tithes  :  And  «he  requifite  (urn  being 
thus  collected,  queen  Eleanor,  and  Walter  archbifhop  of 
Rouen,  let  out  with  it  for  Germany  ;  paid  the  money  to  the 
emperor  and  the  cfuke  of  Aufhia  at  Mentz;  delivered 
them  hoftages  for  the  remainder;  and  freed  Richard  from 
captivity.  Hisefcapewas  very  critical.  Henry  had  been 
detected  in  the  affadinationof  the  bifhop  of  Liege,  and  in 
an  attempt  of  a  like  nature  on  the  duke  of  Louvaine;  and 
finding  himfelf  extremely  obnoxious'o  the  German  prin- 
ces on  account  of  thefe  odious  practices,  he  had  determi- 
ned to  feck  fupport  from  an  alliance  with  the  king  of 
France;  to  detain  Richard,  the  enemy  of  that  prince,  in 
perpetual  captivity  ;  to  keep  in  his  hands  the  money  which 
he  had  already  received  for  his  ranfom;  and  to  extort  frefh 
fums  from  Philip  and  prince  John,  who  were  very  liberal 
in  their  offers  to  him.  He  therefore  gave  orders  that  Rich- 
ard Ihould  be  purfued  and  arretted:  but  the  king,  making 
ail  imaginable  hafle,  had  already  embarked  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Schelde,  and  was  out  of  fight  of  land,  when  the 
meUengers  of  the  emperor  reached  Antwerp. 
King's  re-  The  joy  of  the  Englifh  was  extreme  on  the  appearance 

mm  to  of  their  monarch,  who  had  fuffered  fo  many  calamities, 
smhMarch.  who  had  squired  fo  much  glory,  and  who  had  fpread  the 
reputation  of  their  name  into  the  fartheft  Raft,  whither 
their  fame  had  never  before  been  able  to  extend.  He  gave 
them,  foon  after  his  arrival,  an  opportunity  of  publicly 
difplaying  their  exultation,  by  ordering  himfelf  to  be 
crowned  anew  at  Winchefter ;  as  if  he  intended,  by  that 
ceremony,  to  reinftafe  himfelf  in  his  throne,  and  to  wipe 
off  the  ignominy  of  his  captivity.  Their  fatisfaclion  was 
not  damped,  even  when  he  declared  his  purpofe  of  relum- 
ing all  thofe  exorbitant  grants,  which  he  had  been  necef- 
fitated  to  make  before  his  departure   for  the   Holy  Land. 


RICHARD      I.  371 

The  barons  alio,  In  a  great  council,  confifcatcd,  on  account  CHAP. 
of  his  treaion,  all  prince  John's  pofleffions   in   Kngland  ;         X. 

and  they  affiled  the  king  in  reducing  the  fortrcfles  which  N «r- — ' 

ftill  remained  in  the  hands  of  his  brother's  adherents*.  X19i' 
Richard,  having  fettled  every  thing  in  England,  paffed 
over  with  an  army  in  Normandy  ;  being  impatient  to  make 
war  on  Phili|>,  and  to  revenge  himfelf  for  the  many  inju- 
ries which  he  had  received  from  that  monarch  f.  As  loon 
as  Philip  heard  of  the  king's  deliverance  from  captivity,  he 
wrote  to  his  confederate  John,  in  thefe  terms  :  Take  care 
yourfelf ;   The  devd  is  broken  loofe  %. 

When  we  confider  fuch  powerful  and  martial  monarchs,  war  wuh 
inflamed  with  perfonal  aniwofity  againft  each  other,  en-  Frar.ce. 
raged  bv  mutual  injuries,  excited  by  rivaldiip,  impelled 
by  oppofite  intereits,  and  inftigated  by  the  pride  and  vio- 
lence of  their  own  temper  ;  our  curiofity  is  naturally  railed, 
and  we  expect  an  obftinate  and  furious  war,  diftinguifhed 
by  the  grcatefi  events,  and  concluded  by  feme  remarka- 
ble cataftrophe.  Yet  are  the  incidents,  which  attend  thofe 
hofti'ities,  to  frivolous,  that  fcarce  any  hiftorian  Qn  en- 
tertain fuch  a  pailion  for  military  descriptions  S3  to  venture 
on  a  dotuil  of  them:  A  certain  proof  of  the  extreme  weak- 
nefs  of  princes  in  thofe  ages, and  of  the  little  authority  they 
poiTeffed  over  their  refractory  vaffals!  The  whole  amount 
of  the  exploits  on  both  fides  is,  the  taking  of  a  caflle,  the 
furprile  of  a  (haggling  party,  a  rencounter  of  horfe,  which 
refembles  more  a  rout  than  a  battle.  Richard  obliged 
Philip  to  raife  the  fiege  of  Verneuil;  he  took  Loches,  a 
fmall  town  in  Anjou;  he  made  himfelf  mafler  of  Beau- 
mont, and  fome  other  places  of  little  confequenee  ;  and 
after  thefe  trivial  exploits,  the  two  Lings  began  already  to 
hold  conferences  for  an  accommodation.  Philip  infifted 
that,  if  a  general  peace  were  concluded,  the  barons  on 
each  fide  (hould,  for  the  future,  be  prohibited  from  car- 
rying on  private  wars  againft  each  other  :  But  Richard  re- 
plied, that  this  was  a  right  claimed  by  his  vafluls,  and  he 
could  not  debar  them  from  it.  After  this  fruitleis  negoti- 
ation, there  enfued  an  action  between  the  French  and  Fng- 
Iifh  cavalry  at  Fretteval,  in  which  the  former  were  routed, 
and  the  king  of  France's  cartulary  and  records,  winch 
commonly  at  that  time  attended  his  pcrfon,  were  taken. 
But  this  victory  leading  to  no  important  advantages,  a  truce 
for  a  year  was  at  lafl,  from  mutual  weaknefs,  concluded 
between  the  two  mon.:i 


'en,  p   737.    Ar.n.  Waveil,  p.  (65.     VV,  Heming.p.  54a, 
I  hcseileii,  p, 


372  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.       During  this  war,  prince   John  deferred   from   Philip, 
X.         threw  himfelf  at  his   brother's  feet,  craved  pardon  for  his 

* v '  offences,  and  bv  the  interceffion   of  queen    Eleanor   was 

1194.  received  into  favour.  I  forgive  him,  faid  the  king,  and 
hope  1  fliall  as  rofily  forget  his  injuries,  as  he  row  my  par- 
don* John  was  incapable  even  of  returning  to  his  duty, 
without  committing  9  bafenefs.  Before  he  left  Philip's  par- 
tv,  he  invited  to  dinner  ail  the  officers  of  the  garriion 
which  that  prince  had  placed  in  the  citadel  of  Evreux  ; 
l;e  maiTacred  them  during  the  entertainment ;  fell,  with 
the  affiftance  of  the  townfmen,  on  the  garrifon,  whom  he 
put  to  the  fword  ;  and  then  delivered  up  the  place  to  his 
brother. 

The  kins:  of  France  was  the  great  objeel  of  Richard's 
refentment  and  animofity  :  The  conducl  of  John,  as  well 
as  that  of  the  emperor  and  duke  of  Auftria,  had  been  fo 
bafe,  and  was  expofed  to  fuch  general  odium  and  reproach, 
that  the  king  deemed  himfelt  fufficiently  revenged  for 
their  injuries  ;  and  he  feems  never  to  have  entertained  anv 
project  of  vengeance  againft  any  of  them.  The  duke  of 
Austria,  abeut  this  time,  having  crufhed  bis  leg  by  the  fall 
of  his  horfe  at  a  tournament,  was  thrown  into  a  fever  ;  and 
being  ft  ruck,  on  the  approaches  of  death,  with  remorfe 
for  his  injuftice  to  Richard,  he  ordered,  by  will,  all  the 
Engliih  hoftages  in  his  hands  to  be  fct  at  liberty,  and  the 
remainder  of  the  debt  due  to  him  to  be  remitted  :  h'is  fon, 
who  feemed  inclined  to  difobev  thele  orders,  was  con- 
U95.  drained  by  his  ecclefiaftics  to  execute  them*.  The  em- 
4  peioralfo  made  advances  for  Richard's  friendfhip,  and  of- 

fered to  give  him  a  difcharge  of  all  the  debt  not  yet  paid 
to  him,  provided  he  would  enter  into  an  offenhve  alliance 
againft  the  king  of  France;  a  prcpofal  which  was  very 
acceptable  to  Richard,  and  was  greedily  embraced  by  him. 
The  treaty  with  the  emperor  took  no  efreft ;  but  it  ferved 
to  rekindle  the  war  between  France  and  England  before 
the  expiration  of  the  truce.  This  war  was  net  diftinguiftied 
'  bv  any  more  remarkable  incidents  than  the  foregoing.  Af- 
ter mutually  ravaging  the  open  country,  and  taking  a  t'aw 
infignillcant  caftles,  l he  two  kings  concluded  a  peace  at 
Louviers,  and  made  an  exchange  of  forrie  territories  with 
n$6.  *  each  otherf.  Their  inability  to  wage  war  occafioned  the 
peace:  Their  mutual  antipathy  engaged  them  again  in 
war  before  two  months  expired.  Richard  imagined,  that 
he  had  now  found  an  opportunity  of  gaining  great  advan- 
tages, over  his  1  ival,  by  forming  an  alliance  with  the  counts 
of  Flanders,  Touloufe,  Boulogne,  Champagne^  and  other 

*  R\mir,  vol.  i.  p.  t    '' 


RICHARD      I.  373 

eonfiderablc  vaffals  of  the  crown  of  France*.    Rut  he  foon  CHAP, 
experienced  the  infinceritv  of  thole  princes  ;  and  was  not         X. 

able  to  make  any  impreflion  on  that  kingdom,  while  go-  * ' 

verned  by  a  monarch  of  fo  much  vigour  and  activity  as  "S6* 
Philip.  The  moft  remarkable  incident  of  this  war  was 
the  taking  prifoner  in  battle  the  bifhop  of  Beauvais,  a  mar- 
tial prelate,  who  was  of  the  family  of  Dreux,  and  a  near 
relation  of  the  French  king's.  Richard,  who  hated  that 
bifhop,  threw  him  into  priion,  and  loaded  him  with  irons; 
and  when  the  pope  demanded  his  liberty,  and  claimed  him 
as  his  lbn,  the  king  lent  to  his  holinefs  the  coat  of  mail 
which  the  prelate  had  worn  in  battle,  and  which  was  all 
befmeared  with  blood:  And  he  replied  to  him,  in  the 
terms  employed  by  Jacob's  ions  to  that  patriarch,  This 
have  we  found :  Know  now  whether  it  be.  thy  Jons  coat  or 
no\.  This  new  war  between  England  and  France,  though 
carried  on  with  fuch  animofhy  that  both  kings  frequently 
put  out  the  eves  of  their  prifoners,  was  foon  finifhed  by 
a  truce  of  five  years  ;  and  immediately  after  figning  this 
treaty,  the  kings  were  ready,  on  fomo  new  offence,  to 
break  out  again  into  hoflilities  ;  when  the  mediation  of  the 
cardinal  of  St.  Mary,  the  pope's  legate,  accommodated  the 
difference %.  This  prelate  even  engaged  the  princes  to 
commence  a  treaty  for  a  more  durable  peace;  but  the  death 
of  Richard  put  an  end  to  the  negotiation. 

Vidomar,  vifcount  of  Limoges,  a  vafTal  of  the  king's, 
had  found  a  treafure,  of  which  he  lent  part  to  that  prince 
as  a  prefent.  Richard,  as  fuperior  lord,  claimed  the  whole; 
and,  at  the  head  of  fome  Brabancons,  befieged  the  vifcount 
in  the  caftle  of  Chalus,  near  Limoges,  in  order  to  make 
him  comply  with  his  demand  ||.  The  garrifon  offered  to 
furrendcr  ;  but  the  king  replied,  that,  fince  he  had  taken 
the  pains  to  come  thither  and  befiege  the  place  in  perfon, 
he  would  take  it  by  force,  and  would  hang  every  one  of 
them.  The  fame  day,  Richard,  accompanied  by  Marca- 
dee,  leader  of  his  Brabancons,  approached  the  caftle  in 
order  to  furvey  it;  when  one  Bertrand  de  Gourdon,  an 
archer,  took  aim  at  him,  and  pierced  his  moulder  with  an  2SthMan:ti. 
arrow.  The  king,  however,  gave  orders  for  the  affault, 
took  the  place,  and  hanged  arl  the  garrifon,  except  Gour- 
don, who  had  wounded  him,  and  whom  he  referved  for 
a  more  deliberate  and  more  cruel  execution  **. 

Tn?.  wound  was  not    in  itfelf  dangerous;  but  the  un- 
(kilfulnda  of  the  lurgeon  made  it  mortal  :  He  lb  rankled 

impton,  p.  i1/;.      Rymcr,    vol.  i.    p.   o|. 
:<.vii.  ver.  j  2.      M.  Paris,  p.  1 38.     Brompton,  p. 
.  no.  n,  p.  791.     J 


374  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP  Richard's  (boulder  in   palling  out  the  arrow,  that  a  gar£ 

X         srene  enfued;  and  that  prince  was  now  ienfible  that  his 
*—^  life  was  drawing  towards  a  period.  He  lent  for  Gourdon  and 
U99-       aiked  him,  Wretch,  what  have  1  ever  done  to  you,  to  oblige 
youtofeekmylife? What  have  you  done  to  met    re- 
fried  coolly  the  prifoner  :   You  killed  wuh  your  own  hands 
my  father  and  my  two  brothers;   and  you  intended  to  have 
hanged  myfelf:  I  am  now  in  your  power,  and  you  may  take 
revenge,  by  injlicling  on  me  the  moji  fevere  torments      But 
I  (hall  endure  them  all  with  pleajure  provided '  Ice int/unk 
tfiat  I  have  been  Jo  happy  a*  to  rid  the  world  offuika  nui 
Jance*.     Richard,  <Wk  with   the  rcalonab .eneisot   th is 
reply,  and  humbled  by  the  near  approach  of  death,  order- 
edGourdon   to  be  let  at  liberty    and  a  (urn  of  money   to 
be  given  him;  but  Marcadee,  unknown  to  him,  le.zed  the 
6th  April,    unhappy  man,  fliyed    him    alive    and  then  ban gc. d  him. 
cealh       Hicharddied  in  the  tenth  year  of  h-s  reign    and  the  fort>- 
fccond  of  his  age;  and  he  left  noiflue  behind  him. 
andcha-            The  mo(t  {hinin£  part  of  this  prince  s character  are  his 
"ft  1       military  talents.     No  man,  even  in  that  romantic  age,  car- 
th£  **      Hed  perfonal  courage  and  intrepidity  to  a  grea ter  height, 
and  this  quality  gained   him  the  appel  auon  of  the   1  on- 
hearted,  Lr  delion.  He  paffionately  loved  glory   chiefly 
military '  elorv  !   and  as  hisconduftm  the  field  was  not  in- 
l   o   to  t  valour,  he  feems  to  have  poffened  every  ta  ent 
neceltary   for  acquiring  it.      His    <f~^°z^ 
nidi;   his  pride  unconquerable  ,  and  his  fubje.ts,  asm  ell 
a  tis  neighbours,  had"  therefore    realon   to    append  • 
from  the  continuance  of  his  re,gn,  a  V^-}^^ 
blood  and  violence.     Of  an  impetuous  and  vehement  fpi 
nt    he  was  dittinguifhed  by £1  the^o      -  w  1  ^as  th 

dornineSng,  ambitious,  haughty  and 1  cruel ;  and  was  thu 
better  Calculated  to  dazzle   men  by   the  fplendou or 
cnterprifes,  than  either  to  promote  their    jp^or  b» 
own  grandeur,  by  a  found  and  weU  regulated  pol cy.     As 
military  talents  make  great  impreffion  on  *JJP«f»V* 
feems  .have  ^^^^^^ 

N^iir^io^^ 

paffed  however  only   four  months  of  ^"^"^Tfo 

war,  againlt  r ranee,  ana  nc  j 

?Hoveden,p.79«,     Bmmpton,  P.  »77-     K»yght«m,  p.  ■«/* 


RICHARD      I.  375 

which  he    had  acquired  in  (he  Ead,    that  he  determined,  CHAP, 
notwithdanding  his    pad  misfortunes,  to  have  farther  ex-         X. 

haultcd  his  kingdom,  and  I  expofed  himfelfto  new  < «, ' 

hazards,  by  conducting  another  expedition  againft  tfe«  in-      Il99« 
fideis. 

Though  the  Engliih  pleafed  themfelves  with  tlie  glory  Mifceiiane- 
which  the  king's  martial  genius  procured  them,  his  reign  ous  t  ran  lac- 
was  very  opprelfive,  and  fame  what  arbitrary,  by  the  high  n°"sie°fn 
taxes  which  he  levied  on  them,  and  often  without  confent 
of  the   Rates  or   great  council,      hi  the   ninth  year  of  his 
!,   he  levied   five  millings  on  each  hyde  of  land  ;  and 
lufe   the  clergy  refilled  to  contribute  their  (hare,  he  put 
them  out  of  the  protection  of  law,   and  ordered   the  civil 
court :  to  give  them  no  fentence  for  any   debts  which  they 
might    claim*.      Twice  in    his    reign    he  ordered  all    his 
charters  to  be  fealcd  anew,  and  the   parties  to  pay  fees  for 
the  renewal  +.   It  is  faid  that  Hubert,  his  judiciary,  fent  him 
over  to  France,  in  the  fp  ace  of  two  yeais,  no  lefsa  fumthan 
1,100,000  marks,  befides  bearing   all    the  charges  of  the 
government  in  England.      But  this  account   is  quite  incre- 
dible, unlefs  we  fuppofe  Richard  made  a  thorough  dilapi- 
dation  of  the  demefnes  of  the  crown,  which  it  is  not  likely 
he  could    do  with  any  advantage  after  his  former  redemp- 
tion of  all  grants.     A  king,  who  pofleued  fuch a  revenue, 
could  never  have  endured  fourteen  months  captivity,  for 
not  paying  150,000  marks  to  the  emperor,  and  be  obliged 
at  lad  to  leave  hoftages  for  a  third  of  the  dim.     The  prices 
of  commodities  in  this  reign  are  alfo  a  certain  proof  that 
no  fuch  enormous  dim  could  be  levied  on  the  people.     A 
hyde  of  land,  or  about  a  hundred   and  twenty  acres,  was 
commonly   let  at  twenty  (hillings  a  year,    money   of  that 
time.      As  there  were  243,600  hvdes  in  England,  it  is  eafy 
to  compute  the  amount  of  all  the  landed  rents  of  the  king- 
dom.     The  general  and  dated  price  of  an  ox  was  four  (hil- 
lings; of  a     labouring    horfe  the    fame;  of  a  fow,   one 
diilling;  of  a  (beep  with  dne  wool,  ten-pence;  with  coarfe 
wool,  fix  pence  |.     Thefe  commodities  feem  not  to  have 
advanced  in  their   prices  fince  the  conqued  ||,  and  to  have 
(till  been  ten  times  cheaper  than  at  prefent. 

Richard  renewed  the  fevere  laws  againd  tranfgrelTors 
in  hisforeds,  whom  he  punilhed  by  cadration  and  putting 
out  their  eyes,  as  in  the  reign  of  his  great-grandfather. 
He  edablifhed  by  law  one  weight  and  meafure  throughout 
his  kingdom**  :   A  ufeful  inditution,  which  the  mercena- 

*   Hivcden,  p.  7^3.     Tyrrel.    vol.   ii.    p.  563.                               f  Prynne's 

Chronol.  Vindic.  tom.  i.  p.  1153.                  $  Hoveden,  p.  745.  note 

[S]  at  the  end  of  the  volum-.-.                      *  *   M.  Paris,  p.  119.  134.  Tiivct, 
V-  "7-  Ann-  Waverl.  p.  165.      Hoveden,  p.  77;. 


c?6  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  ry  difpolition  and  neceffities  of  his  fucceflbr  engaged  him 
X.        todiipenfe  with  for  money. 

v m '       The  difordersin  London,  derived  from  its  bad  police, 

*»99«  had  rifen  to  a  great  height  during  this  reign  ;  and  in  the 
year  1196,  there  feemed  to  be  founed  fo  regular  a  confpi- 
racy  among  the  numerous  malefactors,  as  threatened  the 
city  with  deftruition.  There  was  one  William  Fitz-Of- 
bert,  commonly  called  Longbeard,  a  lawyer,  who  had  ren- 
dered himlelf  extremely  popular  among  the  lower  rank 
of  citizens;  and,  by  defending  them  on  all  occafions,  had 
acquired  the  appellation  of  the  advocate  or  faviour  of  the 
poor.  He  exerted  his  authority,  by  injuring  and  infulting 
the  more  fubflantial  citizens,  with  whom  he  lived  in  a 
ftate  of  hoftility,  and  who  were  every  moment  expofed  to 
the  rhoft  outrageous  violences  from  him  and  his  licentious 
emifiaries.  Murders  were  daily  commitred  in  theftreets; 
houfes  werebrokenopenand  pillaged  in  day-light ;  and  it  is 
pretended,  that  no  lets  than  fifty-two  thoufand  perfons  had 
entered  into  an  affociation,  by  which  they  bound  them- 
felves  to  obey  all  the  orders  of  this  dangerous  ruffian. 
Archbifhop  Hubert,  who  was  then  chief  jufticiary,  fum- 
moned  him  before  the  council  to  anfwer  for  his  conduct  ; 
but  he  came  fo  well  attended,  that  no  one  durft  accufe 
him,  or  give  evidence  againft  him  ,-  and  the  primate,  find- 
ing the  impotence  of  law,  contented  himlelf  with  exacting 
from  the  citizens  hoftages  for  their  good  behaviour.  He 
kept,  however,  a  watchful  eye  on  Fitz-Ofbert  ;  and  feiz- 
ing  a  favourable  opportunity,  attempted  to  commit  him  to 
cuitody  ;  but  the  criminal,  murdering  one  of  the  public 
officers,  efcaped  with  his  concubine  to  the  church  of  St. 
Alary  le  Row,  where  he  defended  himfelf  by  force  of  arms. 
He  was  at  laft  forced  from  his  retreat,  condemned,  and  ex- 
ecuted, amidft  the  regrets  of  the  populace,  who  were  fo 
devoted  to  his  memory,  that  they  ftole  his  gibbet,  paid  the 
fame  veneration  to  it  as  to  the  crofs,  and  were  equally  zea- 
lous in  propagating  and  attesting  reports  of  the  miracles 
wrought  by  it*.  But  though  the  fectaries  of  this  fuperfti- 
tion  were  punifhed  by  the  jufticiary  f,  it  received  (o  little 
encouragement  from  the  eftablilhed  clergy,  whole  proper- 
ty was  endangered  by  fuch  fed itious  practices,  that  it  fud- 
denly  funk  and  vanished. 

It  was  during  the  crufades,  that  the  cuftom  of  ufing 
coats  of  arms  was  firft  introduced  into  Europe.  The 
knights,  cai'ed  up  in  armour,  had  no  way  to  make  them- 

*  Hovcdcn,  p.  765.     D;ce:o,  p.  691.     Neubrig.  p.  492,  493. 
f  Gefvafe,  p.  1551. 


RICH    A    11    D      I.  377 

felves  be  known  and  diftinguifhed  in  battle,  but  hr   the  CHAP, 
devices  on  their  fhields;  and  thele  were  gradually  adopted        X. 

by  their  poftenty  and  families,  who  were  proud  of  the  pi-  ^— * ' 

ous  and  military  enterprii'es  of  their  anceftors.  1  J99- 

King  Richard  was  a  paffionate  lover  of  poetry:  There 
even  remain  fome  poetical  works  ot  his  compofition  :  And 
he  bears  a  rank  among  the  Provengal  poets  or  Trobadores, 
who  were  the  firft  of  the  modern  Europeans  that  dillin- 
guifhed  themfelves  by  attempts  of  that  nature. 


Vol.  I. 


(     373     ) 


CHAP.      XI. 


O        H        N. 


Accefjion   of   the    king His    marriage War   with 

France Murder   of  Arthur   duke  of   Britanny • 

The  king  expelled  the  French  provinces The  king's 

quarrel  with  the  court  of  Rome Cardinal  Langton 

appointed  archbifliop  of  Canterbury Inter  die!  of  the 

kingdom Excommunication  of  the  king The  king's 

fubmifjion  to  the  pope Difc on  tents  of  the  barons > 

Infurreclion  of  the  barons Magna  Charta Re- 
newal of  the  civil  wars  •Prince  Lewis  called  over 
Death and  character  of  the  king. 


r  I  *  H  E  noble  and  free  genius  of  the  ancients,  which 
,,y      *     \_     made  the  government  of  a  fingle  perfon  be  always 

v J f  regarded  as  a  fpecies  of  tyranny  and  ufurpation,  and  kept 

IIq  them  from  forming  any  conception  of  a  legal  and  regular 

Acceflion  monarchy,  had  rendered  them  entirely  ignorant  both  of  the 
cf  the  king,  rights  of  primogeniture  and  a  reprefentation  in  fucceflion; 
inventions  l'o  neceflary  for  preferving  order  in  the  lines  of 
princes,  for  obviating  the  evils  of  civil  difcord  and  of 
ufurpation,  and  for  begetting  moderation  in  that  fpecies 
of  government,  by  giving  fecurity  to  the  ruling  fovereign. 
There  innovations  arofe  from  the  feudal  law  ;  which,  firft 
introducing  the  light  of  primogeniture,  made  fuch  a  dif- 
tinction  between  the  families  of  the  elder  and  younger 
brothers,  that  the  fon  of  the  former  was  thought  entitled 
to  fuccccd  to  his  grandfather,  preferably  to  his  uncles, 
though  nearer  allied  to  the  deceaied  monarch.  But  though 
this  progrefsof  ideas  was  natural,  it  was  gradual.     In  the 


J      O      H      N.  379 

age  of  winch  we  treat,  the  practice  of  reprefentation  was  C  H  A  P. 
indeed    introduced,  but  not  thoroughly   eftablifhed;  and       XI. 

the  minds  of  men  fluctuated  between  opj-ofite  principles.  * * ' 

Richard,  when  he  entered  on  the  holy  war,  declared  his  1I^'- 
nephew,  Arthur  duke  of  Biitanny,  his  fucceflbr ;  and  by 
a  formal  deed,  he  fet  afide,  in  his  favour,  the  title  of  his 
brother  John,  who  was  younger  than  Geoffrey,  the  father 
of  that  prince*.  But  John  to  little  acquiefced  in  thatdef- 
tination,  that,  when  he  ga:ned  the  attendant  in  the  Eng- 
lifh  miniftry,  by  expelling  Longchamp,  the  chancellor  and 
great  judiciary,  he  engaged  all  the  Englilh  barons  to 
fwear,  that  they  would  maintain  his  right  of  iucceffion  ; 
and  Richard,  on  his  return,  took  no  fleps  towards  reflor- 
ing  or  fecuring  the  order  which  he  had  at  hilt  eflablifhed. 
He  was  even  careful,  by  his  lail  will,  to  declare  his  brother 
John  heir  to  all  his  dominions f  ;  whether,  that  he  now 
thought  Arthur,  who  was  only  twelve  years  of  age,  inca- 
pable of  aliening  his  claim  againft  John's  faction,  or  was 
influenced  by  Eleanor,  the  queen  mother,  who  hated 
Conflantia,  mother  of  the  young  duke,  and  who  dreaded 
the  credit  which  that  princefs  would  naturally  acquire  if 
her  Ion  mould  mount  the  throne.  The  authority  of  a 
tefhament  was  great  in  that  age,  even  where  the  fucceffion 
of  a  kingdom  was  concerned  :  and  John  had  reafon  to  hope 
that  this  title,  joined  to  his  plaufible  right  in  other  refpecxs, 
would  enfure  him  the  fucceffion.  But  the  idea  of  repre- 
fentation feems  to  have  made,  at  this  time,  greater  progrefs 
in  France  than  in  England  :  The  barons  of  the  tranfma- 
rine  provinces,  Anjou,  Maine,  and  Touraine,  immediate- 
ly declared  in  favour  of  Arthur's  title,  and  applied  for 
affiftance  to  the  French  monarch  ns  their  fuperior  lord. 
Philip,  who  de  fired  only  an  occafion  to  embarrafs  John, 
and  dilmember  his  dominions,  embraced  the  caufe  of  the 
youngduke  of  Britanny,  took  him  under  his  protection, 
and  lent  him  to  Paris  to  be  educated,  alonq;  with  his  own 
fon  LewisJ.  In  this  emergence,  John  haficned  to  efrab- 
lifh  his  authority  in  the  chief  members  of  the  monarchy  ; 
and  after  fending  Eleanoiinto  Poiclou  and  Guienne,  where 
her  right  was  inconteftible,  and  was  readily  acknowlerJ 
ed,  he  hurried  to  l'ouen,  and  having  fecured  the  dutchy 
of  Normandy,  he  ;  a'led  over,  without  ioi's  of  time,  to 
England.  Hubert  archbifhop  of  Canterbury,  VSri  1 1 inin 
Ma  re  fc  ha!,  earl  of  Slrigul,  who  alfo  pafles  by  the  name 
of  ear!  of  Pembroke,  and  Geoffrey  Fit/-Peter  ihe  jui'tici- 

p     I !  2 .      (  '  p .  • 

vol.  i.  p. 

;*■   Ho  e  ien,    ;•.  ;    •:.         .  Pans,   p. 


>J 


Go  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


0  II  A  P.  ary>  the  three  moft  favoured    minivers  of    ihe  late   king;, 
XI.      were  already  engaged  on  his  fide*;   and  the  fubmillionor 

u '  acquiescence  of  all  the  other  baionsput  him,  without  op- 

i'9(>       pofition,  in  poiTefhon  of  the  throne. 

The  king  foon  returned  to  France,  in  order  to  conduct 
the  war  againft  Philip,  and  to  recover  the  revolted  pro- 
vinces from  his  nephew  Arthur.  The  alliances  which 
Richard  had  formed  with  the  earl  of  Flanders  f,  and  other 
potent  French  princes,  though  they  had  not  been  very 
effectual,  Hill  fubfiiled,  and  enabled  John  to  defend  him- 
felf  againft  all  the  efforts  of  his. enemy.  In  an  a6tion  be- 
tween the  French  and  Flemings,  the  elect  bilhop  of  Cam- 
bray  was  taken  prifoner  by  the  former  ;  and  when  the 
cardinal  of  Capua  claimed  his  liberty,  Philip,  inftead  of 
complying,  reproached  him  with  the  weak  efforts  which 
he  had  employed  in  favour  of  the  bilhop  of  Beauvais,  who 
was  in  a  like  condition.  The  legate,  to  ihew  his  imparti- 
ality, laid  at  the  fame  time  the  kingdom  of  France  and 
the  dutchy  of  Normandy  under  an  interdicl;  and  the  two 
kings  found  tbernfelyes  obliged  to  make  an  exchange  of 
theie  military  pre! 
1200.  Nothing  enabled  the  king  to  bring  this  war  to  a  hap- 

py ilTue  to  much  as  the  feififh,  intriguing  character  of  Phi- 
lip, who  acted  in  the  provinces  that  had  declared  for  Ar- 
thur, without  anv  regard  to  the  interefh  of  that  prince. 
Conftantia,  feized  with  a  violent  jealoufy  that  he  inten- 
ded to  ulurp  the  entire  dominion  of  them  J,  found  means 
to  carry  off  her  fon  fecretly  from  Paris:  She  put  him  into 
the  hands  of  her  uncle  ;  reflored  the  provinces  which  had 
adhered  to  the  young  prince;  and  made  him  do  homage 
for  the  dutchv  of  Britaony,  which  was  regarded  as  a  rere- 
fief  of  Normandy.  From  this  incident,  Philip  law  that 
he  could  not  hope  to  make  any  progrefs  againft  John  : 
and  being  threatened  with  an  interdict  on  account  of  bis 
irregular  divorce  from  Ingelburga,  the  Daniih  princefa 
whom  he  had  efpoufed,  he  became  dc-firous  of  concluding 
a  peace  with  England.  After  lb  me  fruitlefs  conferences, 
the  terms  were  at  laftadjufted  ;  and  the  two  tnonarchs  i 
ed  in  this  treaty  to  have  an  intention,  befides  e. 
pre  fen  I  of  preventing  all  future  cauies  of  d\:< 

and  of  v  ting  every  controveiiV  which  could  hereaftec 
artfe  between  them.  They  adjufted  the  limits  of  all  their 
territories ;  mutually  fecured  the  interefts  of  their  vaflals; 
and,  to  render  the  union  more  durable,  John  gave  his 
niece,  Blanche  of  Caftile,   in  marriage  to  prince   Lewis, 

*  Koveden,  p.  70J.    M.  Paris,  p    137. 
-    i  Ryme!,  '"!.  i.  ...  p,  ii  j.     )  ,   p.  794.     M,  Faris,  p.  138. 

^  Hoveden,  p.  ;•  ■  . 


JOHN.  38r 

Phi;  \  foj^  and  with  her  mies  of  I  (To  udun  C  ii  . 

Gracai,  and  otl™  hefs  in  Be.  ri.    Nine  barons  of  the  king       XI. 

of  England,  and  as  many  of    the    king  of  France,  were  » ' 

guarantees  of  this  treaty  ;   and  al!  of  them  fwore,   that,  if      ' 
their  fovereign  violated  any  article  of    it,    they  would  de- 
clare themfeives  againft  him,  and  embrace  the  caufeof  the 
injured  monarch  *. 

John,  now  fecure,  as  he  imagined,  on  the  fide  of  The 
France,  indulged  his  paflion  for  Ifahella,  the  daughter  ma'riaSe« 
and  heir  of  Aymar  Tailleffer,  count  of  Angouleme,  a 
lady  with  whom  he  had  become  much  enamoured.  His 
queen,  the  heirefs  of  the  family  of  Giocefler,  was  ftill  a- 
live  :  Ifabellawas  married  to  the  count  de  la  Marche,and 
was  already  configned  to  the  care  of  that  nobleman  ;  though 
by  reafon  of  her  tender  years,  the  marriage  had  not  been 
coniiimmated.  The  pallion  of  John  made  l.hn  overlook 
all  thefe  obftacles  :  He  perfuaded  the  count  of  Angouleme 
to  carry  off  his  daughter  from  her  hufband  :  and  having, 
on  fome  pretence  or  other, procured  a  divorce  from  his  own 
wife,  he  efpoufed  Ifabella  ;  regardlcfs  both  of  the  menaces 
of  the  pope,  who  exclaimed  againft  thefe  irregular  pro- 
ceedings, and  of  the  refentment  of  the  injured  count,  who 
ibon  found  means  of  puniihing  his  powerful  and  infolent 
rival. 

John  had  not  the  art  of  attaching  his  barons  either  by  1201. 
afFeclion  or  by  fear.  The  count  de  la  Marche,  and  his 
brother  the  count  d'F.u,  taking  advantage  of  the  geneial 
difcontent  againft  him,  excited  commotions  in  Poiclou  and 
Normandy  ;  and  obliged  the  king  to  have  recourfe  to 
arms,  in  order  to  fupprefs  the  insurrection  of  his  vaflals. 
Pie  fummoned  together  the  barons  of  England,  and  re- 
quired them  to  pais  the  fea  under  his  ftandard,  and  to  quell 
the  rebels  :  He  found  that  he  pofleffed  as  little  authority 
in  that  kingdom  as  in  his  tranfmarine  provinces.  1  he 
Englifh  barons  unanimoufly  replied,  that  ihey  would  not 
attend  him  on  this  expedition,  utilefs  he  would  promife  to 
reftorc  and  preferve  their  privileges f  :  The  fir  ft  fymptom 
of  a  regular  aflbciation  and  plan  of  liberty  among  thole 
noblemen  !  But  affairs  were  net  yet  fully  ripe  for  the  re- 
volution projected.  John,  by  menacing  the  barons,  broke 
the  concert  ;  and  both  engaged  many  of  them  to  follow 
him  into   Normandy,   .  liged  the  reft,  who  flaid  I 

hind,  to   pay  him  a  (cut  .      of  two  marks  on  c:\ch  knight's 
tee,  as  the  pi  ice  of  their  exemption  from  the  fervice, 


*  Norman  Duchefnii,  p.  1055.      Rymer,   vol.  i.  p.   117.   mm. 

■n,  p.  S14.     Cii.n.    Oui.it.  v.. i.   i.  p.  qj.  j   Ancial.  Bu 


382  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  The  force  which  John  carried  abroad  with  him,  and 
XI.       that  which  joined  him  in  Normandy,  rendered  him  much 

* u '  fuperior  to  his  malcontent  barons  ;   and  (o  much  the  more 

1201.  as  Philip  did  not  publicly  give  them  any  countenance,  and 
feemed  as  yet  determined  to  perfevere  fteadily  in  the  alli- 
ance which  he  had  contracted  with  England.  But  the 
king,  elated  with  his  fuperiority,  advanced  claims  which 
gave  an  univerfal  alarm  to  his  vaffals,  and  dilfufed  flill 
wider  the  general  difcontent.  As  the  jurifprudence  of 
thofe  times  required,  that  the  caufes  in  the  lord's  court 
fhould  chiefly  be  decided  by  duel,  he  carried  along  with 
him  certains  bravos,  whom  he  retained  as  champions, 
and  whom  he  deftined  to  fight  with  his  barons,  in  order 
to  determine  any  controverfy  which  he  might  raife  againft 
them*.  Thecountde  la  Marche,  and  other  noblemen, 
regarded  this  proceeding  as  an  affront,  as  well  as  an  inju- 
ry ;  and  declared,  that  they  would  never  draw  their  f'word 
againft  men  of  fuch  inferior  quality.  The  king  menaced 
them  with  vengeance;  but  he  had  not  vigour  to  employ 
againft  them  the  force  in  his  hands,  or  to  profecute  the 
injuftice,  by  crulhing  entirely    the  nobles  who  oppofed 

War  with  This  government,  equally  feeble  and  violent,  gave  the 

France.  injured  barons  courage  as  well  as  inclination  to  carry  far- 
ther their  oppofition  :  They  appealed  to  the  king  of 
France;  complained  of  the  denial  of  juftice  in  John's  court; 
demanded  redrefs  from  him  as  their  fuperior  lord  ;  and 
entreated  him  to  employ  his  authority,  and  prevent  their 
final  ruin  and  opprefhon.  Philip  perceived  his  advantage, 
opened  his  mind  to  great  projects,  interpoled  in  behalf  of 
the  French  barons,  and  began  to  talk  in  a  high  and  me- 
J202.  nacing  ftyle  to  the  king  of  England.  John,  who  could 
notdifavow  Philip's  authority,  replied,  that  i;  belonged  to 
himfelf  firft  to  gr^nt  them  a  trial  by  their  peers  in  his 
own  couJ^t ;  it  was  not  till  he  failed  in  his  duty,  that  he  was 
anfwctable  to  his  peers  in  the  fuprcme  court  of  the  French 
kingf;  and  he  promifed,  by  a  fair  and  equitable  judica- 
ture, to  give  fatisfaclion  to  his  barons.  When  the  nobles, 
in  confequence  of  this  engagement,  demanded  a  fafe-con- 
du&,  that  they  might  attend  his  court,  he  at  firft  refuted 
it  :  upon  the  renewal  of  Philip's  menaces,  he  promifed  to 
grant  their--demand  ;  he  violated  this  promife;  frefh  me- 
naces extorted  from  him  a  promife  to  furrender  to  Philip 
the  fortreiTcs  of  Tillieresand  Boutavant,  as  a  fecurity  fox; 
performance  ;  he  again  violated  this  engagement;  his  ene- 
mies, fenfible    both  of  his  weaknefs  and  want  of  faith, 

»  Annal.  Burton,  p.  262.  j  Philipp.  lib.  vi. 


J      O      H      N.  3S3 

Combined  ftill  clofer  in  the   refolution  of  pufhing  him  to  C  H  A  P. 
extremities;  and  a  new  and   powerful  ally  foon  appeared       XI. 

to  encourage  them  in  their  invafion  ot  this  odious  and  delpi-  v >.• ' 

cable  government.  ***3' 

The  young  duke  of  Britanny,  who  was  now  rifing  to 
man's  eftate,  fenlible  of  the  dangerous  character  of  his  un- 
cle, determined  to  leek  both  his  fecurity  and  elevation  by 
an  union  with  Philip  and  the  malcontent  barons.  He 
joined  the  French  army,  which  had  begun  hoftilities  againlr 
the  king  of  England:  He  was  received  with  great  marks 
of  diftinction  by  Philip  ;  was  knighted  by  him  ;  efpoufed 
his  daughter  Marv  ;  and  was  invefted  not  only  in  the  dut- 
chy  of  Britanny,  but  in  the  counties  of  Anjou  and  Maine, 
which  he  had  formerly  refigned  to  his  uncle*.  Kvery  at- 
tempt fucceeded  with  the  allies.  TilHeres  and  Boutavant 
were  taken  by  Philip,  after  making  a'feeble  defence :  Mor- 
timar  and  Lyons  fell  into  his  hands  almoft  without  refinance. 
That  prince  next  inverted  Gournai;  and  opening  the  flui- 
ces  of  a  lake  which  lav  in  the  neighbourhood,  poured 
fuch  a  torrent  of  water  into  the  place,  that  the  garrifon 
defertedit,  andthe  French  monarch,  without  ftriking  a  blow, 
made  himfeif  mailer  of  that  important  fortrefs.  The  pro- 
grefsot  the  French  arms  was  rapid,  and  promil'ed  more 
confiderable  fuccefs  than  ufualiy  in  that  age  attended  mili- 
tary enterprile1;.  ln-anfwer  to  every  advance  which  the 
king  made  towards  peace,  Philip  ftill  infifted,  that  he  fhould 
refign  all  his  tranfmarine  dominions  to  his  nephew,  and 
relt  contented  with  the  kingdom  of  England  ;  when  an 
event  happened,  which  feemed  to  turn  the  Icales  in  favour 
of  John,  and  to  give  him  a  decifive  fuperiority  over  his 
enemies. 

Young  Arthur,  fond  of  military  renown,  had  broken 
into  Poittou  at  the  head  of  a  imall  army  ;  and  paffing 
Mirebeau,  he  heard  that  his  grand-mother  Queen  Elea- 
nor, who  had  always  oppofed  his  intereits,  was  lodged  in 
that  place,  and  was  protected  by  a  weak  garrifon  and  ruin- 
ous fortifications f.  He  immediately  determined  to  lay 
fiege  to  the  fortrefs,  and  make  himfeif  mafter  of  her  per- 
ibn  :  But  John,  roufed  from  his  indolence  by  fo  preffmg 
an  occafion,  collected  an  army  of  Englifh  and  Braban- 
90ns,  and  advanced  from  Normandy  with  hafty  marches 
to  the  relief  of  the  queen-mother.  He  fell  on  Arthur's 
camp  before  that  prince  was  aware  of  the  danger;  difperf- 
ed  his  army  ;  took  him  prifoner,  together  with  the  count 
do  la  Marche,  Geoffrey  de  Lufignan,  and  the  moft  con- 
siderable of  the  revolted  barons  ;  and  returned  in  triumph 

•  Trivet,  p.  142.  I  Ann.  Waveil.  p.  167.     M.  Weft.  p.  264. 


334 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


Murder  of 

Aithur 
fiu  k  e  of 
Britanny. 


C  II  A  P.  to  Normandy  *.     Philip,  who  was  lying  before  Arquesin 
XI.        that  dutchy,  raifed  the    fiege   and  retired,  upon    his  ap- 
proach-}*.      The    greater    part  of  the  prifoners  were  fent 
over  to  England  ;   but  Arthur  was  fhut   up  in  the  caftie  of 
Falaiie. 

The  king  had  here  a  conference  with  his  nephew  ;  re- 
prefented  to  him  the  folly  of  his  pretentions  ;  and  required 
him  to  renounce  the  French  alliance,  which  had  encoura- 
ged him  to  live  in  a  ftate  of  enmity  with  all  his  family  : 
But  the  brave,  though  imprudent,  youth,  rendered  more 
haughty  from  misfortunes,  maintained  the  juflice  of  his 
caule;  afferted  his  claim,  not  only  to  the  French  provin- 
ces, but  to  the  crown  of  England;  and,  in  his  turn,  re- 
quired ithe  king  to  reftore  the  ion  of  his  elder  brother  to 
the  potTeffion  of  his  inheritance  $.  John,  fenfible,  from 
thefe  fymptoms  of  ipirit,  that  the  young  prince,  though 
now  a  prifoner,  might  hereafter  prove  a  dangerous  enemy, 
determined  to  prevent  all  future  peril  by  difpatching  his 
nephew  ;  and  Arthur  was  never  more  heard  of.  The 
circumftances  which  attended  this  deed  of  darknefs  were, 
no  doubt,  carefully  concealed  by  the  actors,  and  are  vari- 
oully  related  by  hiftorians  :  But  the  moft  probable  account 
is  as  follows:  The  king,  it  is  faid,  firft  propofed  to  Wil- 
liam de  la  Bray,  one  of  his  fervants,  to  difpatch  Arthur  ; 
but  William  replied,  that  he  was  a  gentleman,  not  a  hang- 
man: and  he  pofitively  refufed  compliance.  Another 
inftrumentof  murder  was  found,  and  was  difpatched  with 
proper  orders  to  Falaiie ;  but  Hubert  de  Bourg,  chamber- 
lain to  the  king,  and  confiable  of  the  caftie,  feigning  that 
he  himfelf  would  execute  the  king's  mandate,  fent  back 
the  aflaffin,  fpread  the  report  that  the  young  prince  was 
dead,  and  publicly  performed  all  the  ceremonies  of  his  in- 
terment :  But  finding,  that  the  Bretons  vowed  revenge 
for  the  murder,  and  that  all  the  revolted  barons  perfevered 
more  obfiinately  in  their  rebellion,  he  thought  it  prudent 
to  reveal  the  fecret,  and  to  inform  the  world  that  the  duke 
of  Britanny  was  (till  alive,  and  in  his  cuftody.  This  dif- 
covery  proved  fatal  to  the  young  prince  :  John  firfi  re- 
moved him  to  the  caftie  of  Rouen  ;  and  coming  in  a  boat, 
during  the  night-time,  to  the  place,  commanded  Arthur 
to  be  brought  forth  to  him.  The  young  prince,  aware  of 
his  danger,  and  now  more  fubdued  by  the  continuance  of 
his  misfortunes,  and  by  the  approach  of  death,  threw  him- 
felf on  his  knees  before  his  uncle,  and  begged  for  mercy : 
But  the  barbarous  tyrant,  making  no  reply,  ftabbed  him 


Ann.  Marg.  p.  213. 
Ibid. 


M.  Weft.  p.  264. 


t  M.  Weft.   p.  264. 


J      O      II      N.  385 

with   his   own   hands  ;  and  fattening  a  ftone  to  the   dead  CHAP, 
body,  threw  it  into  the  Seine.  XI. 

All  men    were    Struck  with   horror  at  this    inhuman  * *— — ' 

deed;  and  from  that  moment  the  king,  detefted  by  his  IiJ< 
Subjects,  retained  a  very  precarious  authority  over  both  the 
people  and  the  barons  in  his  dominions.  The  Bretons,  en- 
raged at  this  difappointment  in  their  fond  hopes,  waged 
implacable  war  againSt  him;  and  fixing  the  lucceffion  of 
their  government,  put  themfelves  in  a  poSture  to  revenge 
the  murder  of  their  fovereign.  John  had  got  into  his  power 
his  niece,  Eleanor,  fiSter  to  Arthur,  commonly  called 
the  Dam/il  of  Britanny;  and  carrying  her  over  to  Eng- 
land, detained  her  ever  after  in  captivity  *  :  But  the  Bre- 
tons, in  defpair  of  recovering  this  princels,  chofe  Alice  for 
their  fovereign  ;  a  younger  daughter  of  ConStantia,  bv  her 
fecond  marriage  with  Guy  de  Thouars;  and  they  entrust- 
ed the  government  of  the  dutchy  to  that  nobleman.  The 
Hates  of  Britanny,  meanwhile,  carried  their  complaints 
before  Philip  as  their  liege  lord,  and  demanded  juftice  for 
the  violence  committed  by  John  on  the  perfon  of  Arthur, 
to  near  a  relation,  who,  notwithstanding  the  homage  which 
he  did  to  Normandy,  was  alway  regarded  as  one  of  the 
chief  vaffals  of  the  crown.  Philip  received  their  applicati- 
on with  pleafure  ;  Summoned  John  to  Stand  a  trial  before 
him;  and  on  his  non-appearance  paffed  Sentence,  with  the 
concurrence  of  the  peers,  upon  that  prince;  declared  him 
guilty  of  felony  and  parricide  ;  and  adjudged  him  to  forfeit 
to  his  fuperior  lord  all  his  feignories  and  fieSs  in  France  f. 

The  kingof  France,  whole  ambitious  and  a£tive  fpirit  The  king* 
had  been  hitherto  confined,  either   by  the  found  policv  of  expelled 
Henry,  or  the  martial  genius  of  Richard,  feeing  now  the  from  the 
opportunity  favourable  againft  this  bale  and  odious  prince,  lmninCes, 
embraced  the  project  of  expelling  the   EngliSh,   or  rather 
the  EngliSh  king,  from   France,  and  of  annexing  to   the 
crovrn  So  many  considerable  fiefs,  which,  during   feveral 
ages,  had  been  diSmembered  from  it.     Many  of  the  other 
great  vaflals,  whole  jealouSy  might  have   interpoScd,  and 
have  obstructed  the  execution  of  this  project,  were  not  at 
prefent  in  a  Situation  to  oppoSe  it;  and  the  reft  either  look- 
ed   on  with  indifference,  or   gave  their  aSfiftance   to   this 
dangerous   aggrandizement  of  their   fuperior  lord.      The 
earls  of  Flanders  and  Blois  were  engaged  in  the  holy  war: 
The  count  of  Champagne  was  an  infant,  and   undr.r  the 
guardianfhip  of  Philip:  The  dutchy  of  Britannv,  enragedf 

Vol.  1.  3D 

*   Trivet,  p.  145,     T.  Wykes,  p.  36.      TCeuft.  p.  4^0- 

t  VV.  Hem'.ng.    p.  455.     M,  Weft.  p.  264.     Kiv.-p.hi  on.  p.  . 


HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 

at  the  murder  of  their  prince,  vigoroufly  promoted  all  his 
meafures  :  And  the  general  defection  of  John's  vaflals 
made  every  enterprise  eaiy  and  fuccefsful  againft  him. 
120J.  Philip,  after  taking  feveral  cafties  and  fortrcfles  bevond 
the  Loire,  which  he  either  garrifoned  or  difmantled,  re- 
ceived the  fubmiffions  of  the  count  of  Alencon,  who  de- 
ferted  John,  and  delivered  up  all  the  places  under  his  com- 
mand to  the  French  :  Upon  which  Philip  broke  up  his 
camp,  in  order  to  give  the  troops  fome  repofe  after  the  fa- 
tigues of  the  campaign.  John,  fuddenly  collecting  fome 
forces,  laid  fiege  to  Alencon  ;  and  Philip,  whofe  difperfed 
army  could  not  be  brought  together  in  time  to  fuccour  it, 
faw  himfelf  expofed  to  the  difgrace  of  fuffering  the  oppref- 
fion  of  his  friend  and  confederate.  But  his  active  and  fer- 
tile genius  found  an  expedient  againft  this  evil.  There 
was  held  at  that  very  time  a  tournament  at  Moret  in  the 
Gatinois  :  whither  all  the  chief  nobility  of  France  and 
the  neighbouring  countries  had  reforted,  in  order  to  figna- 
lize  their  prowefs  and  addrefs.  Philip  prefented  himfelf 
before  them  ;  craved  their  affiftance  in  his  diftrefs  ;  and 
pointed  out  the  plains  of  Alencon,  as  the  mod  honourable 
held  in  which  they  could  difplay  their  generofity  and  mar- 
tial fpirit.  Thofe  valorous  knights  vowed,  that  they  would 
take  vengeance  on  the  bafe  parricide,  the  (lain  of  arms 
and  of  chivalry  ;  and  putting  themfelves,  with  all  their 
retinue,  under  the  command  of  Philip,  inftantly  marched 
to  raife  the  (lege  of  Alencon.  John,  hearing  of  their 
approach,  fled  from  before  the  place  ;  and  in  the  hurry 
abandoned  all  his  tents,  machines,  and  baggage,  to  the 
enemy. 

This  feeble  effort  was  the  lad  exploit  of  that  flothful 
and  cowardly  prince  for  the  defence  of  his  dominions. 
He  thenceforth  remained  in  total  inactivity  at  Rouen  ,•  paf- 
fing  all  his  time,  with  his  young  wife,  in  pafh'mes  and 
amufements,  as  if  his  (late  had  been  in  the  moft  profound 
tranquillity,  or  his  affairs  in  the  moft  profperous  condition. 
If  he  ever  mentioned  war,  it  was  only  to  give  himfelf 
vaunting  airs,  which,  in  the  eyes  of  all  men,  rendered 
him  ftill  more  defpicable  and  ridiculous.  Let  the  French 
go  on,  fa  id  he,  I  will  tetake  in  a  day  what  it  has  cojt  them 
years  to  acquire*.  His  ftupidity  and  indolence  appeared 
io  extraordinary,  that  the  people  endeavoured  to  account 
for  the  infatuation  by  forcery,  and  believed  that  he  was 
thrown  into  this  lethargy  by  fome  magic  or  witchcraft. 
The  Englifh  barons,  finding  that  their  lime  was  wafted 
to  no  purpoie,    and  that  they  muft  fuffer  the  difgrace  of 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  146.    M.  Weft.  p.  266. 


J      O      H      N.  387 

feeing  without  refinance,  the  progrefs  of  the  French  arms,  C  II  A  P. 
withdrew  from  their  colours,  and  fecretly  returned  to  their       XI. 

own  country*.      No  one  thought  of  defending  a  man,  who  v » ' 

feemed  to  have  deferted  himfelf  ;   and    his  fubjects  regard-      I2°^' 
ed  his  fate  with  the    fame   indifference,  to  which,  in   this 
pretling  exigency,  they  law  him  totally  abandoned. 

John,  while  he  neglected  all  domefiie  refources,  had 
the  meannefs  to  betake  himfelf  to  a  foreign  power,  whofe 
protection  he  claimed  :  He  applied  to  the  pope,  Innocent 
111.  and  entreated  him  to  interpofe  his  authority  between 
him  and  the  French  monarch.  Innocent,  pleated  with 
any  occafion  of  exerting  his  fuperioriiy,  lent  Philip  orders 
to  (bop  the  progrefs  of  hisarms,  and  to  make  peace  with 
the  king  of  England.  But  the  French  barons  received 
the  meff.ige  with  indignation  ;  difclaimed  the  temporal 
authority  aiTumed  bv  the  pontiff;  and  vowed,  that  they 
would,  to  the  uttermolt,  alhil  their  prince  againft  all  his 
enemies:  Philip,  fecondingtheir  ardour,  proceeded,  inftead 
of  obeying  the  pope's  envoys,  to  lay  fiege  to  Chateau  Gail- 
lard,  the  moft  confiderable  fortrefs  which  remained  to 
guard  the  frontiers  of  Normandy. 

Chateau  Gaillard  was  fituated  partly  on  an  ifland  in  120.t 
the  river  Seine,  partly  on  a  rock  oppofite  to  it  ;  and  was 
fecured  by  every  advantage,  which  either  art  or  nature 
could  beftow  upon  it.  The  late  king,  having  caft  his  eye 
on  this  favourable  fituation  had  lpared  no  labour  or  ex- 
pence  in  fortifying  it  ;  and  it  was  defended  by  Roger  de 
Laci,  conftable  of  Chefier,  a  determined  officer,  at  the 
head  of  a  numerous  garrifon.  Philip,  who  defpaired  of 
taking  the  place  by  force,  purpofed  to  reduce  it  by  famine; 
and  that  he  might  cut  off  its  communication  with  the  neigh- 
bouring country,  he  threw  a  bridge  acrofs  the  Seine,  while 
he  himfelf  with  his  army  blockaded  it  by  land.  The  earl 
cf  Pembroke,  a  man  of  the  greateft  vigour  and  capacity  in 
the  Englilh  court,  formed  a  plan  for  breaking  through  the 
French  entrenchments,  and  throwing  relief  into  the  place. 
He  carried  with  him  an  army  of  4000  infantry  and  coco 
cavalry,  and  fuddenly  attacked,  with  great  fuccefs,  Phi- 
lip's camp  in  the  night-time;  having  left  orders,  that  a 
fleet  of  feventy  fiat  bottomed  velTels  mould  fail  up  the  Seine, 
and  fall  at  the  fame  inftant  on  the  bridge.  But  the  wind 
and  the  current  of  the  river,  by  retarding  the  veffels,  dif- 
concerted  this  plan  of  operations;  and  it  was  morning  he- 
fore  the  fleet  appeared  ;  when  Pembroke,  though  fucceft- 
ful  in  the  beginning  of  the  aclion,  was  already  repulfed 
with  confiderable  lois,  and  the  king  of  France   had  lei  fuse 

•  M.  Paris,  p.  146.     M. Weft,  p,  .(.3. 


388  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  J r  \  P.  to  defend  liimfelf  aga5nft  thefe  new  afTailants  whoalfo  met 
XI.       with  a  repnlfe.     After  this  misfortune,  John  made  no  far- 

*« * '  ther  efforts  for  the  relief  of  Chateau  G-ailiard;  and  Philip 

120-i-  had  all  the  leifure  requifite  for  conducting  and  finifhing 
the  fiege.  Roger  de  Laci  defended  himfelf  for  a  twelve- 
month with  great  obflinacy  ;  and  having  bravely  repelled 
every  attack,  and  patiently  borne  all  the  hardfhips  of  fa- 
mine, he  was  at  laft  overpowered  by  a  fudden  aflault  in 
the  night-time,  and  made  prifoner  of  war,  with  his  garri- 
fon  *.  Philip,  who  knew  how  to  refpecl  valour  even  in  an 
enemy,  treated  him  with  civility,  and  gave  him  the  whole 
city  of  Paris  for  the  place  of  his  confinement. 

When  this  bulwark  of  Normandy  was  once  fubdued, 
all  the  province  lav  open  to  the  inroads  of  Philip  ;  and  the 
king  of  England  defpaired  of  being  any  longer  able  to  de- 
fend it.  He  fecretly  prepared  veflels  for  a  fcandalouS 
flight  ;  and  that  the  Normans  might  no  longer  doubt  of 
his  refolution  to  abandon  them,  he  ordered  the  fortificati- 
onsof  Pontde  l'Arche,  Moulineaux,  and  Montfort  l'Amau- 
ri  to  be  demoliihed.  Not  daring  to  repofe  confidence  in 
any  of  his  barons,  whom  he  believed  to  be  univerfally  en- 
gaged in  a  confpiracy  againlt  him,  he  entiufted  the  govern- 
ment of  the  province  to  Archas  Martin  and  Lupicaire, 
two  mercenary  Brabancons,  whom  he  had  retained  in  his 
fervice.  Philip,  now  fecure  of  his  prey,  pufhed  his  con- 
quefts  with  vigour  and  fuccefs  againft  the  difmayed  Nor- 
mans. Falaife  was  firft  befieged  ;  and  Lupicaire,  who 
comanded  in  this  impregnable  fortrefs,  after  furrendering 
the  place,  inlifled  himfelf  with  his  troops  in  the  fervice  of 
Philip,  and  carried  on  hoflilities  againil  his  ancient  mafler. 
Caen,  Coutance,  Seez,  Evreux,  Baieux  loon  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  French  monarch,  and  all  the  lower  Norman- 
dy was  reduced  under  his  dominion.  To  forward  his  en- 
terpriies  on  the  other  divifion  of  the  province,  Gui  de 
Thouars,  at  the  head  of  the  Bretons,  broke  into  the  terri- 
tory, and  took  Mount  St.  Michael,  Avranches,  and  all  the 
other  fortrefles  in  that  neighbourhood.  The  Normans, 
who  abhorred  the  brench  yoke,  and  who  would  have  de- 
fended themfelves  to  the  laft  extremity  if  their  prince  had 
appeared  to  conduct  them,  found  no  refource  but  in  fub- 
miffion  ;  and  every  citv  opened  its  gates  as  fopn  as  Philip 
appeared  before  it.  Rouen  alone,  Arques,  and  Verneuil* 
determined  to  maintain  their  liberties;  and  formed  a  con- 
federacy for  mutual  defence.  Philip  began  with  the  fiege 
of  Rouen  :  The  inhabitants  were  fo  inflamed  with  hatred 
to  France,  that,  on  the  appearance  of  his  army,  they  fell 

*    Trivet,  p.  144.    Gul,  Biiito,  lib.  7.     Ann.  Waved,  p.  16S. 


JOHN.  389 

on  all  the  natives  of  that  country,  whom  they  found  within  CHAP. 
their  walls,  and  put  them  to  death.     But  after  the  French       XI. 

king  had  begun  his  operations  with  fuccefs,  and  had  taken  * * ' 

fome  of  their  outworks,  the  citizens,  feeing  no  refource,  I2°5* 
offered  to  capitulate;  and  demanded  only  thirty  days  to 
advertife  their  prince  of  their  danger,  and  to  require  lft  junc# 
fuccours  againft  the  enemy.  Upon  the  expiration  of 
the  term,  as  no  iupply  had  arrived,  they  opened  their 
gates  to  Philip*;  and  the  whole  province  foon  after  imita- 
ted the  example,  and  fubmitted  to  the  victor.  Thus  was 
this  important  territorv  re-united  to  the  crown  of  France, 
about  three  centuries  after  the  ceffion  of  it  by  Charles  the 
Simple  toRollo,  the  firft  duke  :  And  the  Normans,  fenfi- 
ble  that  this  conqueft  was  probably  final,  demanded  the 
privilege  of  being  governed  by  French  laws;  which  Phi- 
lip, making  a  few  alterations  on  the  ancient  Norman  cuf- 
toms,  readily  granted  them.  But  the  French  monarch  had 
too  much  ambition  and  genius  to  flop  in  his  prefent  career 
of  fuccefs.  He  carried  his  victorious  army  into  the  wef- 
tern  provinces  ;  foon  reduced  Anjou,  iMaine,  Touraine, 
and  part  of  Poictou  f ;  and  in  this  manner,  the  French 
crown,  during  the  reign  of  one  able  and  aclive  prince, 
received  fuch  an  acceffion  of  power  and  grandeur,  as,  in  the 
ordinary  courfe  of  things,  it  would  have  required  feveral 
ages  to  attain. 

John,  on  his  arrival  in  England,  that  he  might  cover 
the  dilgrace  of  his  own  conduct,  exclaimed  loudly  againft. 
his  barons,  who,  he  pretended,  had  deferted  his  ffandard 
in  Normandy  ;  and  he  arbitrarily  extorted  from  them  a 
ieventh  of  all  their  moveables,  as  a  punilhment  for  the  of- 
fence X-  Soon  after  he  forced  them  to  grant  him  a  fcutage 
of  two  marks  and  a  half  on  each  knight's  fee  for  an  expe- 
dition into  Normandy;  but  he  did  not  attempt  to  execute 
the  fervice  for  which  he  pretended  to  exact  it.  Next 
year,  he  fummoned  all  the  barons  of  his  realm  to  attend 
him  on  this  foreign  expedition,  and  collected  Ihips  from 
all  the  lea-ports;  but  meeting  with  oppofition  from  fome 
of  his  minifters,  and  abandoning  his  defign,  he  difmifled 
both  fleet  and  army,  and  then  renewed  his  exclamations 
againft  the  barons  for  dcferting  him.  lie  next  put  to  fea 
vyith  a  fmall  army,  and  his  fubjecls  believed,  that  he  was 
refolved  to  expole  himfelf  to  the  utmoit  hazard  for  the  de- 
fence and  recovery  of  his  dominions:  But  they  were  fur- 
priled,  altera  few  days,  to  fee  him  return  again  into  har- 
bour, without  attempting  any  thing.  In  the  fubfequcnt 
leulon,  he  had  the  courage  to  carry  his  holtile  meafures  a 
ftep  farther.     Qui  de  Thouars,  who  governed    Britanny, 

1   1  rivet,  i>.  147.     Ypod.  Neuft.  p.  459.  f  Trivet,  p.  149. 

X  M.  Paris, p.  146.     M.  Weft,  p.  265. 


3<}o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP*  jealous  of  the  rapid  progrefs  made  by  his  ally,  the  French 

XI.        king,  promifed  to  join  the  king  of  England    with   all  his 

< « forces  ;  and  John  ventured  abroad  with  a  confiderable  ar- 

1206.  myt  ancj  iancjC£J  at  Rochelle.  He  marched  to  Angers  ; 
which  he  took  and  reduced  to  afhes.  But  the  approach 
of  Philip  with  an  army  threw  him  into  a  panic;  and  he 
immediately  made  propofals  for  peace,  and  fixed  a  place 
of  interview  with  his  enemy  :  But  inftead  of  keeping  this 
engagement,  he  Hole  off  with  his  army,  embarked  at  Ro- 
chelle, and  returned,  loaded  with  new  fhame  anddifgrace, 
into  England.  The  mediation  of  the  pope  procured  him 
at  laft  a  truce  for  two  years  with  the  French  monarch*; 
almoft  all  the  tranfmarine  provinces  were  ravifhed  from 
him  ;  and  his  Englifh  barons,  though  haiaffed  with  ar- 
bitrary taxes  and  fruitlefs  expeditions,  faw  themfelves 
and  their  country  baffled  and  affronted  in  every  enter- 
prife. 

In  an  age  when  perfonal  valour  was  regarded  as  the 
chief  accomplishment,  fuch  conduit,  as  that  of  John,  al- 
ways difgraceful,  muft  be  expofed  to  peculiar  contempt; 
and  he  muft  thenceforth  have  expected  to  rule  his  turbu- 
lent vaffals  with  a  very  doubtful  authority.  But  the  go- 
vernment exercifed  by  the  Norman  princes  had  wound  up 
the  royal  power  to  fo  high  a  pitch,  and  {o  much  beyond 
the  ufual  tenourof  the  feudal  conflitutions,  that  it  ftill  be- 
hoved him  to  be  debafed  by  new  affronts  and  dilgraces, 
ere  his  barons  conld  entertain  the  view  of  confpiring  a- 
•gainft  him,  in  order  to  retrench  his  prerogatives.  The 
church,  which,  at  that  time,  declined  not  a  conteft  with 
the  moll  powerful  and  moil  vigorous  monarchs,  took  firft 
advantage  of  John's  imbecility  ;  and,  with  the  nioft  ag- 
gravating circumftances  of  infolence  and  fcorn,  fixed  her 
yoke  upon  him. 

1207.  The  papal  chair  was  then  filled  by  Innocent  III.  who, 
having  attained  that  dignify  at  the  age  of  thirty-feven 
years,  and  being  endowed  with  a   lofty  and   enterprifing 

The  kings  genius,  gave  full  fcope  to  his  ambition,  and  attempted, 
ttTcounof1  Perhaps  more  openly  than  any  of  bis  predeceffors,  to  con- 
France,  vert  that  fuperiority,  which  was  yielded  him  by  all  the 
European  princes,  into  a  real  dominion  over  them.  1  he 
hierarchy,  protected  by  the  Roman  pontiff,  had  already 
carried  to  an  enormous  height  its  ufurpations  upon  the  ci- 
vil power  ;  but  in  order  to  extend  them  farther,  and  ren- 
der them  ufeful  to  the  court  of  Rome,  it  was  neceffary  to 
reduce  the  ecclefiafiics  themfelves  under  an  abfolute  mo- 
narchy, and  to   make   them   entirely   dependent  on  their 

*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  141. 


JOHN.  391 

fpiritual  leader.    For  this  purpofe,  Innocent  firft  attempted  CHAP, 
to  impofe  taxes  at  pieafure  upon  the  clergy  ;  and  iu  the  firft       XI. 

year    of    this    century,  taking  advantage  of  the    popular  < . ' 

frenzy  for  cruiades,   he    fent    collectors  over  all  Europe,      1207- 
who  levied,  bv  his  authority,  the  fortieth  of  all ecclcfiafti- 
cal  revenues  for  the  relief  of  the  Holy  Land,  and  received 
the  voluntary  contributions  of  the  laity  to  a  like  amount*. 
The    fame   year   Hubert,    archbifhop  of    Canterbury,  at- 
tempted another  innovation,  favourable  to  ecclefiaflical  and 
papal  power:   In   the  king's  abfence,   he  fummoned,  by 
his  legantine  authority,  a  fynod  of  all  the  Englifh  clergy, 
contrary  to  the  inhibition  of  Geoffrey  Fitz-Peter,  the  chief 
justiciary  ;   and  no  proper  cenfure  was  ever  paffed  on  this 
encroachment,   the  firft  of  the  kind,  upon  the  royal  power. 
But  a  favourable  incident   foon  after  happened,  which  en- 
abled   fo  afpiring  a    pontiff  as   Innocent   to  extend    ftill 
farther   his  ufurpations  on    fo  contemptible  a   prince  as 
John. 

Hubert,  the  primate,  died  in  1205;  and  as  the  monks 
or  canons  of  Chrift-church,  Canterbury,  po  {Veiled  a  right 
of  voting  in  the  election  of  their  archbifhop,   fome  of  the 
juniors  of  the  order,  who  lay  in   wait  for   that  event,  met 
clandefUnely  the  very  night  of  Hubert's  death;  and,  with- 
out any  conge  d'elire  from  the  king,  chofe  Reginald,  their 
fub- prior,  for  the   fuccefJTor  ;   inf tailed  him    in    the   archi- 
epifcopal  throne   before   midnight;  and  having  enjoined 
him  the  Cricteft  feci ecy,  fent  him   immediately  to  Rome, 
in  order  to  folicit  the  confirmation  of  his  election  f.    The 
vanity  of  Reginald   prevailed  over  his   prudence  ;   and  lie 
no  fooner arrived  in  Flandeis,  than  he  revealed   to  every 
one  the  purpofe  of  his  journey,  which  was    immediately 
known  in  England  %.  The  king  was  enraged  at  the  novel- 
ty and  temerity  of  the  attempt,  in  filling  fo  important   an 
office  without  his  knowledge   or  confent  :  The  fuftragan 
bilhopsof  Canterbury,  who  were  accufiomed  to  concur  in 
the  choice  of  their  primate,  were   no  lefs  difpleafed  at  the 
exclufion  given  them  in  this  election  :    The  fenior  monks 
of  Chrift  church  were  injured  by  the  irregular  proceedings 
of  their  juniors:  The  juniors  themfelves,  aOiamed  of  their 
conduct,  and  difgufied  with  the  levity   of  Reginald,  who 
had  broken  his  engagements  with    them,  were  willing  to 
fet  afide  his  election  ||:   And  all  men  concurred  in  the  de- 
fign  of  remedying  the  falfe  meafures  which   had  been    ta- 
ken.    But  as  John  knew  that  this  affair  would  becanvafied 
before  a  fuperior  tribunal,  where  the  interpofition  of  royal 

■   Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  119.  f  M.  Paris,  p.  14S.     M.  Weft.  p.  266. 

t  Ibid.  ||  m.  Weil,  p.  b66. 


392  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP*  authority  in  beftowingecclefiaftical  benefices  was  very  in- 
XI.       vidious;  where  even  the  caufe   of  fuffragan    bifhops  was 

* •■ '  not  fo  favourable  as  that  of  monks;  he  determined  to  make 

'*°T'  the  new  election  entirely  unexceptionable  :  He  fubmitted 
the  affair  wholly  to  the  canons  of  Chrift-church  ;  and  de- 
parting from  the  right  claimed  by  his  predecelTors,  ventu- 
red no  farther  than  to  inform  them  privately,  that  thev 
would  do  him  an  acceptable  fervice  if  they  chore  John  de 
Gray,  bifhop  of  Norwich,  for  their  primate  *.  The  elec- 
tion of  that  prelate  was  accordingly  made  without  a  con- 
tradictory vote;  and  the  king,  to  obviate  all  contefts,  en- 
deavoured to  perfuade  the  furfragan  bifhops  not  to  infift  on 
their  claim  of  concurring  in  the  election  :  But  thofe  pre- 
lates, perfevering  in  their  pretentions,  fent  an  agent  to 
maintain  their  caufe  before  Innocent  ;  while  the  king, 
and  the  convent  of  Chrift-church,  difpatched  twelve  monks 
of  that  order  to  fupport,  before  the  fame  tribunal,  the  elec- 
tion of  the  bifhop  of  Norwich. 

Thus  there  lay  three  different  claims  before  the  pope, 
whom  all  parties  allowed  to  be  the  fupreme  arbiter  in  the 
conqueft.  The  claim  of  the  fuffragans,  being  fo  oppofite 
to  the  ufual  maxims  of  the  papal  court,  was  foon  let  afide: 
Theeleclion  of  Reginald  was  fo  obvioufly  fraudulent  and 
irregular,  that  there  was  no  poffibility  of  defending  it ; 
But  Innocent  maintained,  that  though  this  election  was 
null  and  invalid,  it  ought  previoufly  to  have  been  declared 
fuch  by  thefovereign  pontiff,  before  the  monks  could  pro- 
ceed to  a  new  election  ;  and  that  the  choice  of  the  bifhop 
of  Norwich  was  of  courfe  as  uncanonical  as  that  of  his  com- 
petitor f.  Advantage  was  therefore  taken  of  this  fubtlety 
for  introducing  a  pre  edent,  by  which  the  fee  of  Canter- 
bury, the  moft  important  dignity  in  the  church  after  the 
papal  throne,  fhould  ever  after  be  at  the  difpofal  of  the 
court  of  Rome. 

While  the  pope  maintained  fo  many  fierce  contefts,  in 
order  to  wreft  from  princes  the  right  of  granting  invefti- 
tures,  and  to  exclude  laymen  from  all  authority  in  confer- 
ring ecclefiaflical  benefices,  he  wasfupported  by  the  united 
influence  of  the  clergy,  who,  afpiring  to  independence, 
fought,  with  all  the  ardour  of  ambition,  and  all  the  zeal 
of  fuperftition,  under  his  facred  banners.  But  no  fooner 
was  this  point,  after  a  great  effufion  of  blood  and  the  con- 
vulfionsof  many  ftates,  eftablifhed  in  fome  tolerable  de- 
gree, than  the  victorious  leader,  as  is  ufual,  turned  his 
arms  againft  his  own  community,  and  afpired  to  centre  all 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  149.     M.  Weft.  p.  266.  f  M.   Paris,  p.  155. 

Chron.  de  Mailr,  p.  1S2. 


J      O      II      N.  393 

power  in   his  perfon.     By  the  invention  of  referves,  pro-  CHAP. 
vifions,  commendams,  and  other  devices,  the  pope  gradu-       XL 

ally  aflumed  the  right  of  filling  vacant  benefices  ;   and  the  v »/— — ' 

plenitude  of  his  apoltolic  power,  which  was  not  fubject  to  ,2"?' 
any  limitations,  fupplied  all  defects  of  title  in  the  perfon 
on  whom  he  bellowed  preferment.  The  canons  which 
regulated  elections  were  purpofely  rendered  intricate  and 
involved  :  Frequent  dilputesarofe  among  candidates  :  Ap- 
peals were  every  day  carried  to  Rome:  The  apoltolic  fee, 
befides  reaping  pecuniary  advantages  from  thefe  contefts, 
often  exercifed  the  power  of  letting  afule  both  the  litigants, 
and,  on  pretence  of  appearing  faction,  nominated  a  third 
perfon,  who  might  be  more  acceptable  to  the  contending 
parties. 

The  prefent  controverfy  about  the  election  to  the  fee  of 
Canterbury  afforded  Innocent  an  opportunity  of  claiming 
this  right:  and  he  failed  not  to  perceive  and  avail  him- 
feif  of  the  advantage.  He  fent  for  the  twelve  monks  de- 
puted bv  the  convent  to  maintain  the  caufe  of  the  hifhop  of 
Norwich  ;  and  commanded  them,  under  the  penalty  of 
excommunication,  to  chufe  for  their  primate  cardinal 
Langton,  an  Englilhman  by  birth,  but  educated  in  France 
and  connected,  by  his  intereft  and  attachments,  with  the 
fee  of  Rome  *.     In   vain  did  the   monks    reprefent,  that  Cardinal 

they  had    received    from    their  convent,  no   authority  for  Langt0?  ap" 
,  .  -  /-  i  in-  -i  •  •     pointed 

this  purpoie  ;   that   an    election,  without   a    previous  writ  archbiihop 

from  the    king,  would  be  deemed    highly    irregular;  and  ofCantev- 

that  they  were  merely  agents  for  another   perfon,  whofe    UIT* ' 

right  they  had  no  power  or   pretence   to  abandon.     None 

of  them  had  the  courage  to  perfevere  in   this  oppofition, 

except  one,  Elias  de  Brantefield  :  All   the  reft,  overcome 

by    the   menaces    and    authority  of    the    pope,  complied 

with   his  orders,  and  made  the  election  required  of  them. 

Innocent,  fenfible  that  this  flagrant  ufurpation  would 
be  highly  relented  by  the  court  of  England,  wrote  John  a 
mollifying  letter;  fent  him  four  golden  rings  fet  with  pre- 
cious (tones;  and  endeavoured  to  enhance  the  value  of  the 
prefent,  by  informing  him  of  the  many  myfteries  implied 
in  it.  He  begged  him  to  confider  ferioully  the  format 
the  rings,  their  number,  their  matter,  and  their  colour, 
ir  form,  he  faid,Ceing  round,  fhadowed  out  Eternity, 
which  had  neither  beginning  nor  end  ;  and  he  ought  thence 
to  learn  hisdutv  of  afpiring  from  earthly  objects  to  hea- 
venly, from  things  temporal  to  things  eternal.   The  num- 

Vol.  I.  3  E 

\v. j  Heniag.  p.  ,353. 


334 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


CHAP,  ber  four,  being  a  fquare,  denoted  fteadinels  of  mind,  not 
XL        to  be  fubverted  either  bv  adverfitv  or  profpcrity,  fixed  for 

*— — ^ >  ever  on  the  firm  bafis  of  the  four  cardinal  virtues.     Gold, 

1207.  which  is  the  matter,  being  the  moft  precious  of  metals^ 
fignified  Wifdom,  which  is  the  moft  valuable  of  all  ac- 
complifhments,  and  juftly  preferred  by  Solomon  to  riches, 
power,  and  all  exterior  attainments.  The  blue  colour  of 
the  faphire  reprefentcd  Faith  ;  the  verdure  of  the  emerald, 
Hope  ;  the  rednefs  of  the  ruby,  Charity  ;  and  the  fplen- 
dour  of  the  topaz,  Good  Works*.  By  thefe  conceits,  Inno- 
cent endeavoured  to  repay  John  for  one  of  the  moft  impor- 
tant prerogatives  of  his  crown,  which  he  had  ravifhed  from 
him;  conceits  probably  admired  by  Innocent  himfelf :  For 
it  is  ealily  poffible  for  a  man,  efpecially  in  a  barbarous  age, 
to  unite  ftrong  talents  for  bufinefs  with  an  abfurd  taflc  for 
literature  and  the  arts. 

John  was  inflamed  with  the  utmoft  rage  when  he  heard 
of  this  attempt  of  the  court  of  Komef  >'  and  he  immediate- 
ly vented  his  pailion.on  the  monks  of  Chrift-church,  whom 
he  found  inclined  to  fupport  the  election  made  by  their 
fellows  at  Rome.  He  fent  Fulk  deCantelupe,  and  Hen- 
ry de  Cornhulle,  two  knights  of  his  retinue,  men  of  vio- 
lent tempers  and  rude  manners,  to  expel  them  the  convent, 
'.  and   take  poffeffion  of  their  revenues.   Thefe  knights  en- 

tered themonaftety  with  drawn  fwords,  commanded  the  pri- 
or and  the  monksto  depart  the  kingdom, and  menaced  them, 
that,  in  cale  of  ditobedience,  they  would  inflantly  burn 
them  with  the  convent  J.  Innocent  prognosticating,  from 
the  violence  and  imprudence  of  thefe  meafures,  that  John 
would  finally  fink  in  the  contefl,  perfevered  the  more  vi- 
goroufly  in  his  pretentions,  and  exhorted  the  king  not  to 
pppofe  God  and  the  church  any  longer,  nor  to  profecute 
that  caufe  for  which  the  holy  martyr  St.  Thomas  had  facri- 
ficed  his  life,  and  which  had  exalted  him  equal  to  the 
higheft  faints  in  heaven  || :  A  clear  hint  to  John  to  profit 
by  the  example  of  his  father,  and  to  remember  the  preju- 
dices and  eilablifhed  principles  of  his  fubjedts,  who  bore 
a  profound  veneration  to  that  martyr,  and  regarded  his 
merits  as  the  fubjecl  of  their  chief  glory  and  exultation. 

Innocent,  finding  that  John  was  not  fuffieiently  tamed 
to  fubmiffion,  fent  three  prelates,  the  bifhops  of  London, 
Ely,  and  Worceiler,  to  intimate,  that  if  he  perfevered  in 
his  difobedience,  the  fovereign   pontiff  would  be   obliged 


*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  130.    M.  Paris,  p.  155.  f   Rymer,  vol.  i. 

p.  M3«  *    +  M.  Paris,  p.  156.      Trivet,    p.  151.     Ann.  Waverl. 

,    M.  Paris,  p.  157. 


JOHN.  395 

to  lay  the  kingdom  under  an  interdict*.     All  the  other  CHAP, 
prelates  threw   themfelvcs  on  their  knees  before  him,  and       XI. 

entreated  him,  with   tears  in   their  eyes,  to  prevent   the  * \t ' 

fcandal  of  this  fentence,  by  making  a  fpeedy  fubmiffion  ,3°7- 
to  his  fpiritual  father,  by  receiving  from  his  hands  the  new-r 
elected  primate,  and  by  reftoring  the  monks  of  Chrift 
church  to  all  their  rights  and  poffeffibns.  He  buifi  cut 
into  the  molt  indecent  inveclives  againft  the  prelates ; 
fwore  by  God's  teeth,  his  ufual  oath,  that  if  the  pope  pre- 
fumed  to  lay  his  kingdom  under  an  interdict,  he  would 
fend  to  him  all  the  bilhops  and  clergy  in  England,  and 
would  confiscate  all  their  eftates  ;  and  threatened,  that  if 
thenceforth  he  caught  any  Romans  in  his  dominions,  he 
would  put  out  their  eyes,  and  cut  off  their  nofes,  in  order 
to  let  a  mark  upon  them  which  might  diltinguifh  them 
from  all  other  nationsf.  Ainidfl  all  this  idle  violence, 
John  flood  on  fuch  bad  terms  with  his  nobility,  that  he  - 
never  dared  to  aOTemble  the  flatesof  the  kingdom,  who,  in 
fojufta  caufe,  would  probably  have  adhered  to  any  other 
monarch,  and  have  defended  with  vigour  the  liberties  of 
the  nation  againft:  thefe  palpable  ufurpations  of  the  court  Interdia 
of  Rome.  Innocent,  therefore,  perceiving  the  king's  weak-  £fnt!^m 
nefs,  fulminated  at  lafl  the  fentence  of  interdict,  which  he 
had   for  fome  time  held  fufpended  over  him  J. 

The  fentence  of  interdict  was  at  that  time  the  great 
inftrument  of  vengeance  and  policy  employed  by  thecouit 
of  Rome  ;  was  denounced  againfl  fovereigns  for  the  lighteft 
offences;  and  made  the  guilt  of  one  perfon  involve  the  ruin 
of  millions,  even  in  their  fpiritual  and  eternal  welfare. 
The  execution  of  it  was  calculated  to  flrike  the  fenfes  in 
the  higheft  degree,  and  to  operate  with  irrefiflible  force  on 
the  fuperftitious  minds  of  the  people.  The  nation  was  of  a 
fudden  deprived  of  all  exterior  exercife  of  its  religion  : 
The  altars  were  defpoiledof  their  ornaments  :  The  croi- 
fes,  the  reliques,  the  images,  the  flatues  of  the  f;  ints,  were 
laid  on  the  ground  ;  and,  as  if  the  air  itfelf  were  profan- 
ed, and  might  pollute  them  by  its  contact,  the  pricfls  care- 
fully covered  them  up,  even  from  their  own  approach  and 
veneration.  The  ufc  of  bells  entirely  ceafed  in  all  the 
churches:  The  bells  themfelvcs  were  removed  from  the 
fieeples,  and  laid  on  the  ground  with  the  other  facred  uten- 
fi!s.  Mafs  was  celebrated  wi.ii  {but  doors,  an  1  none  but 
the  pricfls  were  admitted  to  that    holy  iniiicution.      1  he 

partook  of  no  religious  rite,  except  baptiftn  to  ne 
bom  infants,  and  the  communion  to  the  dying  :   The  dead 

*  M  t  !  rivet. 


396  r-   H  I  S  T  O  R  Y    OF    ENGLAN  D. 

CHAP,  were    not    interred  in   confecrated    ground  :    They    were 
IX.        thrown  into  ditches,  or  buried  in  common  fields;  and  their 

* » '  obfequies  were  not  attended  with  prayers,  or  any  hallowed 

1207-  ceremony.  Marriage  was  celebrated  in  the  church-yards*-; 
and  that  every  action  in  life  might  bear  the  marks  of  this 
dreadful  fituation,  the  people  were  prohibited  the  ufe  of 
meat,  as  in  Lent,  or  times  of  the  highefl  penance;  were 
debarred  from  all  pieafures  and  entertainments  ;  and 
were  forbidden  even  to  falute  each  other,  or  fo  much  as 
to  (have  their  beards,  and  give  any  decent  attention  to 
their  peribn  and  apparel.  Every  circumftance  carried 
iymptoms  of  the  deeper!  diftrefs,  and  of  the  moft  immediate 
apprehenfion  of  divine  vengeance  and  indignation. 

The  king,  that  he  might  'oppofe  his  temporal  to  their 
fpiritual  terrors,  immediately,  from  his  own  authority, 
confiscated  the  efiates  of  all  the  clergy  who  obeyed  the  in- 
terdict f  ;  banilhed  the  prelates,  confined  the  monks  in 
their  convent,  and  gave  them  only  fuch  a  fmall  allowance 
from  their  own  efiates  as  would  fufftce  to  provide  them  with 
food  and  raiment.  He  treated  with  the  utmofl  rigour  all 
Langton'sadherents. and  every  one  that  (bowed  any  difpofi- 
tiontoobey  the  cornmandsof  Rome:  And  in  order  to  diilrefs 
the  clergy  in  the  tendered  point,  and  at  the  fame  time  ex- 
pofethem  to  reproach  and  ridicule,  he  threw  into  prifon  all 
their  concubines,  and  required  high  fines  as  the  price  of 
their  liberty  J. 

After   the  canons  which  eflablifhed  the  celibacy  of  the 

clergy  were,  by  the  zealous  endeavours  of  archbiihop  An- 

ielm,  more  rigoroufly  executed  in  England,  the  ecclefiaf- 

tics  gave,  almoft  universally  and  avowedly,  into  the  ufe  of 

concubinage  ;  and  the  court  of  Rome,  which  had  no  in- 

terefl  in  prohibiting  this  practice,  made  very  flight  oppofiti- 

,•  on  to  it.     Thecuftomwas  become  fo  prevalent,   that,    in 

fome  cantons  of  Switzerland,  before  the  reformation,  the 

laws  not  only  permitted,  but,  to  avoid  fcandal,  enjoined 

jtheufeof  concubines  to  the  younger  clergy  II ;  and  it  was 

ufual  everywhere  for  priefts  to  apply  to  the  ordinary,  and 

obtain  from  him  afi  rmal  liberty  for  this  indulgence.    The 

bilhop  commonly  took  care  to  prevent  the  practice  from 

degenerating  into   Kcentioulncfs  :   Tie  confined  the   priefl 

to  the  ufe  of  one  woman,  required  him   to  be   conflant  to 

her  bed,  obliged  him  to  provide  for  her  fubfittence  and  that 

of  her  children  ;  and  though  the  oiTspring  was,  in  the  eye 

of  the  law,  deemed  illegitimate,  this  commerce  was  reaily 

a    kind  of  inferior  marriage,  fuch  as   is  ftill  praftifed   in 
i  . 

*  Chion.  Dunft.  vol.  i.p.  51.  t  Ann.  Waved,  p.  171. 

i  M    Paris,   p.    isS.     Ann.     Waved,    p.  170.  [|  Padre    . 

Kift.  Cone.  Tricf.  lib.  1. 


J      O      II      X.  397 

Germany  among  the  nobles  ;  and  may  be  regarded  by  the  C  H  A  P. 
candid  as  an  appeal  from  the    tyranny  of  civil  and  eccie-         XI. 
futtica!  iuftitutions,  to  the  more  virtuous  and  more  uner-  v       </—~ J 
ring  laws  of  nature*  >7' 

The  quarrel  between  the  king  and  the  fee  of  Rome 
continued  for  Come  years;  and  though  many  of  the  clergy, 
from  the  fear  of  puniihment,  obeyed  the  orders  of  John, 
and  celeb/aied  divine  fervice,  they  complied  withtheut- 
moft  reluctance,  and  were  regarded,  both  by  thcmiclves 
and  the  people,  as  men  who  betrayed  their  principles, 
and  facrificed  their  confeience  to  temporal  regards  and 
interells.  During  this  violent  iituution  the  king,  in  order 
to  give  a  lurtre  to  his  government,  attempted  military  cx- 
pedhions  againll  Scotland,  againll  Ireland,  againft  the 
Wellh*;  and  he  commonly  prevailed,  more  from  the 
weaknefs  of  his  enemies,  than  from  his  own  vigour  or  abi- 
lities. Meanwhile,  the  danger  to  which  his  government 
flood  continually  expofed  from  the  difcontents  of  the  ec- 
elefiaftics,  increafed  his  natural  propenfion  to  tyranny  ; 
and  he  feems  to  have  even  wantonly  difgufted  all  orders 
of  men,  efpecially  his  nobles,  from  whom  alone  he  could 
reafonably  expect  fupportand 'affntance.  He  dishonoured 
their  families  by  his  licentious  amours;  he  published  edicts, 
prohibiting  them  from  hunting  feathered  game,  and  there- 
by reft  rained  them  from  their  favourite  occupation  and  amufe- 
mentf;  he  ordered  all  the  hedges  and  fences  near  his  forefts 
to  be  levelled,  that  his  deer  might  have  more  ready  accefs in- 
to the  fields  for  pafture;  and  he  continually  loaded  the  nati- 
on with  arbitrary  impofitions.  Confcious  of  the  general 
haired  which  he  had  incurred,  he  required  his  nobility,  to  I2nS* 
give  him  hoftages  for  fecurify  of  their  allegiance  ;  and 
they  were  obliged  to  put  into  his  hands  their  fons,  ne- 
phews, or  near  relations.  When  his  medengers  came 
with  like  orders  to-  the  caftle  of  William  de  Braoufe,  a 
baron  of  great  note,  ;thc  lady  of  that  nobleman  replied, 
That  fhe  never  would  entruft  her  fon  into  the  hands  of 
one  who  had  murdered  his  own  nephew  while  in  his  cul- 
tody.  Herhufband  reproved  her  for  the  fevcrity  of  this 
fpcech  ;  but,  fenfible  of  his  danger,  he  immediately  fled 
with  his  wife  and  fon  into  Ireland,  where  lie  endeavoured 
to  conceal  himfelf.  'Fhe  king  difcovered  the  unhappy 
family  in  their  retreat  ,  feized  the  wife  and  fon,  whom  he 
ftarved  to  death  in  prilon  ;  and  tiie  baron  himfelf  narrowly 
efcaped,  by  flying  into  Fiance. 


"  W.  Heming.  p.    556.     J  ...  p,  a(« 

+  M.  Weft.  p.  2GS! 


* 


393  HISTORY     OF    ENGLAN  D. 

CHAP.  The  court  of  Rome  had  artfully  contrived  a  gradation 
XI.  of  fentences  ;  by  which  (he  kept  offenders  in  awe;  flill 
v ,.. '  afforded  thern  an  opportunity  of  preventing  the  next  ana- 
nog,  thema  by  fubmimon  j  and,  in  cafe  of  their  obflinacy,  was 
able  to  refrefh  the  horror  of  the  people  againfl  them,  by 
new  denunciations  of  the  wrath  and  vengeance  of  heaven. 
•As  the  fentence  of  interdict  had  not  produced  the  defired 
effect  on  John,  and  as  his  people,  though  extremely  dis- 
contented, had  hitherto  been  reftrained  from  rifing  in  open 
rebellion  againfl:  him,  be  was  foon  to  look  for  the  fentence 
of  excommunication  :  And  he  had  reafon  to  apprehend, 
that  notwiihfianding  all  his  precautions,  the  mofl  dange- 
rous confequences  might  enfue  from  it.  He  was  witnels 
of  the  other  fcenes  which  at  that  very  time  were  acting  in 
Europe,  and  which  difplayed  the  unbounded  and  uncon- 
trolled power  of  the  papacy.  Innocent,  far  from  being 
diimayed  at  his  contefls  with  the  king  of  England,  had 
excommunicated  the  emperor  Otho,  John's  nephew  *  ;  and 
loon  brought  that  powerful  and  haughty  prince  to  fubmit 
to  his  authority.  He  publifhcd  a  crufade  againfl  the  Albi- 
genfes,  a  l'pecies  of  enthufiafls  in  the  fouth  of  France, 
whom  he  denominated  heretics  ;  becaufe,  like  other  en- 
thufiafts,  they  neglected  the  rites  of  the  church,  and  op- 
poled  the  power  and  influence  of  the  clergy  :  The  people 
from  all  parts  of  Europe,  moved  by  their  fuperftition  and 
their  pillion  for  wars  and  ad.entures,  flocked  to  his  ftan- 
«  dard  :  Simon  de  Montfort,  the  general  of  the  crufade,  ac- 

quired to  hfVnfelf  a  Sovereignty   in  thefe  provinces  :   The 
count  of  Touloufe,  who  protected,  or  perhaps  only  tole- 
ratedthc  Albigenfes,  was  ftripped  of  his  dominions  :  And 
theTe'Tectarics  themlelves,   though  the  mod  innocent  and 
InorFenfr/e  of  mankind,  were  exterminated    with  all   the 
circumltances  of  extreme   violence   and  barbarity.     Here 
were  therefore  both  an  army  and  a  general,  dangerous  from 
„      .    their  zeal  and  valour,  who  might  be  directed  to  al\  againfl 
John  ;  and  Innocent,  after  keeping  the  thunder  long  iul- 
pended,  gave    at  Ipft  authority  to  the  bilhops  of  London, 
Excommu-     Ely,  and  Worcefler,  to  fulminate  the  fentence  ofexcom- 
nJcatkmof    munication  againfl  himf .  Thele  prelates  obeyed  ;  though 
)ns"       their  brethren  were  deterred  from  publishing,   as  the   pope 
required  of  them,  the  Sentence  in  the  feveral  churches  of 
their  diocefes. 

No  fooner  was  the  excommunication  known,  than  the 
effects  of  it  appeared.  Geoffrey,  archdeacon  of  Norwich, 
who  was  eniruiled    with  a  confiderable  office  in  the  court 

•  M.  Paris  p-  160.     Trive.t,  \$\.     M.  Weft,  p.  169. 
j  M.  Paris,  p.  130.     M.  Weft,  [>•  970. 


J      O      II      N.  399 

of  exchequer,  being   informed   of  it  while  fitting  on  the  C  H  A  P. 
bench,  obferved  to  his  colleagues    the   danger   of  ferving       XI. 

under  an  excommunicated  king;   and  he  immediately  left  v * ' 

his  chair,  and  departed  the  Court.  John  gave  orders  to 
feize  him,  to  throw  him  into  prifon,  to  cover  his  head  with 
a  great  leaden  cope;  and  by  this  and  other  fevere  r.fage  he 
foonput  an  end  to  his  life  *  :  Nor  was  there  any  thing  want- 
ing to  Geoffrey,  except  the  dignity  and  rank  of  Becket, 
to  exalt  him  to  an  equal  nation  in  heaven  with  that  great 
and  celebrated  martyr.  Hugh  de  Wells,  the  chancellor, 
being  elected,  by  the  king''s  appointment,  bifhop  of  Lin- 
coln, upon  a  vacancy  in  that  fee,  defired  leave  to  go  a- 
broad,  in  order  to  receive  confecration  from  the  archbilho]^ 
of  Rouen  ;  but  he  no  iboner  reached  France  than  he  hafte- 
ned  to  Pontigny,  were  Langton  then  refided, and  paid  iub- 
iniilions  to  him  as  his  primate.  The  biftHcps,  finding  them- 
felves  expofed  either  to  the  jealouiy  of  the  king  01  hatred 
of  the  people,  gradually  Hole  out  of  the  kingdom;  and  at 
lafl  there  remained  only  three  prelates  to  perform  the  func- 
tions of  the  epilcopal  omcef.  Many  of  the  nobility,  ter- 
rified by  John's  tyranny,  and  obnoxious  to  him  on  diffe- 
rent accounts,  imitated  the  example  of  the  bifhops ;  and 
meft  of  the  others  who  remained  were,  with  reafon,  fuf- 
petted  of  having  fecretly  entered  into  a  confederacy  a- 
gainU  him  J.  John  was  alarmed  at  his  dangerous  (ituation; 
a  fituation  which  prudence,  vigour,  and  popularity  might 
formerly  have  prevented,  hut  which  no  virtues  or  abilities 
were  now  fufficient  to  retrieve.  He  defired  a  conference 
with  Langton  at  Dover  ;  offered  to  acknowledge  him  as 
primate,  to  fubrr.it  to  the  pope,  to  reflore  the  exiled  cleray, 
even  to  pay  them  a  limited  fum  as  a  compenfation  for  the 
'rents  of  their  con fifcated  eftates.  But  Langton,  perceiving 
his  advantage,  was  not  Satisfied  with  thefe  conceffions:  He 
demanded  that  full  reftitution  and  reparation  fhould  be 
made  to  all  the  clergy  ;  a  condition  fo  exorbitant  that  the 
king  who  probably  had  not  the  power  of  fulfilling  it,  and 
who  forefaw  that  this  estimation  of  damages  might  amount 
to  an  immenfe  fum,  finally  broke  off  the  conference!!. 

The  next  gradation  of  papal  fentences  was  to  abfolve 
John's  fubjecls  from  their  oaths  of  iidelitv  and  allegiance,  I2,J- 
and  to  declare  every  one  excommunicated  who  had  any 
commerce  with  him  in  public  or  in  private;  at  his  table, 
in  his  council,  or  even  in  private  eonverfation*  * :  And 
this  fentence  was  accordingly,  with  all  imaginable  folem- 
nity,  pronounced  againit  him.     But  as  John  ftill  perfevc- 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  159.  j  Ann.  Waverl.  p.  170.      Ann.  Marg.  p.  14. 
t  M.  Paris,  p.  162.     M.  Weft.  p.  270,  271.  a.  Waved,  p.  iji. 

*  *  M.  Paris,  p.  161.     M.  Weft.  p.  270. 


400  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  rc^  in  ms  contumacy,  there  remained  nothing  but  the  ferr- 
XI.        tencc  of  depofition  ;   which,  though  intimately  connected 

* „ >  with    the    former,  had  been   diltinguifhed   from  it  by  the 

iai2.       artifice  of  the  court  of  Rome  ;  and  Innocent  determined  to 
dart  this  lafl  thunderbolt  againft   the   refractory  monarch. 
But  as  a  fentence  of  this  kind  required  an   armed  force  to 
execute  it,  the   pontiff,  carting   his   eyes  around,  fixed  at 
lalt  on    Philip  king  of  France,    as  the  perfon  into  whofe 
powerful  hand  he  could  moll  properly  entruft  that  weapon, 
the  ultimate   refource   of  his    ghoftly  authority.     And  he 
>red  the  monarch,  befides  the    remiffion  of  all   his  fins 
*  and  endlefs  fpiritual  benefits,   the  property   and   polTeffion 
of  the  kingdom    of  England,   as    the    reward  of    his  la- 
bour *. 
,ai.  It  was  the  common   concern   of  all  princes  to  oppofe 

thel'e  exorbitant  pretentions  of  the  Roman  pontiff,  by  which 
they  themfelves  were  rendered  vaffals,  and  vaffals  totally 
dependent,  of  the  papal  crown:  Yet  even  Philip,  the  mofi 
able  monarch  of  the  age,  was  feduced  by  preient  intereft, 
and  by  the  prolpect  of  lb  tempting  a  prize,  to  accept  this 
liberal  offer  of  the  pontiff,  and  thereby  to  ratify  that  au- 
thority which,  if  he  ever  oppofed  its  boundlefs  ufurpations, 
might  next  day  tumble  him  from  the  throne.  He  levied 
a  great  amy  :  fummoned  all  the  vaffals  of  the  crown  to 
attend  him  at  Rouen  ;  collected  a  fleet  of  1700  veffels, 
great  and  final!,  in  the  fea  ports  of  iVormandy  and  Pi- 
cardy  ;  and  partly  from  the  zealous  fpirit  of  the  age,  part- 
ly from  the  penonal  regard  universally  paid  him,  prepared 
a  force,  which  Itemed  equal  to  the  greatnefs  of  his  enter- 
prife.  The  king,  on  the  other  hand,  iffued  out  writs,  re- 
quiring the  attendance  of  all  his  military  tenants  at  Dover, 
and  even  of  all  able-bodied  men,  to  defend  the  kingdom 
in  this  dangerous  extremity.  A  great  number  appeared  ; 
and  he  felected  a,n  army  of  60,000  men  ;  a  power  invinci- 
ble, had  they. been  united  in  affection  to  their  prince, 
and  animated  with  a  becoming  zeal  for  the  defence  of  their, 
native  country  f.  But  the  people  were  fwayed  by  fuper- 
flition,  and  regarded  their  king  with  horror,  as  anathe- 
matifed  by  papal  cenfures  ]  The  barons,  befides  lying  un- 
der the  fame  prejudices,  were  all  difgufted  by  his  tyranny, 
and  were,  many  of  them,  fufpected  of  holding  a  fecret  cor- 
refpondence  with  the  enemy  :  And  the  incapacity  and 
cowardice  of  the  king  himfelf,  ill  fitted  to  contend  with 
thofe  mighty  difficulties,  made  men  prognoflicate  the  moft 
fatal  effects  from  the  French  invafion. 

»  M.  Paris  p.    16?.     M.  Weft.  p.    271. 
f  M.   Pans,  p.    U'j.     M.  Weft.  p.   271. 


JOHN.  401 

Pandolf,  whom  the  pope  had  chofen  for  his  legale, 
and  appointed  to  head  this  important  expedition,  had,  be- 
fore he  left  Rome,  applied  for  a  fecret  conference  with 
his  mafler,  and  had  afked  him,  whether  if  the  king  of  121*'  J 
England,  in  this  delperate  fituation,  were  willing  to  fubmit 
to  the  apoftolic  fee,  the  church  fhould,  without  the  confent 
of  Philip,  grant  him  any  terms  of  accommodation*?  In- 
nocent, expecting  from  his  agreement  with  a  prince  fo 
abject  both  in  character  and  fortune,  more  advantages  than 
from  his  alliance  with  a  great  and  victorious  monarch, 
who,  after  fuch  mighty  acquifitions,  might  become  too 
haughty  to  be  bound  by  fpintual  chains,  explained  to  Pan- 
dolf the  conditions  on  which  he  was  willing  to  be  recon- 
ciled to  the  king  of  England.  The  legate,  therefore,  as 
too n  as  he  arrived  in  the  north  of  France,  fent  over  two 
knights  templars  to  defire  an  interview  with  John  at  Dover, 
which  was  readily  granted  :  He  there  reprefented  to  him, 
in  fuch  ftrong,  and  probablv  in  fuch  true  colours,  his  loft 
condition,  the  difattection  of  his  fubjects,  the  fecret  com- 
bination ot  his  valTals  againft  him,  the  mighty  armament 
of  France,  that  John  yielded  at  difcretion  f,  and  fubferibed    »3thlfar« 

to  all  the  conditions  which  Pandolf  was  plealed  to  impofe  J^  .k'n5S 
.  .  . .  ...  *  -II        iuhaiiflion 

upon  him.      trie  promiled,  among  many  other  articles,  that  toihe  rope. 

he  would  fubmit  himfelf  entirely  to  the  judgment  of  the 
pope  ;  that  he  would  acknowledge  Langton  for  primate  ; 
that  he  would  reftore  all  the  exiled  clergy  and  laity  who 
had  been  banifhed  on  account  of  the  conteft ;  that  he  would 
make  them  full  rellitution  of  their  goods,  and  compenfation 
for  all  damages,  and  inftantly  c.pnfign  eight  thoufand 
pounds  in  part  of  payment ;  and  that  every  one  outlawed 
or  imprifoned  for  his  adherence  to  the  pope,  fhould  imme- 
diately be  received  into  grace  and  favour  J.  Four  barons 
fwore,  along  with  the  king,  to  the  observance  of  this  ig- 
nominious treaty  ||. 

But  the  ignominy  of  the  king  was  not  yet  carried  to 
its  full  height.  Pandolf  required  him,  as  the  firft  trial  of 
obedience,  to  refign  his  kingdom  to  the  church  ;  and  he 
perfuaded  him,  that  he  could  nowife  fo  efTeftually  difap- 
point  the  French  invafion,  as  by  thus  putting  himfelf 
under  the  immediate  protection  of  the  apoftolic  fee.  John, 
lying  under  the  agonies  of  prefent  terror,  made  no  fcruple 
of  tubmvtting  to  this  condition.  He  paifed  a  charter,  in 
which  hefaid,  that  not  confirained  by  fear,  but  of  his  own 
free  will,  and  by  the  common  advice  and  consent  of    his 

Vol.  I.  3  F 

*  II,  Pari?,  p.  16c.  f  M«  Weft.  p.  271.  t  Rympr, 

vol.  i.  p.  166.     M.  Paris  p.  i6j.     Annal.  Buit.  p.  jj  Rymei,  \ul. 

I.  p.  170.     M.  Paris,  p,  i6j. 


402  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  barons,  he  had,  for  remiffion  of  his  own  fins,  and  thofc  of 
XI.        his  family,  refigned  England  and  Ireland  to   God,    to  St. 

* « '  Peter  and  St.  Paul,  and  to  pope  Innocent  and  his  Iucceflbrs 

,2,i-  in  the  apoftolic  chair  :  He  agreed  to  hold  thefe  dominions 
as  feudatory  of  the  church  of  Rome,  bv  the  annual  pay- 
ment of  a  thoufand  marks  ;  feven  hundred  for  England, 
three  hundred  for  Ireland  :  And  he  ftipulated,  that  if  he 
or  his  Iucceflbrs  fhould  ever  prefume  to  revoke  or  infringe 
this  charter,  they  'fhould  inftantly,  except  upon  admonition 
they  repented  of  their  offence,  forfeit  all  right  to  their  do- 
minions*. 

iVh  May.  IN  confequence  of  this  agreement,  John  did  homage  to 
Pandolf  as  the  pope's  legate,  with  all  the  fubmiffive  rites 
"which  the  feudal  law  required  of  vaffals  before  their  liege  - 
lord  and  fuperior.  He  came  di farmed  into  the  legate's 
prelence,  who  was  feated  on  a  throne ;  he  flung  himfelf 
on  his  knees  before  him  ;  he  lifted  up  his  joined  hands, 
and  put  them  within  thofe  of  Pandolf;  he  fwore  fealty  to 
the  pope  ;  and  he  paid  part  of  his  tribute  which  he  owed 
for  his  kingdom  as  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter.  The  le- 
gate, elated  by  this  fupreme  triumph  of  facerdotal  power, 
couid  not  forbear  difcovering  extravagant  fymptoms  of  joy 
and  exultation  :  He  trampled  on  the  money  which  was 
laid  at  his  feet,  as  an  earnefi  of  the  fubjeclion  of  the 
kingdom  :  An  infolence  of  which,  however  offer/five  to 
all  the  Englifh,  no  one  prefent,  except  the  archhifhop  of 
Dublin,  dared  to  take  anv  notice.  But  though  Pandolf 
had  brought  the  king  to  fubmit  to  thefe  bafe  conditions,  he 
flill  refufed  to  free  him  from  the  excommunication  and  in- 
terdict, till  an  eftimation  fhould  be  taken  of  the  lofles 
of  the  eccleftaftics,  and  full  compenfation  and  reftitution 
fhould  be  mad;  them. 

John,  reduced  to  this  abject  fituation  under  a  foreign 
power,  flill  fhowed  the  fame  difpofition  to  tyrannife  over 
his  fubjects,  which  had  been  the  chief  caufe  of  all  his 
misfortunes.  One  Peter  of  Pomfret,  a  hermit,  had  fore- 
told that  the  king,  this  very  year,  fhould  lofe  his  crown  ; 
and  for  that  ra!h  prophecy  he  had  been  thrown  into  prifon 
in  Corfe-Cafile.  John  now  determined  to  bring  him  to 
punifhmenf  as  an  impoftor  ;  and  though  the  man  pleaded, 
that  his  prophecy  was  fulfilled,  and  that  the  king  had  loft 
the  royal  and  independent  crown  which  he  formerly  wore, 
the  defence  was  fuppofed  to  aggravate  his  guilt  :  He  was 
dragged  at  horles  tails,  to  the  town  of  Warham,  and  there 
hanged  on  a  gibbet  with  his  fonf. 


*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  176.     M.  Paris,  p.  165. 

f  M.  1'arij,  p.  165,     Chron.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  (6. 


JOHN.  403 

When  Pandolf,  after  receiving  the  homage  of   John,  C  H  A  P. 
returned  to  France,  he  congratulated  Philip  on  the  fuccels       XI. 

of  his  pious    enterprife;   and  informed  him,    that    John,  \ «. ' 

moved  by  the  terror  of  the  French  arms,  had  now  come  liI-' 
to  a  juft  fenfe  of  his  guilt  ;  had  returned  to  obedience 
under  the  apoflolic  fee;  and  even  contented  to  do  homage 
to  the  pope  for  his  dominions;  and  having  thus  made  his 
kingdom  apart  of  St.  Peter's  patrimony,  had  rendered  it 
impolfible  for  any  Chriftian  prince,  wiihout  the  mod  ma- 
nifeft  and  mofi  flagrant  impiety,  to  attack,  him*.  Philip 
was  enraged  on  receiving  this  intelligence  :  He  exclaimed, 
that  having,  at  the  pope's  inftigation,  undertaken  an  expe- 
dition, which  had  colt  him  above  60,000  pounds  flerling, 
he  was  fruftrated  of  his  purpole,  at  the  time  when  its  fuc- 
ccl's  was  become  infallible:  He  complained,  that  all  the 
expence  had  fallen  upon  him  ;  all  the  advantages  had  ac- 
crued to  Innocent  :  He  threatened  to  be  no  longer  the 
dupe  of  thefe  hypocritical  pretences:  And  aflembling  his 
vailals,  he  laid  before  them  the  ill-treatment  which  he 
had  received,  expofed  the  interefted  and  fradulent  con- 
duct of  the  pope,  and  required  their  amfiance  to  execute 
his  enterprife  againft  England,  in  which  he  told  them, 
that,  notwidiftanding  the  inhibitions  and  menaces  of  the 
legate,  he  was  determined  to  perfevere.  The  French  ba- 
rons were,  in  that  age,  little  lets  ignorant  and  fuperftitii- 
ous  than  the  Englifh  :  Yet,  fo  much  does  the  influence 
of  thole  religious  principles  depend  on  the  prefent  dilpo- 
fitions  of  men !  they  ail  vowed  to  follow  their  prince  on 
his  intended  expedition,  and  were  relolute  not  to  be  dif- 
appointed  of  that  glory  and  thole  riches  which  they  had 
long  expected  from  this  enterprife.  .1  he  earl  of  Flanders 
alone,  who  had  previoufiy  formed  a  fecret  treaty  with 
John,  declaring  againft  the  injufiice  and  impiety  of  the 
undertaking,  retired  with  his  forces  f;  and  Philip,  that 
he  might  not  leave  fo  dangerous  an  enemy  behind  him,  firft 
turned  his  arms  againft  the  dom'nions  of  that  prince. 
Meanwhile,  the  Englifh  fleet  was  affembied  under  the 
earl  of  Saliiburv,  the  king's  natural  brother;  and,  though 
inferior  in  number,  received  orders  to  attack  the  French 
in  their  harbours.  Saliiburv  performed  this  fervice  with 
jo  much  fuccefs,  that  he  took  three  hundred  lhips  ;  des- 
troyed a  hundred  more  j  :  And  Philip,  finding  it  lmpolli- 
ble  to  prevent  the  rell  f  om  failing  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  fet   fire   to  them  himfelf,  and    thereby    rendered 


*  'I  rivet,  p.  160.  •.;.  !>!<;,  p.  166. 

%  M.  i'siiis,  p.  166.     Chi  •  >1.  i.  i».  59.     1  rivet,  p.  157. 


404  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  II  A  P.  it  impofiible  for  him  to  proceed   any  farther  in  his  enter- 
XL      prife. 

*— ■ -n '       John,  exulting  in  his    prefent  fecurity,    infenfible  to 

?3,3-  his  pall  difgrace,  was  fo  elated  with  his  fuccefs,  that  he 
thought  of  no  lefs  than  invading  France  in  his  turn,  and 
recovering  all  thole  provinces  which  the  profperous  arms 
of  Philip  had  formerly  raviihed  from  him.  He  propofed 
this  expedition  to  the  barons,  who  were  already  aflembled 
for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom.  But  the  Englifh  nobles 
both  hated  and  defpifed  their  prince:  They  prognofticated 
no  fuccefs  to  any  enterprife  conducted  by  fuch  a  leader  ; 
And  pretending  that  their  time  of  fervice  was  elapfed,  and 
all  their  provifions  exhaufled,  they  refufed  to  fecond  his 
undertaking*.  The  king  however,  refolute  in  his  pur- 
pofe,  embarked  with  a  few  followers,  and  failed  to  Jerfey, 
in  the  foolifh  expectation  that  the  barons  would  at  lafl  be 
afhamed  to  flay  behind  f.  But  finding  himfelf  difappoint- 
ed,  he  returned  to  England;  and  raifing  fome  troops, 
threatened  to  take  vengeance  on  all  his  nobles  for  their  de- 
ifertion  and  difobediencc.  The  archbifhop  of  Canterbury, 
who  was  in  a  confederacy  with  the  barons,  here  interpofed  ; 
frrictly  inhibited  the  king  from  thinking  of  fuch  an  attempt; 
and  threatened  him  with  a  renewal  of  the  fentence  of  ex- 
communication, if  he  pretended  to  levy  war  upon  any  of 
his  fubjects,  before  the  kingdom  were  freed  from  the  fen- 
tence of  interdict  ^. 

The  church  had  recalled  the  feveral  anathemas  pro- 
nounced againfr  John,  by  the  fame  gradual  progrefs  with 
which  fhe  had  at  firft  iffued  them.  By  receiving  his  ho- 
mage, and  admitting  him  to  the  rank  of  a  vaflal,  hisdepo- 
Fition  had  been  virtually  annulled,  and  his  fubjects  were 
again  bound  by  their  oaths  of  allegiance.  The  exiled 
prelates  had  then  returned  in  great  triumph,  with  Langton 
at  their  head  ;  and  the  king,  hearing  of  their  approach, 
went  forth  to  meet  them,  and  throwing  himfelf  on  the 
ground  before  them,  he  entreated  them,  with  tears,  to  have 

Rot  July,  ^omp^flfion  on  hjm  an£j  tjie  kingdom  of  England  ||.  The 
primate,  feeing  thefe  marks  of  fincere  penitence,  led  him 
to  the  chapter-houfe  of  Winchefler,  and  there  adrniniftered 
an  oath  to  him,  by  which  he  again  fvvore  fealty  and  obe- 
dience to  pope  Innocent  and  his  fucceflbrs  ;  promifed  to 
love,  maintain,  and  defend  holy  church  and  the  clergy; 
engaged  that  he  would  re-effablifh  the  good  laws  of  his 
predecelTors,  particularly  thofe  of  St.  Edward,  and  would 
aboliih   the  wicked  ones;   and  expreiled  his  refolution   of 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  166.  f  Ibid.  J  Ibid.  p.  167. 

||  M.  Paiis,  p.  j6G,     Ann.  Waverl.  p.  178. 


JOHN.  405 

maintaining  judice  and  right  in  all  his  dominions*.    The  CHAP. 
primate  next   gave  him  abfohifion  in   the  requifite  forms,        XI. 

and  admitted  him  to  dine  with  him,  to  the  great  joy  of  all  * *— ' 

the  people.  The  fentence  of  interdict,  however,  was  dill  l21^' 
uplv.-ld  againd  the  kingdom.  A  new  legate,  Nicholas 
bifliop  of  Frefeati,  came  into  England  in  the  room  of  Pan- 
dolf ;  and  he  declared  it  to  be  the  pope's  intentions  never 
to  ioofen  that  fentence  till  full  reditution  were  made  to 
the  clergy  of  every  thing  taken  from  them,  and  ample  re- 
paration for  all  damages  which  they  had  fuitained.  He  on  * 
ly  permitted  mafs  to  be  faid  with  a  low  voice  in  the  chur- 
ches, till  thofe  lodes  and  damages  could  be  edimated  to 
the  fatisfa&ion  of  the  parties.  Certain  barons  were  ap- 
pointed to  take  an  account  of  the  claims  ;  and  John  was 
adonifhed  at  the  greatnefs  of  ihe  funis  to  which  the  clergy 
made  their  loiTes  to  amount.  No  lefs  than  twenty  thou- 
fand marks  were  demanded  by  the  monks  of  Canterbury 
alone  ;  twenty-three  thoufand  for  the  fee  of  Lincoln;  and 
the  king,  finding  thefe  pretenfions  to  be  exorbitant  and 
endlefs,  offered  the  clergv  the  fum  of  a  hundred  thoufand 
marks  for  a  final  acquittal.  The  clergy  reje6ted  the  offer 
with  difdain  ;  but  the  pope,  willing  to  favour  his  new  vaf- 
fal,  whom  he  found  zealous  in  his  declarations  of  fealty, 
and  regular  in  paying  the  flipulated  tribute  to  Rome,  di- 
rected his  legate  to  accept  of  forty  thoufand.  The  idue 
of  the  whole  was,  that  the  bithops  and  confiderable  abbots 
got  reparation  beyond  what  they  had  any  title  to  demand : 
The  inferior  clergy  were  obliged  to  fitdown  contented  with 
their  lodes  :  And  the  king,  after  the  interdict  was  taken 
off,  renewed,  in  the  mod  folemn  manner,  and  by  a  new 
charter,  fealed  with  gold,  his  profeilions  of  homage  and 
obedience  to  the  fee  of  Pome. 

When  this  vexatious  affair  was  at  lad  brought  to  a  con-  1214- 
clufion,  the  king,  as  if  he  had  nothing  farther  to  attend 
to  but  triumphs  and  victories,  went  over  lo  Poiftou,  which 
dill  acknowledged  his  authoritvt ;  and  he  carried  war 
into  Philip's  dominions.  He  befieged  a  cadle  near  An- 
giers  ;  but  the  approach  of  prince  Lewis,  Philip's  fon, 
obliged  him  to  raife  the  fiege  with  fuch  precipitation,  that 
he  left  his  tents,  machiqes,  and  baggage  behind  him  ; 
and  he  returned  to  England  with  dilgrace.  About  the 
lame  time,  he  heard  of  the  great  and  decifive  victory  gained 
by  the  king  of  France  at  Bovines  over  the  emperor  Otho, 
who  had  entered  France  at  the  head  of  ir;o,ooo  Germans; 
a  victory  which  idabiithed  forever  the  glory  of  Philip, 
and  gave  full  fecurity   to  all  his  dominions.     John  could, 

»  M.  ParN,  p.  j66.  f  t^iieen  Eleanor  c!ied  in  12^3  or  1204. 


4o5  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  therefore,  think  henceforth  of  nothing  farther,  than    of 
XI.        ruling  peaceably  his  own  kingdom;  and  his  clofeconnec- 

v , '  tionswith  the  pope,  which  he  was  determined  at  any  price 

l2li-  to  maintain,  enlured  him,  as  he  imagined,  the  certain  at- 
tainment of  that  object.  But  the  laft  and  moft  grievous 
fcene  of  this  prince's  misfortunes  ftill  awaited  him  ;  and 
he  wasdeftined  to  pafs  through  a  feries  of  more  humiliat- 
ing circumftances  than  had  ever  yet  fallen  to  the  lot  of 
any  other  monarch. 
Difcon-  The  introduction    of  the  feudal  law  into  Engjand  by 

tents  of  the  William  the  Conqueror,  had  much  infringed  the  liberties, 
barons.  however  imperpect,  enjoyed  by  the  Anglo-Saxons  in  their 
ancient  government,  and  had  reduced  the  whole  people 
to  a  ftate  of  vaflalage  under  the  king  or  barons,  and  even 
the  greater  part  of  them  to  a  fiate  of  real  flavery.  The 
neceiTity  alfo  of  entrufting  great  power  in  the  hands  of  a 
prince,  who  was  to  maintain  military  dominion  over  a  van- 
quifhed  nation,  had  engaged  the  Norman  barons  to  lub- 
mitto  a  more  fevere  and  ablolute  prerogative,  than  that  to 
which  men  of  their  rank,  iu  other  feudal  governments, 
wece  commonly  fubjected.  The  power  of  the  crown, 
once  raifed  to  a  high  pitch,  was  not  eahly  reduced  ;  and 
the  nation,  during  the  courfe  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  years, 
was  governed  by  an  authority  unknown,  in  the  fame  de- 
gree to  all  the  kingdoms  founded  by  the  northern  conque- 
rors. Henry  I.  that  he  might  allure  the  people  to  give 
an  exclufion  to  his  elder  brother  Robert,  had  granted  them 
a  charter,  favourable  in  many  particulars  to  their  liberties; 
Stephen  had  renewed  the  grant ;  Henry  II.  had  confirmed 
it  :  But  the  conceffions  of  all  thefe  princes  had  ftill  remain- 
ed without  effect  ;  and  the  fame  unlimited,  at  leaft  irre- 
gular authority,  continued  to  be  exercifed  both  by  them 
and  their,  fucceffors.  The  only  happinefs  was,  that  arms 
were  never  yet  ravifhed  from  the  hands  of  the  barons  and 
people  :  The  nation,  by  a  great  confederacy,  might  fiill 
vindicate  its  liberties:  And  nothing  was  more  likely,  than 
the  character,  condudt  and  fortunes  of  the  reigning  prince, 
to  produce  fuch  a  general  combination  againft  him.  Equal- 
ly odious  and  contemptible,  both  in  public  and  private  life, 
he  affronted  the  barons  by  his  infolence,  diflionoured  their 
families  bv  his  gallantries,  enraged  them  by  his  tyranny, 
and  gave  difcontent  to  all  ranks  0/  men  by  hisendlefs  ex- 
actions and  impofitions*.  The  effect  of  thefe  lawlefs 
practices  had  already  appeared  in  the  general  demand  made 
by  the  barons  of  a  reftoration  of  their  privileges ;  and  af- 

*  Chron.  Mailr.  p.  iSS.     T.  Wykes,  p.  36.     Ann.  Waved,   p,  181.     W. 
Heming.  p.  557. 


JOHN.  407 

ter  he  had  reconciled  himfelf  to  the  pope,  by  abandoning  CHAP, 
the   independence  of  the    kingdom,  he   appeared   to  all       XI. 

his  fubjects  in  Co  mean  a  light,  that  they  univerfally  thought  ' » ' 

they  might  with  fafcty  and  honour  infill   upon  their  pre-      I2'4* 
tenfions. 

But  nothing  forwarded  this  confederacy  fo  much  as 
the  concurrence  of  Langton  archbilhop  of  Canterbury  ;  a 
man  whofe  memory,  though  he  was  obtruded  on  the  nation 
by  a  palpable  encroachment  of  the  fee  of  Rome,  ought 
always  to  be  rei'pecled  by  the  Englilh.  This  prelate, 
whether  he  was  moved   by  the  generofity   of  his   nature,  , 

and  his  affection  to  public  good  ;  or  had  entertained 
an  animofity  againft  John  on  account  of  the  long  oppofiti- 
on  made  bv  that  prince  to  his  eleclion  ;  or  thought  that 
an  acquifition  of  liberty  to  the  people  would  ferve  to  in- 
crealeand  fecurc  the  privileges  of  the  church;  had  formed 
the  plan  of  reforming  the  government,  and  had  prepared 
the  way  for  that  great  innovation,  by  infecting  thofe  Angu- 
lar claufes  above  mentioned  in  the  oath  which  he  adminif- 
tered  to  the  king,  before  he  would  abfolve  him  from  the 
fentence  of  excommunication.  Soon  after,  in  a  private 
meeting  of  fome  principal  barons  at  London,  he  fhowed 
them  a  copy  of  Henry  I.'s  charter,  which,  he  laid,  he  had 
happily  found  in  a  monaftery  ;  and  he-exhorted  them  to 
infill  on  the  renewal  and  obfervance  of  it  :  The  barons 
fwore,  that  thev  would  fooner  loie  their  lives  than  depart 
from  lb  reafonable  a  demand  *.  The  confederacy  began 
now  to  fpread  wider,  and  to  comprehend  almoft  all  the 
barons  in  England  ;  and  a  new  and  more  numerous  meet- 
ing was  fummoned  by  Langton  at  St.  Edmonfbury,  under 
colour  of  devotion.  He  again  produced  to  the  affembly  November, 
the  old  charter  of  Henry;  renewed  his  exhortations  of 
unanimity  and  vigour  in  the  profecution  of  their  purpofe  ; 
and  reprefented  in  the  ftrongeft  colours  the  tyranny  to 
which  they  had  fo  long  been  1  ibjecled,  and  from  which 
it  now  behoved  them  to  free  thcmlelves  and  their  pofleri- 
tyf.  The  barons,  inflamed  by  his  eloquence,  incited  by 
the  (enl'c  of  their  own  wrongs,  and  encouraged  by  the  ap- 
pearance of  their  power  and  numbers,  folemnly  took  an 
oath,  before  the  high  altar,  to  adhere  to  each  other,  to  in- 
fill on  their  demands,  and  to  make  endlefs  war  on  the 
king,  till  he  fhould  fubmit  to  grant  them  J.  They  agreed, 
that,  after  the  feflival  of  Chriftmas,  they  would  prefer  in 
a  body  their  common  petition  ;  and,  in  the  mean  time, 
they  feparated,  after  mutually  engaging,  that  they  would 
put  themfelves  in  a  poflure  of  defence,  would  inlift   men 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  167.  f  Ibid.  p.  175.  ?  Ibid.  p.  176. 


408  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  and  purchafe  arms,  and  would  fupply  their  caftles  with  the 

XI.        necellary   provihons. 
v „ *        The  barons  appeared  in  London  on  the  day  appointed  ; 

I2"5*       and  demanded  of  the  king,  that,  in   confequence  of  his 

6th  Jan.  K.     ,      -  .  .     &'  '        ,,  .         .    r 

own  oath  betore  the  primate,  as  well  as  in  deference  to 
their  juft  rights,  he  fhould  grant  them  a  renewal  of  Hen- 
ry's charter,  and  a  confirmation  of  the  laws  of  St.  Edward. 
The  king,  alarmed  with  their  zeal  and  unanimity,  as  well 
as  with  their  power,  required  a  delay  ;  promifed  that,  at 
the  feftival  of  Eafter,  he  would  give  them  a  pofitive  anfwer 
to  their  petition  ;  and  offered  them  thearchbifhop  of  Can- 
terbury, the  bifhop  of  Ely,  and  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  the 
mareichal,  as  fureties  for  his  fulfilling  this  engagement*. 
The  barons  accepted  of  the  terms,  and  peaceably  returned 
to  their  cafties. 
15th  Jan.  During  this  interval,  John,  in  order  to  break  or  fub- 

due  the  league  of  his  barons,  endeavoured  to  avail  him- 
lelf  of  the  ecclefiaftical  power,  of  whole  influence  he  had, 
from  his  own  recent  misfortunes,  haci  iu'cii  fatal  experi- 
ence. He  granted  to  the  clergy  a  chartft^jjlrelinquiming 
lor  ever  that  important  prerogative  for  which  his  father 
and  all  his  aneeftors  had  zealoully  contended  ;  yielding  to 
them  the  free  election  on  all  vacancies  ;  referving  only 
the  power  to  iffue  a  conge  d,'elire,  and  to  fubjoin  a  con- 
firmation of  the  election  ;  and  declaring  that,  if  either  of 
thefe  were  withheld, ^the  choice  fhould  neverthelefs  be 
deemed  juft  and  valid^I  He  made  a  vow  to  lead  an  army 
into  Paleftine  againft  the  infidels,  and  he  took  on  him  the 
crofs  ;  in  hopes  that  he  fhould  receive  from  the  church 
that  protection  which  he  tendered  to  every  one  that  had 
entered  into  this  facred  and  meritorious  engagement  J. 
And  he  fent  to  Rome  his  agent,  William  de  Mauclerc, 
in  order  to  appeal  to  the  pope  againft;  the  violence  of  his 
barons,  and  procure  him  a  favourable  fentence  from  that 
powerful  tribunal ||.  The  barons  alfo  were  not  negligent 
on  their  part  in  endeavouring  to  engage  the  pope  in  their 
interefts:  They  difpatched  Euftace  de  Vefcie  to  Rome  ; 
laid  their  cafe  before  Innocent  as  their  feudal  lord;  and 
petitioned  him  to  interpofe  his  authority  with  the  king, 
and  oblige  him  to  reftore  and  confirm  all  their  juft  and 
undoubted  privileges**. 

Innocent  beheld  with  regret  the  difturbances  which 
had  arifen  in  England,  and  was  much  inclined  to  favour 
Tohn  in  his  pretentions.  He  had  no  hopes  of  retaining 
and  extending    his  newly  acquired    fuperiority  over  that 

*   M.  Paris,  p.  176.     W.  Weft.  p.  273.  f  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  107. 

t  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  200.     Trivet,  p.  192.     T.  Wykes,  p.  37.     M.  Weft. 

p.  273.  ||  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  184.  **  Ibid. 


JOHN.  409 

kingdom,  but  by   fupporting  (o  bale    and  degenerate   a  c  H  A  P. 
prince,  who  was   willing   to  facrifice  every  conhdeiation       XI. 

to  his  prefent  fafety  :  And  he  forefaw,  that,  it  the  adminit-  ' * ' 

tration  {hould  tall  into  the  hands  of  thofe  gallant  and  I21^- 
high-fpirited  barons,  they  would  vindicate  the  honour, 
tv,  and  independence  of  the  nation,  with  the  lame 
ardour  which  thev  now  exerted  in  defence  of  their  own. 
He  wrote  letters  therefore  to  the  prelates,  to  the  nobility, 
and  to  the  king  himfelf.  He  exhorted  the  full  to  employ 
their  good  ofhees  in  conciliating  peace  between  the  con- 
tending parties,  and  puttingan  end  to  civil  difcord  :  To 
thefecond,  he  exprelVed  his  disapprobation  of  their  con- 
duit in  employing  force  to  extort  concevuons  from  their 
reluctant  Sovereign :  The  lafr,  he  advifed  to  treat  his 
nobles  with  grace  and  indulgence,  and  to  grant  them 
fuch  ol  their  demands  as  mould  appear  juft  and  reafon- 
abie*. 

The  baron's eafily  law,  from  the  tenor  of  thefe  letters, 
that  thev  muft  reckon  on  having  the  pope,  as  well  as  the 
king,  for  their  ad verfary  ;  but  thev  had  already  advanced 
too  far  to  recede  from  their  pretentions,  and  their  paffions 
were  lb  deeply  engaged,  that  it  exceeded  even  the  power 
of  fuperftition  itfelf  any  longer  to  control  them.  They 
alfo  fore  fa  w,  that  the  thunders  of  Rome,  when  not  fecond- 
ed  hv  :he  efforts  of  the  Englilh  ecclefiallics,  would  be  of 
fmull  avail  againfi  them  ;  and  they  perceived,  that  the  moft 
considerable  of  the  prelates,  as  well  as  all  the  inferior 
clerey,  profeffed  the  higheil  approbation  of  their  caufe. 
fJclides  that  thefe  men  were  Seized  with  the  national  pafli- 
on  for  laws  and  liberty  ;  bleflings,  of  which  they  them- 
lelves  expected  to  partake;  there  concurred  very  powerful 
caufes  to  iooSen  their  devoted  attachment  to  the  apoftolic 
L'e.  It  appeared,  from  the  late  ulurpations  of  the  Roman 
pontiff',  that  he  pretended  to  reap  alone  all  the  advantages 
accruing  from  that  victory,  which,  under  his  banners, 
though  at  their  own  peril,  they  had  everywhere  obtai-ned 
over  the  civil  magistrate.  The  pope  a  (Turned  a  delpotic  pow- 
er over  all  the  churches  :  Their  particular  euftoms,  privi- 
leges, and  immunities,  were  treated  with  dildain  :  Even 
the  ca  ions  of  general  councils  were  let  afide  by  his  diS- 
penfing  power  :  The  whole  administration  of  the  church 
was  centered  in  the  court  of  Rome  :  All  preferments  ran 
of  courfe  in  the  fame  channel  :  And  the  provincial  clergy 
faw,  at  lead  felt,  that  there  was  a  neceflity  for  limiting 
thefe  pretenfions.     The  legate,  Nicholas,  in  filling  thofe 

Vol.  1.  3  G 

*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  196,  197. 


4io  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP*  numerous  vacancies  which  had  fallen  in  England  during 
XI.  an  interdict  of  fix  years,  had  proceeded  in  the  moft  arbi- 
v  „  <*  trary  manner  ;  and  had  paid  no  regard,  in  conferring 
,2I5-  dignities,  to  perfonal  merit,  to  rank,  to  the  inclination  of 
the  electors,  or  to  the  cufioms  of  the  country.  The  Eng- 
li(h  church  was  univerfally  dilgufied  ;  and  Langton  him- 
felf,  though  he  owed  his  elevation  to  an  incroachment  of 
the  Romilh  lee,  was  no  fooner  eftab'ilhed  in  his  high  of- 
fice, than  he  became  jealous  of  the  privileges  annexed  to 
it,  and  formed  attachments  with  the  country  fubjecled  to 
his  jurifdiclion.  Thefe  cauies,  though  they  opened  flowly 
the  eyes  of  men,  failed  not  to  produce  their  effect :  They 
fct  bounds  to  the  ufurpations  of  the  papacy :  The  tide  firft 
flopped,  and  then  turned  againft  the  fovereign  pontifF: 
And  it  is  otherwise  inconceivable,  how  that  age,  fo  prone 
to  fuperftition,  and  fo  funk  in  ignorance,  or  rather  fo 
devoted  to  a  fpurious  erudition,  could  have  efcaped  fal- 
ling into  an  abfolute  and  total  flaveiy  under  the  court  of 
Rome. 

About  the  time  that  the  pope's  letters  arrived  in  Eng- 
tion  of  the  l<irid,  the  malcontent  barons,  on  the  approach  of  the  fef- 
barons.  tivalof  Eafler,  when  they  were  to  ex  peel  the  king's  an- 
fwer  to  their  petition,  met  by  agreement  at  Stamford;  and 
they  atTembled  a  force,  confiding  of  above  ?.ooo  knights, 
befides  their  retainers  and  inferior  perfons  without  num- 
ber. Elated  with  their  power,  th^ey  advanced  in  a  body 
s7th  April,  to  Brackley,  within  fifteen  miles 'of  Oxford,  the  place 
where  the  court  then  refided ;  and  they  there  received  a 
meflage  from  the  king,  by  the  archbilhop  of  Canterbury 
and  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  defiring  to  know  what  thofe 
liberties  were  which  they  fo  zealoufly  challenged  from 
their  fovereign.  They  delivered  to  thefe  meffengers  a 
fchedule,  containing  the  chief  articles  of  their  demands  ; 
which  was  no  fooner  fhown  to  the  king,  than  he  burfi  in- 
to a  furious  paffion,  and  afked,  why  the  barons  did  not  alfo 
demand  of  him  his  kingdom  ?  fwearing  that  he  would 
never  grant  them  fuch  liberties  as  muff  reduce  himfelf  to 
ilavery  *. 

No  fooner  were  the  confederated  nobles  informed  of 
John's  reply,  than  they  chofe  Robert  Fitz- Walter  their 
general,  whom  they  called  the  marejchal  of  the  army  of 
God  and  of  holy  church  ;  and  they  proceeded  without 
farther  ceremony  to  levy  war  upon  the  king.  They  be- 
ficged  the  caflle  of  Northampton  during  fifteen  days, 
though  without  fuccefsf:    The   gates    of  Bedford   caflle 

*   M.  Pa  1  is,  p.  176. 

f  M.  Palis, p.  177.     Chron.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  71. 


J      O      H      N.  411 

were  willingly  opened  to  them  by   William   Bcauchamp,  C11A  i\ 
its  owner  :    They  advanced  to  Ware  in   their  way  to  Lon-        XI. 

don,  where  they  held  a  correfpondence  with  the  principal  v » ' 

citizens  :  They  were  received  without  oppofition  into  that  ''jj- 
capital;  and  finding  now  the  great  fuperiority  of  their 
force,  they  ilTued  proclamations,  requiring  the  other  ba- 
rons to  join  them  ;  and  menacing  them,  in  cafe  of  refufal 
or  d  iljy,  with  committing  devaftation  on  their  houfes  and 
efiates*.  In  order  to  fliow  what  might  be  expecled  from 
their  profperous  arms,  they  made  incurfions  from  London, 
and  laid  wafle  the  king's  parks  and  palaces;  and  all  the 
barons,  w  ho  had  hitherto  carried  the  femblance  of  fup- 
porting  the  royal  party,  were  glad  of  this  pretence  for 
openly  joining  a  caufe  which  they  always  had  fecretly 
favoured.  The  king  was  left  at  Odiham  in  Hampfhire, 
v.  :n  a  poor  retinue  of  only  feven  knights;  and  after  try- 
ing 1  pedients  to  elude  the  blow,  after  ordering  to 
refer  all  differences  to  the  pope  alone,  or  to  eight  barons, 
four  to  be  chofen  bv  himfelf,  and  four  by  the  confede- 
rates f,  he  found  himfelf  at  lait  obliged  to  fubmit  at  dif- 
cretion. 

A  conference  between  the  king  and  the   barons  was  Mania 
appointed  at  Runnemede,  between  Windfor  and  Staines;  chaua- 
a  place  which  has  ever  fince  been  extremely   celebrated,  rs<  iJune" 
on  account  of  this  great  event.    The  two  parties  encamped 
apart,  like  open  enemies;   and   after  a  debate    of  a   few 
days,  the  king,  with  a  facility  fomewhat  fufpicious,   figned  19th  Jung, 
and  fealed  the  charter  which  was  required   of  him.     This 
famous   deed,    commonly    called   the  Great  Charter, 
cither  granted  or  fee u red  very  important  liberties  and  pri- 
vil-  i;es  to  every  order  of  m?n  in  the  kingdom  ;  to  the  cler- 
gy, to  the  barons,  and  to  the  people. 

The  freedom  or  elections  was  fecured  to  the  clergy  : 
The  former  charter  ol  the  king  was  confirmed,  by  which 
the  ncceffity  of  a  royal  conge  d'elire  and  confirmation 
was  fuperfeded  :  All  check  upon  appeals  to  Rome  was 
removed,  by  the  allowance  granted  every  man  to  depart 
the  kingdom  at  plea fu re  :  And  the  fines  to  be  impofed 
on  the  clergy,  for  any  offence,  were  ordained  to  be  pro- 
portional to  their  lay  eftates,  not  to  their  ecclefiaftical  be- 
nefices. 

The  privileges  granted  to  the  barons  were  either  abate- 
ments in  the  rigour  <  f  the  feudal  law,  or  determinations  in 
points  which  had  been  left  by  that  law,  or  hid  become  by 
practice,  arbitrary   and  .     The  reliefs  of  heirs 

Juccee/ling  to  a  military   ice   were  afcertained  ;   an    earl's 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  177.  f  Rynjer,  "&  >•  P-  •      • 


412  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  FT  A  P.  and  baron's  at  a  hundred  marks,  a  knight's  at  a  hundred 
XT.       (hillings.     It  was   ordained    by    the  charter,  that,  if  the 

v v '  heir  be  a  minor,  he  fhall,  immediately  upon  his  majority, 

|?»5«  enter  upon  his  eftate,  without  paying  anv  relief:  The 
king  (hall  not  fell  his  wardthip  :  He  mall  levy  only  rea- 
sonable profits  upon  the  eftate,  without  committing  walle, 
or  hurting  the  property  :  He  fhall  uphold  the  cafiles, 
houfes,  mills,  parks,  and  ponds '.  And  if  he  commit  the 
guardianfhip  of  the  eflate  to  the  fherirF or  any  other,  he 
fhall  previouflv  obiige  them  to  find  furety  to  tlie  fame  pur- 
pofc.  During  the  minority  of  a  baron,  while  his  lands 
are  in  wardthip,  and  are  not  in  his  own  pofeffion,  no  debt 
which  he  owes  to  the  Jews  fhail  bear  any  intereft.  Heirs 
fhall  be  married  without  difparagement  ;  arid  before  the 
marriage  be  contracted,  the  nearert  relations  of  the  perfon 
fhail  be  informed  of  it.  A  widow,  without  paying  any 
relief,  fhall  enter  upon  her  dower,  the  third  part  of  her 
hufband's  rents:  She  fhall  not  be  compelled  to  marry,  fo 
long  as  fhe  chufes  1o  continue  fingle  ;  fhe  fhall  only  give 
fecurity  never  to  marry  without  her  lord's  confent.  1  he 
king  fhall  not  claim  the  wardthip  of  any  minor  who  holds 
lands  bv  military  tenure  of  a  baron,  on  pretence  that  he 
a!(o  holds  lands  of  the  crown,  by  foccage  or  any  other  te- 
nure. Scutages  fhall  be  efiimated  at  the  fame  rate  as  in 
the  time  of  Henry  I.  ;  and  no  fcutage  or  aid,  except  in 
the  three  general  ferdal  cafes,  the  kino's  captivity,  the 
knighting  of  his  eldefifon,  and  the  marrying  of  his  eldeft 
daughter,  fhall  be  impofed  but  by  the  great  council  of  the 
kingdom;  the  prelates,  ear!3,  and  great  barons,  fhail  be 
called  to  this  great  council,  each  by  a  particular  writ  ; 
the  leller  barons  by  a  general  fummons  of  the  fheriif. 
The  king  'hall  not  feize  anv  baron's  land  for  a  debt  to 
the  crown,  if  the  bardn  polTr'Tes  as  many  goods  and 
chattels  as  are  fufftcienjt  to  difcharge  the  debt.  No 
man  (hall  be  obliged  to  perform  more  fervice  for  his  fee 
than  he  is  bound  to  by  his  tenure.  No  governor  or  confia- 
bleof  a  caflle  fhall  oblige  any  knight  to  give  money  for 
caftie-guard,  if  the  knight  be  willing  to  perform  the  fer- 
vice in  perfon,  or  by  another  able-bodied  man  ;  and  if  the 
knight  be  in  the  field  himfelf,  by  the  king's  command,  he 
fhall  be  exempted  from  all  other  fervice  of  this  nature. 
No  va(Ll  (hall  be  allowed  to  fell  fo  much  of  his  land  as 
to  incapacitate  himfelf  from  performing  his  fervice  to  his 
lord. 

These  were  the  principal  articles,  calculated  for  the 
inteveil  of  the  barons  ;  and  had  the  charter  contained 
nothing  farther,  national  happinefs  and  liberty  had  been 
very  little  promoted  by  it,  as  it  would  only  have  tended 
to  increafe    the  power  and  independence  of  an  order  of 


JOHN.  413 

men    who    were  already   too  powerful,  and  whofe  yoke  CHAP, 
might  have    become  more  heavy  on  the  people  than  even       XI. 

that  of  an  abfolute  monarch.      But  the  barons,  who   alone'' • ' 

drew  and  impofed  on  the  prince  this  memorable  charter,  ,2,5' 
were  necefTitated  toinfert  in  it  other  claufes  of  a  more  ex- 
tenfive  and  a  more  beneficent  nature:  They  could  not  ex- 
pert the  concurrence  of  the  people,  without  comprehend- 
ing, together  with  their  own,  the  interefts  of  inferior  ranks 
of  men  ;  and  all  provifions  which  the  barons,  foi  their  own 
Jake,  were  obliged  to  make,  in  order  to  enfure  the  free  and 
equit  iniftration  of  juftice,  tended  direclly  to  the 

benefit    il  de  community.     The  following    were 

tiiv.-  principal  claufes  of  this  nature. 

It  was  ordained,  that  all  the  piivilcgesand  immunities 
above  mentioned,  granted  io  the  barons  againft  the  king, 
extended  by  the  barons  to  their  inferior  vaflals. 
The  king  bound  himielf  not  to  grant  any  writ,  empower- 
inga  iron  to  lew  aids  from  his  vaflals,  except  in  the  three 
feudal  cafes.  One  weight  and  one  meafure  (hall  be  efta- 
,  ;d  throughout  the  kingdom.  Merchants  fhall  be  al- 
lowed to  tran fa£t  all  bufinefs,  without  being  expoied  to 
anv  arbitrary  tolls  and  impontions:  They  and  all  free  men 
fhall  be  ai  owed  to  go  out  of  the  kingdom  and  return  to  it 
ai  pleafure  ;  London  and  all  cities  and  burghs,  fhall  pre- 
ferve  their  ancient  liberties.,  immunities,  and  free  cuftoms  : 
Aids  fhall  not  be  required  of  them  but  by  the  confent  of 
the  great  council:  No  towns  or  individuals  fhall  be  obliged 
to  mike  or  fupport  bridges  but  by  ancient  cuftom:  The 
goods  of  every  freeman  (hall  be  difpofed  of  according  to 
his  will  :  If  he  die  inteftatc,  his  heirs  fhall  fucceed  to  them. 
No  officer  of  the  crown  fhall  take  any  horles,  carts,  or 
wood,  without  the  confent  of  the  owner.  The  king's 
courts  of  juftice  fhall  be  ftationary,  and  fhall  no  longer 
follow  his  perfon  :  They  fhall  be  open  to  every  one  ;  and 
juftice  fhall  no  longer  be  fold,  refufed,  or  delayed  bv  them. 
Circuits  fhall  he  regularly  held  every  vear  :  The  inferior 
tribunals  of  juftice,  the  county  court,  IherifTs  turn  and 
court-leet,  fhall  meet  at  their  appointed  time  and  place  : 
The  fheriffs  fhall  be  incapacitated  to  hold  pleas  of  the 
crown  ;  and  fhall  not  put  any  perfon  upon  his  trial,  from 
rumour  or  fufpicion  alone,  but  upon  the  evidence  of  lawful 
witncfTes.  No  freeman  fhall  be  taken  or  imprifoned,  or 
difpofleffed  of  his  free  tenement  and  liberties,  or  outlawed 
or  banifhed,  or  any  wife  hurt  or  injured,  unlefs  by  the  le- 
gal judgment  of  his  peers,  or  by  the  law  of  the  land  ; 
and  all  who  fuffered  otherwife,  in  this  or  the  two  former 
reigns,  fhall  be  reftored  to  their  rights  and  poffeffions.  Eve- 
ry freeman  fhall  be  fined  in  proportion  to  his  fault ;  and 


414  HISTORY    OF     ENGLAND. 

C  II  A  P.  no  fine  ^ia'l  ^e  levied  on  him  to  his  utter  ruin  :  Even  a 
XI.        villain  or  ruitic  (hall  not,  by  any  fine,  be  bereaved  of  his 

* * '  carts,  ploughs,  and  implements  of  hufbandry.     This  was 

I2'5-  the  only  article  calculated  for  the  interefts  of  this  body  of 
men,  probably  at  that  time  the  mod  numerous  in  the 
kingdom. 

It  muft  be  confeffed,  that  the  former  articles  of  the 
Great  Charter  contain  fuch  mitigations  and  explanations 
W"  the  feudal  law  as  are  reasonable  and  equitable  ;  and  that 
the  latter  involve  all  the  chief  outlines  of  a  legal  govern- 
ment, and  provide  for  the  equal  diftribution  of  juitice  and 
free  enjoyment  of  propertv  ;  the  gieat  objects  for  which 
political  fociety  was  at  ft; ft  founried  by  men,  which  the 
people  have  a  perpetual  and  unalienable  right  to  recal,and 
which  no  time,  nor  precedent,  nor  ftatute,  nor  pofitive 
inftitution,  ought  to  deter  them  from  keeping  ever  upper- 
rnoft  in  their  thoughts  and  attention.  Though  the  provi- 
lions  made  by  this  charter  might,  conformably  to  the  ge- 
nius o*  'he  age,  be  esteemed  too  concile,  and  too  bare  of 
circumltances,  to  maintain  the  execution  of  its  articles,  in 
opposition  to  the  chicanery  of  lawyers,  fupnortrd  by  the 
violence  of  power  ;  time  gradually  aicerlained  the  fenfe 
of  all  the  ambiguous  exprefhous;  ^nd  thofe  generous  ba- 
rons, who  firft  extorted  this  conceilion,  ftili  held  their 
fwords  in  their  hands,  and  could  turn  them  againft  thofe 
who  dared  on  any  pretence  to  depart  from  the  original  fpi- 
rit  and  meaning  of  the  grant.  We  may  now,  from  the 
tenor  of  this  chaster,  conjecture  what  thofe  laws  were  of 
king  Edward  which  the  Englifh  nation,  during  fo  many 
generations,  (till  defired?  with  fuch  an  obilinate  perfeve- 
rance,  to  have  recalled  and  eflablilhed.  They  were  chief- 
ly thefe  latter  articles  of  Magna  Charta  ;  and  the  barons 
who,  at  the  beginning  of  thele  commotions,  demanded  the 
revival  of  tha  Saxon  laws,  undoubtedly  thought  that  they 
had  Sufficiently  fatisfied  the  people,  by  procuring  them 
thisconceffion,  which  comprehended  the  principal  objects 
to  which  they  ifad  Co  long  afpired.  But  what  we  are  moft 
to  admire  is,  the  prudence  and  moderation  of  thole  haugh- 
ty nobles  themfelves,  who  were  enraged  by  injuries,  in- 
flamed by  opposition,  and  elated  by  a  total  victory  over 
their  fovercign.  They  were  content,  even  in  this  pleni- 
tude of  power,  to  depart  from  fome  articles  of  Henry  l.'s 
charter,  which  they  made  the  foundation  of  their  demands, 
particularly  from  the  abolition  of  wardfhips,  a  matter  of 
the  greateft  importance;  and  they  feemtohave  been fuffici- 
cntly  careful  not  to  diminish  too  far  the  power  and  revenue* 
of  the  crown.  If  they  appear,  therefore,  to  have  carried 
other  demands  to  too  great  a  height,  it  can  be  afcribed  on 


J      O      H      Ni  415 

ly  to  the  fiifhlcfs  and  tyrannical  character  of   the    king  CHAP. 
himfelf,  of  which   they   had    long    had  experience,    and        XI. 

which,  they  fore  fa  w>  would,  if  they   provided  no  farther  * « ' 

fecuritv,   lead  him  loon    to    iafringe    their     :c-.v   liberties,      m* 
and   revoke    his  own   eonceffions.      1  his  alone  gave  birth 
50  thole  other  articles,  feemingly  exorbitant,  which  were 
adied  as  a  rampart  for  the  fafe-guard  of  the  Great  Char- 
ter. 

The  barons  obliged  the  king  to  agree  that  London 
fhould  remain  in  their  hands,  ail  ;he  Tower  be  coifigued 
to  the  cuftody  of  the  primate,  till  the  15th  of  Auguft,  en- 
fuiogi  or  till  the  execution  of  the  feveral  articles  of  the 
Great  Charter*.  The  better  to  enfure  the  lame  end,  he 
allowed  them  to  chufe  five-and-twenty  members  from  their 
own  body,  as  confervators  of  the  public  iiberties  ;  and  no 
bounds  were  let  to  the  authority  of  thefe  men  cither  in 
extent  or  duration.  Jf  any  complaint  were  made  of  a 
violation  of  the  charter,  whether  attempted  by  the  king, 
judiciaries,  fberiifs,  or  forefters,  any  four  of  thefe  barons 
might  admonilli  the  king  to  redrefs  the  grievance:  If  fa- 
tisfaction  were  not  obtained,  they  could  ailemble  the  whole 
council  of  twenty-five  ;  who,  in  conjunction  with  the 
great  council,  were  empowered  to  compel  him  to  obferve 
the  charter;  and,  in  cafe  of  refinance,  might  levy  war  a- 
gainft  him,  attack  his  cafHes,  and  employ  every  kind  of 
violence,  except  againft  his  royal  peribn,  and  that  of  hi; 
queen  and  children.  All  men  throughout  the  kingdom 
were  bound,  under  the  penalty  of  cor.fifcation,  to  fwear 
obedience  to  the  twenty-five  barons  ;  and  the  freeholders 
of  each  county  were  to  chulc  twelve  knights,  who  were  to 
make  report  of  fuch  evil  cuftomsas  required  redrefs,  con- 
formably to  the  tenor  of  the  Great  Charter  f.  The  names 
of  thole  confervators  were,  the  earls  of  Clare,  Albemarle, 
Glocefter,  Winchelter,  Hereford,  Roger  Bigod  earl  of 
Norfolk,  Robert  de  Vere  earl  of  Oxford,  William  Mare- 
fcbal  the  younger,  Robert  Fitz-Walter,  Gilbert  de  Clare, 
Euftace  de  Vefcey,  Gilbert  Delaval,  William  de  Mou- 
bray,  Geoffrey  de  Say,  Roger  de  Mombezon,  William 
de  Huntingfield,  Robert  de  Ros,  the  conflable  of  Chefler, 
William  de  Aubenie,  Richard  de  Pierci,  William  Malet, 
John  Fitz-Robert,  William  de  Lanvalay,  Hugh  de  Bi- 
god, and  Roger  de  Montfichet  J.  Thefe  men  were,  by 
this  convention,   really   inverted    with  the  fovereignty   of 

*  Rymer,  vol.1,  p.  2d.     Chron.  Dunft.   vol.  I.  p.  75. 

f  I  his  ftf'jtns  a  very  ftrong  proof  that  the  houle  cf  commons  was  not  then 
in  te;n£  ;  other  wife  the  knights  and  bmgciles  from  the  feveral  counties  could 
have  given  in  :o  the  lords  a  lift  cf  grievances*  will  tual  an  eleition. 

t  M.  Piris,  p.  1S1. 


41*  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  the  kingdom  :  They  were  rendered   co-ordinate  with  the* 
XI.        king,  or  rather  fuperior  to   him,  in  the  excrcife  of  the  ex- 

i v '  ecutive  power  :  And  as  there  was  no  circumflance  of  go- 

1215.  vernment  which,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  might  not 
bear  a  relation  to  the  fecurity  or  obfervance  of  the  Great 
Charier,  there  could  lcarcely  occur  any  incident  in  which 
they  might  not  lawfully  interpole  their  authority. 

John  feemed  to  fubmit  pailively  to  all  theie  regulati- 
ons, however  injurious  to  majefty  :  He  fent  writs  to  all 
the  fheritfs  ordering  them  to  conllrain  every  one  to  fwear 
obedience  to  the  twenty-five  barons*:  He  difmiffed  all 
his  foreign  forces  :  He  pretended  that  his  government  was 
thenceforth  to  run  in  a  new  tenor,  and  be  more  indulgent 
to  the  liberty  and  independence  of  his  people.  But  he  only 
diflembled,  till  he  mould  find  a  favourable  opportunity  for 
annulling  all  his  conceffions.  The  injuries  and  indigni- 
ties which  he  had  formerly  fuffered  from  the  pope  and  the 
king  of  France,  as  they  came  from  equals  or  fuperiors, 
feemed  to  make  but  fmall  impreffion  on  him  :  But  the 
fenl'e  of  this  perpetual  and  total  (ubjeCtion  under  his  own 
rebellious  vaffals,  funk  deep  in  his  mind,  and  he  was  de- 
termined, at  all  hazards,  to  throw  off  fo  ignominious  a  Sla- 
very+.  He  grew  fullen,  filent,  and  refcrved  :  He  fbun- 
ned  the  fociety  of  his  courtiers  and  nobles  :  He  retired 
into  the  Ifle  of  Wight,  as  if  defirous  of  hiding  his  fhame 
and  confufion  ;  but  in  this  retreat  he  meditated  the  moft 
fatal  vengeance  againft  all  his  enemies  J.  He  lecretly 
fent  abroad  his  emiflTaries  to  inlifi  foreign  foldiers,  and  to 
invite  the  rapacious  Brabancons  into  his  fervice,  by  the 
profpect  of  fharing  the  fpoils  of  England,  and  reaping  the 
forfeitures  of  fo  many  opulent  barons,  v\  ho  had  incurred 
the  guilt  of  rebellion  by  riling  in  arms  againft  him||  :  And 
he  difpatched  a  meflenger  to  Rome,  in  order  to  lay  before 
the  pope  the  Great  Charter,  which  he  had  been  compelled 
to  fign,  and  to  complain,  before  that  tribunal,  of  the  vio- 
lence which  had  been  impofed  upon  him**. 

Innocent,  considering  himielf  as  feudal  lord  of  the 
kingdom,  was  incenfed  at  the  temerity  of  the  barons,  who, 
though  they  pretended  to  appeal  to  his  authority,  had  da- 
red, without  waiting  for  his  conlent,  to  impofe  fuch  terms 
on  a  prince,  who,  by  refigning  to  the  Roman  pontiff  his 
crown  and  independence,  had  placed  himfelf  immediately 
under  the  p.ipal  protection.  He  iffued,  therefore,  a  bull, 
in  which,  from  the  plenitude  of  his  apoftolic  power,  and 
from  the  authority  which  God  had  committed  to  him,  to 

•  M.  Paris,  p.  iSa.  t  Ibid.  p.    1S3.  t  'bid. 
II  M.  Paris,  j>.  1S3.     Chron.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  72.     Chron.  Mailr.  p.  188. 

*  *  M.  Paris,  p.  183.     Chron.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  73. 


JOHN.  417 

build  and  deftroy  kingdoms,  to  plant  and  overthrow,  he  CHAP. 
annulled  and  abrogated  the  whole  charter,  as  unjuft  in  it-        XI. 

Self,  as  obtained   by  compulsion,  and  as  derogatory  to  the  * k-—> 

dignity  of  the  apoftolic  fee.  He  prohibited  the  barons  I215* 
from  exacting  the  observance  of  it  :  He  even  prohibited 
the  king  himfelf  from  paying  any  regard  to  it :  He  ab- 
folved  him  and  his  fubjecls  from  all  oaths  which  they  had 
been  conflrained  to  take  to  that  purpofe:  And  he  pronoun- 
ced a  general  fentence  of  excommunication  againft  every 
one  who  mould  perfevere  in  maintaining  Such  treafonable 
and  iniquitous  pretenfions*. 

The  king,  as  his  foreign  forces  arrived  along  with  this  Renewal 
bull,  now  ventured  to  take  off  the  mafk  ;  and,  under  °{ lhe  cL" 
Santlion  of  the  pope's  decree,  recalled  all  the  liberties  Vl1  war* 
which  he  had  granted  to  his  fubjecls,  and  which  he  had 
Solemnly  fworn  to  obferve.  But  the  Spiritual  weapon  was 
found,  upon  trial,  to  carry  lefs  force  with  it  than  he  had 
reaion  from  his  own  experience  to  apprehend.  The  pri- 
mate refufed  to  obey  the  pope  in  publiming  the  fentence 
of  excommunication  againft  the  barons  ;  and  though  he 
was  cited  to  Rome,  that  he  might  attend  a  general  coun- 
cil there  aflembled,  and  was  fufpended  on  account  of  his 
difobedience  to  the  pope,  and  his  Secret  correspondence 
with  the  king's  enemies  f;  though  a  new  and  particular 
fentence  of  excommunication  was  pronounced  by  name 
againft  the  principal  barons  J,  John  Still  found  that  his  no- 
bility and  people,  and  even  his  clergy,  adhered  to  the  de- 
fence of  their  liberties,  and  to  their  combination  againft 
him :  The  Sword  of  his  foreign  mercenaries  was  all  he  had 
to  truft  to  for  reftoring  his  authority. 

The  barons,  after  obtaining  the  Great  Charter,  feem 
to  have  been  lulled  into  a  fatal  fecurity,  and  to  have  taken 
no  rational  meafures,  in  cafe  of  the  introduction  of  a  fo- 
reign force,  for  re-affembling  their  armies.  The  king 
was,  from  the  firft,  matter  of  the  field ;  and  immediately 
laid  fiege  to  thecaftleof  Rochefter,  which  was  obftinately 
defended  by  William  de  Albiney,  at  the  head  of  a  hun- 
dred and  forty  knights  with  their  retainers,  but  was  at  laft 
reduced  by  famine.  John,  irritated  with  the  refiftance,  ioth.No""* 
intended  to  have  hanged  the  governor  and  all  the  garriSon; 
but,  on  the  representation  of  William  de  Mauleon,  who 
fuggefted  to  him  <he  danger  of  reprifals,  he  was  content 
to  Sacrifice,  in  this  barbarous  manner,  the  inferior  prifoners 
onlvll.     The  captivity  of  William  de  Albinev,  the  beSt 

Vol.  I.  3  H 

*   Rvmer,  vol.  i.  p.  303,    ao<,  B05.  -io8.     M.  Paris,  p.  1S4,  1S5.  187. 

f  M.  i'aris   p.  1  So.  +  Ryraer,  vol.  i.  p.  211.     M.  i^aris,  p.  192, 


418  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAT-  officer  among  the  confederated  barons,  was  an  irreparable 
XI.      lofs  to  their  caufe ;  and  no  regular  oppofition  wasthence- 

v— v— '  forth  made  to  the  progrefs  of  the  royal  arms.  The  rave- 
12ls-  nous  and  barbarous  mercenaries,  incited  by  a  cruel  and 
enraged  prince,  were  let  loofe  againfl  the  eftates,  tenants, 
manors,  houfes,  parks  of  the  barons,  and  fpread  devalua- 
tion over  the  face  of  the  kingdom.  Nothing  Was  to  be 
feen  but  the  flames  of  villages  and  cafiles  reduced  to  afhes, 
the  confternation  and  mifery  of  the  inhabitants,  tortures 
exercifed  by  the  foldiery  to  make  them  reveal  their  con- 
cealed treafures,  and  reprifals  no  lefs  barbarous  committed 
by  the  barons  and  their  partifans  on  the  royal  demefnes, 
and  on  the  eftates  of  fuch  as  ftill  adhered  to  the  crown. 
The  king,  marching  through  the  whole  extent  of  England, 
from  Dover  to  Berwic,  laid  the  provinces  wafte  on  each 
fide  of  him ;  and  confidered  every  fiate,  which  was  not 
his  immediate  property,  as  entirely  hoftile,  and  the  object 
of  military  execution.  The  nobility  of  the  north,  in  par- 
ticular, who  had  (hewn  greateft  violence  in  the  recovery 
of  their  liberties,  and  who,  acting  in  a  feparate  body,  had 
exprefled  their  difcontent  even  at  the  conceffions  made  by 
the  Great  Charter,  as  they  could  expe£l  no  mercy,  fled 
before  him  with  their  wives  and  families,  and  purchafed 
the  friendfhip  of  Alexander,  the  young  king  of  Scots,  by 
doing  homage  to  him. 

Prince  The  barons,  reduced  to  this  defperate  extremity,  and 

Lewis  cai-  menaced  with  the  total  lofs  of  their  liberties,  their  proper- 
ties, and  their  lives,  employed  a  remedy  no  lefs  defperate ; 
and  making  applications  to  the  court  of  France,  they  of- 
fered to  acknowledge  Lewis,  the  eldeft  fon  of  Philip,  for 
their  fovereign,  on  condition  that  he  would  afford  them 
protection  from  the  violence  of  their  enraged  prince. 
Though  the  fenfe  <of  the  common  rights  of  mankind,  the 
only  rights  that  are  entirely  indefeafible,  might  have  juf- 
tified  them  in  the  depofition  of  their  king,  they  declined 
infilling  before  Philip  on  a  pretention  which  is  commonly 
fo  difagreeable  to  fovereigns,  and  which  founds  harfhly  in 
their  royal  ears.  They  affirmed  that  John  was  incapable 
of  fucceeding  to  the  crown,  by  reafon  of  the  attainder  pal- 
led upon  him  during  his  brother's  reign  ;  though  that  at- 
tainder had  been  reverfed,  and  Richard  had  even,  by  his 
J  aft  will,  declared  him  his  fucceflor.  They  pretended 
ui6'.  that  he  was  already  legally  depofed  by  lentence  of  the 
peers  of  France,  on  account  of  the  murder  of  his  nephew; 
though  that  fentence  could  not  pofftbly  regard  any  thing 
but  his  tranfmarine  dominions,  which  alone  he  held  in 
vaflalageto  that  crown.  On  more  plaufible  grounds  they 
affirmed,    that  he  had  already   depofed   himfelf  by  doing 


J      O      H      N.  419 

homage  to  the  pope,  changing  the  nature  of  his  fovereign-  C  H  A  P« 
ty,  and  refigningan  independent  crown  for  a  fee  under  a       XI. 

foreign  power.     And  as   Blanche  of  Cafiile,  the  wife  of  * «/-— ' 

Lewis,  was    defcended  by    her   mother  from   Henry  II.      I2'6' 
they  maintained,  though  many  other  princes  flood  before 
her  in  the  order  of  fucceffion,  that  the\'    had   not    fhaken 
off  the    royal   family,  in  chufing    her  hufband  for   their 
fovereign. 

Philip  was  firongly  tempted  to  lay  hold  on  the  rich 
prize  which  was  offered  to  him.  The  legate  menaced  him 
with  interdicts  and  excommunications  if  he  invaded  the 
patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  or  attacked  a  prince  who  was  un- 
der the  immediate  protection  of  the  holy  fee*:  But  as 
Philip  wa3  affured  of  the  obedience  of  his  own  vaffals,  his 
principles  were  changed  with  the  times,  and  he  now  un- 
dervalued as  much  all  papal  cenfures,  as  he  formerly  pre- 
tended to  pay  refpe6t  to  them.  His  chief  fcruple  was 
with  regard  to  the  fidelity  which  he  might  expecl  from  the 
Englifh  barons  in  their  new  engagements,  and  the  danger 
of  entrufting  his  fon  and  heir  into  the  hands  of  men  who 
might,  on  any  caprice  or  neceffity,  make  peace  with  their 
native  fovereign,  by  facrificinga  pledge  of  fo  much  value. 
He  therefore  exacted  from  the  barons  twenty-five  hoftages 
of  the  moft  noble  birth  in  the  kingdom  f  ;  and  having 
obtained  this  fecurity,  he  Cent  over  firft:  a  fmall  army  to 
the  relief  of  the  confederates  ;  then  more  numerous  forces, 
which  arrived  with  Lewis  himfelf  at  their  head. 

The  firft  effe£t  of  the  young  prince's  appearance  in 
England  was  the  defertion  of  John's  foreign  troops,  who, 
being  moftly  levied  in  Flanders,  and  other  provinces  of 
France,  refufed  to  ferve  againft  the  heir  of  their  monar- 
chy J.  The  Gafcons  and  Poi£tevins  alone,  who  were  fiiil 
John's  fubjedls,  adhered  to  his  caufe  ;  but  they  were  too 
weak  to  maintain  that  fuperiority  in  the  field  which  they 
had  hitherto  fupported  against  the  confederated  barons. 
Many  confiderable  noblemen  deferted  John's  party,  the 
earls  of  Salifbury,  Arundel,  Warrenne,  Oxford,  Albe- 
marle, and  William  Marefchal  the  younger  :  His  cafUes 
fell  daily  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  ;  Dover  was  the  on- 
ly place  which,  from  the  valour  and  fidelity  of  Hubert  de 
Burgh  the  governor,  made  refiftanee  to  the  progrefs  of 
Lewis |J:  And  the  barons  had  the  melancholy  prolpecl  of 
finally  fucceeding  in  their  purpofe,  and  of  efcaping  the 
tyranny  of  their  own  king,  by  impofing  on  themfelves 
and  the  nation  a  foreign  yoke.     But  this  union  was  of  fhort 

•   M.  Paris  p.  114.      Mi  Weft.  p.  27;. 
t  M.  Paris,  p.  193.     Chroti.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  74. 
{.  M.  Paris,  p.  195.  ||  Ibid.  p.  19S.  Lluon.  Dunft..  vol.  i.  p.  Jj,  ;'■ 


42o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP*  duration  between  the  French  and  Englifh  nobles  ;  and  the 
XI.       imprudence  of  Lewis,  who  on  every  occafion  (bowed  too 

< v '  vifible  a  preference  to  the  former,  increafed  that  jealoufy 

1216.  whxh  it  was  fo  natural  forthe  latter  to  entertain  in  their 
prefent  fituation*.  The  vifcountof  Melun  too,  it  is>  faid, 
one  of  his  courtiers,  fell  fick  at  London,  and  finding  the 
approaches  of  death,  he  fent  for  Come  of  his  friends  among 
the  Englilh  barons,  and  warning  them  of  their  danger, 
revealed  Lewis's  fecret  intentions  ot  exterminating  them 
and  their  families  as  traitors  to  their  prince,  and  beftowing 
their  eftates  and  dignities  on  his  native  fubjects,  in  whole 
fidelity  he  could  more  reafonably  place  confidence  f  :  This 
ftorv,  whether  true  or  falfe,  was  universally  reported  and 
believed  ;  and  concurring  with  other  circumftances  which 
rendered  it  credible,  did  great  prejudice  to  the  caufe  of 
Lewis.  The  earl  of  Salifbury,  and  other  noblemen  de- 
ferted  again  to  John's  party  $;  and  as  men  eafily  chan- 
ged fides  in  a  civil  war,  efpecially  where  their  power  is 
founded  on  an  hereditary  and  independent  authority,  and 
is  not  derived  from  the  opinion  and  favour  of  the  people, 
the  French  prince  had  reafon  to  dread  a  fudden  reverie  of 
fortune.  The  king  was  affembling  a  considerable  army, 
with  a  view  of  fighting  one  great  battle  for  his  crown  ;  but 
pafling  from  Lynne  to  Lincolnlhire,  his  road  lay  along 
the  iea-ihore,  which  was  overflowed  at  high  water;  and 
notchufing  the  proper  time  for  his  journey,  he  loft  in  the 
inundation  all  his  carriages,  treafure,  baggage,  and  rega- 
lia. The  affliction  for  this  difafter,  and  vexation  from 
the  diffracted  ftaie  of  his  affairs,  increafed  the  ficknefs  un- 
der which  he  then  laboured  ;  and  though  he  reached  the 
cafile  of  Newark,  he  was  obliged   to  halt  there,  and  his 

i7th  oa.     diftemper  foon   after  put  an   end  to  his  life,  in  the  forty- 

Lcat  1  .'  ...  r  iru-  ■  j 

ninth  year  of  his  age,  and   eighteenth  of  his  reign  ;  and 
freed  the  nation  from  the  dangers  to  which  it  was  equally 
expoied  by  his  fucicefs  or  by  his  misfortunes, 
andcha-  The  character  of  this  price  is  nothing  but  a  complica- 

iacterof  tion  of  vices,  equally  mean  and  odious  ;  ruinous  to  him- 
theking.  felf,  and  deftrudive  to  his  people.  Cowardice,  inactivi- 
ty, folly,  levity,  Ucentioufnefs,  ingratitude,  treachery, 
tyranny,  and  cruelty  ;  all  thefe  qualities  appear  too  evi- 
dently in  the  feveraj  incidents  of  his  life,  to  give  us  room 
to  fufped  that  the  difagreeable  picture  has  been  anywife 
overcharged  by  the  prejudices  of  the  ancient  hifiorians.  It 
is  hard  to  fay  whether  his  conduct  to  his  father,  his  bro- 
ther, his  nephew,  or  his  fubjecls,  was  mod  culpable  ;  or 


*  W.  Heming.  p.  559.  |  M.  Paris,  p.  199.     M.  Weft.  p.  277. 

X  Chron.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  78. 


JOHN.  431 

whether  his  crimes,  in  thefe  refpecls,  were  not  even  ex-  CHAP, 
ceeded  by  the  bafenefs  which  appeared  in  his  tranfadtions       XI. 
with  the  king  of  France,  the  pope,  and  the  barons.    His  v— v— ^ 
European  dominions,  when  they  devolved  to  him  by  the 
death  of  his  brother,  were   more  extenfive  than  have  ever, 
fince  his  time,  been  ruled  by  any  Englith  monarch  :   But 
he  firft  loft,  by  his   mifcondu6t,  the  flourifhing  provinces 
in  France,  the  ancient  patrimony  of  his  family:   Fie  fub- 
jected  his  kingdom  to  a  fhameful  vaflalage  under  the  fee  of 
Rome:   He   faw  the  prerogatives  of  his  crown  diminiihed 
by  law,  andfiill  more  reduced  by  faction  :  And   he  died 
at  laft,  when  in  danger  of  being  totally  expelled  by  a  fo- 
reign  power,  and  of  either  ending  his  life  miferably  in 
prifon,  or  feeking  fhelter  as  a  fugitive  from  the  purfuit  of 
his  enemies. 

The  prejudices  againft  this  prince  were  fo  violent,  that 
he  was  believed  to  have  lent  an  embaffy  to  the  Miramoulin 
or  emperor  of  Morocco,  and  to  have  offered  to  change 
his  religion  and  become  Mahometan,  in  order  to  purchafe 
the  protection  of  that  monarch.  But  though  this  ftory  is 
told  us,  on  plaufible  authority,  by  Matthew  Paris*,  it  is 
in  itfelf  utterly  improbable  ;  except  that  there  is  nothing 
fo  incredible  but  may  be  believed  to  proceed  from  the  folly 
and  wickednefs  of  John. 

The  monks  throw  great  reproaches  on  this  prince  for 
his  impiety  and  even  infidelity  ;  and  as  an  inftance  of  it, 
they  tell  us,  that  having  one  day  caught  a  very  fat  flag,  he 
exclaimed,  How  plump  and  well  fed  is  this  animal!  and 
yet  I  dare  /wear  he  never  heard  mafsf.  This  fally  of 
wit,  upon  the  ufual  corpulency  of  the  priefts,  more  than 
all  his  enormous  crimes  and  iniquities,  made  him  pafs  with 
them  for  an  atheift. 

John  left  two  legitimate  fons  behind  him,  Henry,  born 
on  the  firft  of  October  1207,  and  now  nine  years  of  age; 
and  Richard,  born  on  the  fixth  of  January  1209;  and 
three  daughters,  Jane,  afterwards  married  to  Alexander 
king  of  Scots;  Eleanor,  married  firft  to  William  Mare- 
fchal  the  younger,  earl  of  Pembroke,  and  then  Simon 
Mountfort,  earl  of  Leicefter  ;  and  lfabella,  married  to  the 
emperor  Frederic  II,  All  thefe  children  were  born  to 
him  by  lfabella  of  Angoulefme  his  fecond  wife.  His  ille- 
gitimate children  were  numerous  ;  but  none  of  them  any- 
wife  difitinguifhed. 

It  was  this  king,  who,  in  the  ninth  year  of  his  reign, 
firft  gave  by  charter  to  the  city  of  London,  the  right    of 

•  P.  169.  •jM.  Pails,  p.  17... 


422  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  elec*ting  annually  a  mayor  out  of  its  own  body,  an  office 
XI.       which  was  till  now  held  for  life.     He  gave  the  city    alfo 

v— v '  power  to  cleft  and  remove  its  fheriffs  at  pleafure,  and  its 

j2i6.  common-council-men  annually.  London  bridge  was 
finilhed  in  this  reign :  The  former  bridge  was  of  wood. 
Maud  the  eraprefs  was  the  firft  that  built  a  ftone  bridge  in 
England, 


(    423    ) 


APPENDIX      II. 


The   FEUDAL    and    ANGLO-NORMAN 

Government  and  Manners. 


Origin  of  the  feudal  law Its  progrefs Feudal  go- 

vernment   of   England The  feudal  parliament *• 

The    commons Judicial  power Revenue  of  the 

crown Commerce The  church Civil  laws 

Manners* 


TH  E  feudal  law  is  the  chief  foundation,  both  of  the    Appendix. 
political  government  and  of  the  jurifprudence  efta-      XII. 

blilhed  by  the  Normans  in  England.     Our  lubje£t  there-  v * ' 

fore  requires  that  we  fhoukl  form  a  juft  idea  of  this  law, 
in  order  to  explain  the  ftate  as  well  of  that  kingdom  as  of 
all  other  kingdoms  of  Europe,  which  during  thofe  ages 
were  governed  by  fimilar  infiitutions.  And  though  1  am 
fenfible  that  1  muft  here  repeat  many  obfervations  and  re- 
flections which  have  been  communicated  by  others*;  yet, 
as  every  book,  agreeably  to  the  observation  of  a  great  hif- 
torianf,  fhould  be  as  complete  as  poffible  within  itfelf,  and 
fhouid  never  refer  for  any  thing  material  to  other  books, 
it  will  be  neceffary  in  this  place  to  deliver  a  fhort  plan  of 
that  prodigious  fabric  which  for  feveral  centuries  preferved  .• 

fuch  a  mixtre  of  liberty  and  oppreffion,  order  and  anar- 
chy, ftability  and  revolution,  as  was  never  experienced  in 
any  other  age,  or  any  other  part  of  the  world. 

*  L'Efpirit  de  Loix.     Dr.  Robertfon's   Hillary  of  Scotland. 
t  Fadre  Paolo  Hift.  Core.  Trid. 


424 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


Appendix, 
II. 


Oi  i?!in  of 
the  feudal 
law. 


After  the  northern  nations  hadfubdued  the  province^ 
of  the  Roman  empire,  they  were  obliged  to  eftablifh  a 
fyftem  of  government  which  might  fecure  their  conquefts, 
as  well  againft  the  revolt  of  their  numerous  fubjedts  who 
remained  in  the  provinces,  as  from  the  inroads  of  other 
tribes,  Who  might  be  tempted  to  ravifh  from  them  their 
new  acquifitions.  The  great  change  of  circumfiances 
made  them  here  depart  from  thofe  inftitutions  which  pre- 
vailed among  them  while  they  remained  in  the  forefts  of 
Germany;  yet  was  it  Rill  natural  for  them  to  retain,  in 
their  prefent  fettlement,  as  much  of  their  ancient  cufloms 
as  was  compatible  with  their  new  fituation. 

The  German  governments,  being  more  a  confederacy 
of  independent  warriors  than  a  civil  fubjedtion,  derived 
their  principal  force  from  many  inferior  and  voluntary 
aflbciations,  which  individuals  formed  under  a  particular 
head  or  chieftain,  and  which  it  became  the  higheft  point  of 
honour  to  maintain  with  inviolable  fidelity.  The  glory 
of  the  chief  confifted  in  the  number,  the  bravery,  and  the 
zealous  attachment  of  his  retainers :  The  duty  of  the  re- 
tainers required  that  they  fhould  accompany  their  chief  in 
all  wars  and  dangers,  that  they  fhould  fight  and  perifh  by 
his  fide,  and  that  they  fhould^  efteem  his  renown  or  his 
favour  a  fufficient  recompence  for  all  their  fervices*.  The 
prince  himfelf  was  nothing  but  a  great  chieftain,  who 
was  chofen  from  among  the  reft,  on  account  of  his  fupe- 
rior  valour  or  nobility  ;  and  who  derived  his  power  from 
the  voluntary  affociation  or  attachment  of  the  other  chief- 
tains. 

When  a  tribe,  governed  by  thefe  ideas,  and  actuated 
by  thefe  principles,  fubdued  a  large  territory,  they  found 
that  though  it  was  neceflary  to  keep  themfelves  in  a  milita- 
ry pofture,  they  could  neither  remain  united  in  a  body, 
nor  take  up  their  quarters  in  feveral  garrifons,  and  that 
their  manners  and  inftitutions  debarred  them  from  ufing 
thefe  expedients  ;  the  obvious  ones,  which  in  a  like  fitua- 
tion would  have  been  employed  by  a  more  cizilized  nati- 
on. Their  ignorance  in  the  art  of  finances,  and  perhaps 
the  devaflations  infeparable  from  fuch  violent  conquefts, 
rendered  it  impracticable  for  them  to  levy  taxes  fufficient 
for  the  pay  of  numerous  armies  ;  and  their  repugnance  to 
fubordination,  with  their  attachment  to  rural  pleafures, 
made  the  life  of  the  camp  or  garrifon,  if  perpetuated  during 
peaceful  times,  extremely  odious  and  difguftful  to  them. 
They  ieized,  therefore,  fuch  a  portion  of  the  conquered 
lands  as  appeared  neceflary  ;  they  afligned  a  fhare  for  fup- 


*  Tacit.  deMor.  Germ. 


APPENDIX     II.  425 

porting  the  dignity  of  their  prince  and  government ;  they  Appendix. 
diftributed  other  parts,  under  the  title  of  tiefs,  to  the  chiefs;  Vv  / 
thele  made  a  new  partition  among  their  retainers  ;  the  ex- 
press condition  of  all  thefe  grants  was,  that  they  might  be 
refumed  at  pleafure,and  that  the  polleffor,  fo  longas  he  en- 
joyed them,  fhould  ftill  remain  in  readinefs  to  take  the 
field  for  the^defence  of  the  nation.  And  though  the  con- 
querors immediately  feparated,  in  order  to  enjoy  their 
new  acquifitions,  their  martial  difpofition  made  them  rea- 
dily fulfil  the  terms  of  their  engagement :  Thev  affembledf 
on  the  firft  alarm;  their  habitual  atachment  to  the  chieftain 
made  them  willingly  fubmit  to  his  command;  and  thus  a 
regular  military  force,  though  concealed,  was  always  rea- 
Jv  to  defend,  on  any  emergence,  the  intereft  and  honour 
of*  the  community. 

We  are  not  to  imagine  that  all  the  conquered  lands 
were  feized  by  vhe  northerfTconquerors  ;  or  that  the  whole 
of  the  land  thus  feized  was  fubjrcled  to  thofe  military  fer- 
vices.  This  fuppofition  is  confuted  by  the  hiftory  of  all 
the  nations  on  the  continent.  Even  the  idea  given  us  of 
the  German  manners  by  the  Roman  biftorian,  may  con- 
vince us  that  that*  bold  people  would  never  have  been  con- 
tent with  lb  precarious  a  fubfifience,  or  have  fought  to 
procure  eftablifhments  which  were  only  to  continue  during 
the  good  pleafure  of  their  ibvereign.  Though  the  northern 
chieftains  accepted  of  lands  which,  being  confidered  as  a 
kind  of  military  pay,  might  be  refumed  at  the  will  of  the 
king  or  general  j  thev  alio  took  pofleffion  of  eftates  which; 
being  hereditary  and  independent,  enabled  them  to  main- 
tain their  native  liberty,  and  fupport,  without  court-favour/ 
the  honour  of  their  rank  and  family. 

But  there  is  a  great  difference,  in  the  confequences,  Progrcfs  o*, 
between  the  diftribution  of  a  pecuniary  fubfifience,  and  tiie  teudal'' 
the  alignment  of  lands  burthened  with  the  condition  of 
military  fervice.  The  delivery  of  the  former  at  the  week- 
ly, monthly,  or  annual  terms  of  payment,  ftill  recalls  the 
idea  of  a  voluntary  gratuity  from  the  prince,  and  reminds 
the  fo'.dier  of  the  precarious  tenure  by  which  he  holds  his 
commiffion.  But  the  attachment,  naturally  formed  with  a 
fixed  portion  of  land,  gradually  begets  the  idea  of  fomc- 
thing  like  property,  and  makes  the  poflefibr  forget  his  de- 
pendent fituation,  and  the  condition  which  was  at  firft  an- 
nexed to  the  grant.  It  feemed  equitable,  that  one  who 
h  id  cultivated  and  fowed  a  field  fhould  reap  the  harveft  : 
Hence  fiefs,  which  were  at  firft  entirely  precarious,  were 
loon  made  annual.  A  man  who  had  employed  his  money 
in  building,  planting,  or  other  improvements,  expedted  to 

Vol.  h  3  I 


426  HISTORY-    OF    ENGLAND. 

Appendix,   reap  the  fruits  of  his  labour  or  expence  :   Hence  they  were? 
"■        next  granted  during  a  term  of  years.     It  would  be  thought 

**  ••"-"*"/  hard  to  expel  a  man  from  his  po lie  (lions  who  had  always 
done  his  duty,  and  performed  the  conditions  on  which  he 
originally  received  them  :  Hence  the  chieftains,  in  a  fub- 
fequcnt  period,  thought  themfelves  entitled  to  demand  the 
enjoyment  of  their  feudal  lands  during  life.  It  was  found, 
that  a  man  would  more  willingly  expofe  himfelf  in  battle, 
if  affu red  that  his  family  fhould  inherit  his  pofleffions,  and 
fhould  not  be  left  by  his  death  in  want  and  poverty  :  Hence 
fiefs  we  re  made  hereditary  in  families,  and  defcended, 
during  one  age,  to  the  fon,  tiien  to  the  grandfon,  next  to 
the  brothers,  and  afterwards  to  more  diftant  relations*. 
The  idea  of  property  ftole  in  gradually  upon  that  of 
military  pay  ;  and.  each  century  made  fome  fenfible  ad- 
dition to  the  liability  of  fiefs  and  tenures. 

In  all  thefe  fucceflive  acquifitions,  the  chief  "was  fup- 
ported  by  his  vaiTals;  who,  having  originally  a  ftrong  con- 
nection with  him,  augmented  by  the  conftant  intercourfe 
of  good  offices,  and  by  the  friendfhip  arifing  from 
vicinity  and  dependance,  were  inclined  to  follow  their 
leader  againft  ali  his  enemies,  and  voluntarily,  in  his  pri- 
vate quarrels,  paid  him  the  fame  obedience  to  which,  by 
their  tenure,  they  were  bound  in  foreign  wars.  While  he 
daily  advanced  new  pretentions  to  fecure  the  pofleffion 
of  his  fuperior  fief,  they  expefled  to  find  the  fame  advan- 
tage, in  acquiring  liability  to  their  fubordinate  ones;  and 
they  zealoufly  oppofed  the  intrufion  of  a  new  lord,  who 
would  be  inclined,  as  he  was  fully  intitled,  to  beflow  the 
pofieflion  of  their  lands  on  his  own  favourites  and  retain- 
ers. Thus  the  authority  of  the  fovereign  gradually  de- 
caved  ;  and  each  noble,  fortified  in  his  own  territory  by 
the  attachment  of  his  vaflals,  became  too  powerful  to  be 
expelled  by  an  order  from  the  throne;  and  he  fecured  by 
]raw  what  he  had  at  firft  acquired  by  ufurpation. 

During  this  precarious  (late  of  the  fupreme  power,  a 
difference  .  would  immediately  be  experienced  between 
thofe  portions  of  territory  which  were  fubjecled  to  the 
feudal  tenures,  and  thofe  which  were  poiTefled  by  an  allo- 
dial or  free  title.  Though  the  latter  pofleffions  had  at  firft 
been  efteemed  much  preferable,  they  were  foon  found,  by 
the  progieilive  changes  introduced  into  public  and  private 
law,  to  be  of  an  inferior  condition  to  the  former.  The 
poilellors  of  a  feudal  territory,  united  by  a  regular  fubor- 
dination  under  one  chief,  and  by  the  mutual  attachments 
of  the  vaiTals,  had  the  fame  advantages  over  the  proprietors 

*  Lib.  Feud.  lib.  J.  tit.  t. 


APPENDIX     II.  427 

of  the  other,  that  a  difciplined  army  enjoys  over  a  difper-   Appendix, 
fed  multitude  ;  and  were  enabled  to  commit  with  impunity         II. 

all  injuries  on  their  defencelefs  neighbours.      Every   one,  **w.; .* ' 

therefore,  haitened  to  feek  that  protection  which  he  found 
i'o  neceflary  ;  and  each  allodial  proprietor,  refigning  his 
poileffions  into  the  hands  of  the  king,  or  of  fotne  noble- 
man refpected  for  power  or  valour,  received  them  back 
with  the  condition  of  feudal  fervices*,  which,  though  a 
burden  fomewhat  grievous,  brought  him  ample  compen- 
fation,  by  connecting  him  with  the  neighbouring  proprie- 
tors, and  placing  him  under  the  guacdianfhip  of  a  potent 
chiiftain.  The  decay  of  the  political  government  thus 
neceflarily  occaiioned  the  extenfion  of  the  feudal :  The 
kingdoms  of  Europe  were  univerfally  divided  into  baro- 
nies, and  thefe  into  inferior  fiefs:  And  the  attachment  of 
vaflils  to  theirchief,  which  was  at  firft  an  efTential  part  of 
the  German  manners,  wasftill  fupported  by  the  fame  caufes 
from  which  it  at  firft  arofe  ;  the  necedity  of  mutual  pro- 
tection, and  the  continued  intercourle,  between  the  head 
and   the  members,  of  benefits  andrervices. 

Bur  there  was  another  circumftance  which  corroborated 
thefe  feudal  dependencies,  and  tended  to  connect  the  vaf- 
fals  with  their  fuperior  lord  by  an  indiffoluble  bond  of 
union.  The  northern  conquerors,  as  well  as  the  more 
early  Greeks  and  Romans,  embraced  a  policy,  which  is 
unavoidable  to  all  nations  that  have  n^ide  llender  advances 
in  refinement:  They  every  where  united  the  civil  jurif- 
diction  with  the  military  power.  Law,  in  its  commence- 
ment, was  not  an  intricate  fcience,  and  was  more  govern- 
ed by  maxims  of  equity,  which  feem  obvious  to  common 
fenfe,  than  by  numerous  and  fubtile  principles,  applied  to 
a  variety  of  cafes  by  profound  reafonings  from  analogy. 
\n  ojfficer,  though  he  had  palled  his  life  in  tie  field,  was 
able  to  determine  all  legal  controverfies  which  could  oc- 
cur within  the  diftrict  committed  to  his  charge  ;  and  his  de- 
cifions  were  the  moll  likely  to  meet  with  a  prompt  and 
ready  obedience,  from  men  who  refpecled  his  perfon, 
and  were  accufiomed  to  act  under  his  command.  The 
profit  arjfing  from  pnnilbments,  which  were  then  chicflv 
pecuniary,  was  another  reaion  for  his  drilling  to  retain 
the  judicial  power  ;  and  when  his  fief  became  Hereditary, 
this  authority,  which  was  cuential  to  it,  was  alfo tranfmit- 
ted  to  his  pollerity.  The  counts,  and  other  ma  gift  rates, 
whole  power  was  merely  official,  were  tempted,  in  imita- 
tion of  the  feudal  lords,  whom 'hey  refen, bled  in  (o  many 
particulars,  to  render  their  dignity  perpetual  and  heredita- 

»  Marculf,  Form.  47.  ■ 


428  HISTORY    OF    ENGL  AND. 

Appendix,    ry  ;  and  in  the  decline  of  the  regal  power,  they  found  nc 
U«       difficulty  in   making  good   their  pretenSions.     After  this 
1  manner  the  vaSt   fabric    of  feudal  fubordination   became 

quite  Solid  and  comprehenfive;  it  formed  every  where  an 
effential  part  of  the  political  constitution;  and  the  Nor- 
man and  other  barons,  wha  followed  the  fortunes  of  Wil- 
liam, were  fo  accuftomed  to  it,  that  they  could  fcarcely 
form  an  idea  of  any  other  fpecies  of  civil  government*. 

The  Saxons  who  conquered  England,  as  they  exter- 
minated the  ancient  inhabitants,  and  thought  themfelves 
fecured  by  the  {ea  againfi  new  invaders,  found  it  lefs  re- 
quisite to  maintain  themfelves  in  a  military  pofture  :  1  he 
quantity  of  land  which  they  annexed  to  offices  feems  to 
have  been  of  Small  value;  and  fcr  that  reafon  continued 
the  longer  in  its  original  Situation,  and  was  always  poiTef- 
fed  during  pleafure  by  thofe  who  were  intruSted  with  the 
command.  Thele  conditions  were  too  precarious  to  fatisfy 
the  Norman  barons,  tfrho  enjoyed  more  independent  poS- 
feffions  and  jurisdictions  in  their  own  country;  and  Wil- 
liam was  obliged,  in  the  new  distribution  of  land,  to  copy 
the  tenures,  which  were  now  become  univerfal  on  the 
continent.  England  of  a  Sudden  became  a  feudal  king- 
dom +  ;  and  received  all  the  advantages,  and  was  expofed 
to  all  the  inconveniences,  incident  to  that  Species  of  civil 
polity. 
The  feu-  According  to  the  principles  of  the  feudal  law,  the 
dai  go-  king  was  the  Supreme  lord  of  the  landed  property  :  All 
vernment  poffclTors,  who  enjoyed  the  fruits  or  revenue  of  any  part 
gland.  °f  ]t»  ne'd  thofe  privileges,  either  mediately  or  immedi- 

ately, of  him;  and  their  property  was  conceived  to  be,  in 
Some  degree,  conditional  $.  The  land  was  Still  apprehen- 
ded to  be  a  Species  of  benefice,  which  was  the  original  con- 
ception of  a  feudal  property  ;  and  the  vaSJal  owed,  in  re- 
turn for  it,  Stated  Services  to  his  baron,  as  the  baron  him- 
felf  did  for  his  land  to  the  crown.  The  vaflal  was  obliged 
to  defend  his  baron  in  war  ;  and  the  baron,  at  the  head  of 
his  valTals,  was  bound  to  fight  in  defence  of  the  king  and 
kingdom.  But  befidestheSe  military  Services,  which  were 
ca.'ual,  there  were  others  impoSed  of  a  civil  nature,  which 
were  more  conStant  and  durable. 

The  northern  nations  had  no  idea,  that  any  man,  train- 
ed up  to  honour,  and  enured  to  arms,  was  ever  to  be  go- 
verned, without  his  own  conSent,  by  the  ablolute  will  oif 

•  The  ideas  cf  the  feudal  government  were  foiooied,  that  even  lawyers,  hi 
thofe  ages,  could  not  foim  a  notion  of  any   other  confhtution.      Regvum  (lav* 
Bracton,  Lb.  2.  cap.  34. )•  quod  tx  eomitatihus   (jf  baronibus  dlcltur  effe  co»J!i- 
tutum  ■ 
'    f  Coke  Comm.  on  Lit.  p.  1.  a.  and  feci.  1. 

J  SoOiner  of  Ga\elk.  p.   109.     Smith  tie  Rep.  lib.  3.  cap.  10. 


A  P  P  E  N  D  1  X     II.  429 

another;  or  that  the  adminifhation  of  juftice  was  ever  to   Appendit. 
beexercifed  by  the  private  opinion  of  anyone  magiftrate,       11. 

without    the  concurrence  of  fome  other    perfons,  whole  v v— — ' 

intereft  might  induce  them  to  check,  his  arbitrary  and 
iniquitous  decifion*.  The  king,  therefore,  when  he  found 
It  neceflary  to  demand  any  fervice  of  his  barons  or  chief 
tenants,  beyond  what  was  due  by  their  tenures,  was  obli- 
ged to  aflemble  them,  in  order  to  obtain  their  confent  1 
And  when  it  was  neceiTary  to  determine  any  controverfy, 
which  might  arife  among  the  barons  themfelves,  the  quef- 
tion  muft  be  difcufled  in  their  prcfence,  and  be  decided  ac- 
cording to  their  opinion  or  advice.  In  thefe  two  circum- 
flances  of  confent  and  advice,  confifted  chiefly  the  civil 
fervices  of  the  ancient  barons  ;  and  thefe  implied  all  the 
confiderable  incidents  of  government.  In  one  view,  the 
barons  regarded  this  attendance  as  their  principal  privilege; 
in  another,  ?s  a  grievous  burden.  That  no  momentous 
affairs  could  be  tranfacled  without  their  confent  and  advice, 
was  in  general  efteemed  the  great  fecurity  of  their  poflef- 
fions  and  dignities  :  But  as  they  reaped  no  immediate  pro- 
fit from  their  attendance  at  court,  and  were  expof'ed  to 
great  inconvenience  and  charge  by  an  abfence  from  their 
own  eflates,  every  one  was  glad  to  exempt  himielf  from 
each  particular  exertion  of  this  power  ;  and  was  pleafed 
both  that  the  call  for  that  duty  fhould  feldom  return  upon 
him,  and  that  others  fhould  undergo  the  burden  in  his 
ftead.  The  king,  on  the  other  hand,  was  ufually  anxi- 
ous, for  feveral  reafons,  that  the  afTembly  of  the  barons 
mould  be  full  at  every  ftated  or  cafual  meeting:  This  at- 
tendance was  the  chief  badge  of  their  fubordination  to 
his  crown,  and  drew  them  from  that  independence  which 
they  were  apt  to  affect  in  their  own  caftles  and  manors  ; 
and  where  the  meeting  wasthinor  ill  attended,  its  deter- 
minations had  lefs  authority,  and  commanded  not  fo  ready 
an  obedience  from  the  whole  community. 

The  cafe  was  the  fame  with  the  barons  in  their  courts, 
as  with  the  kfng  in  the  fupreme  council  of  the  nation.  It 
was  requifite  toalTemble  the  vaflals,  in  order  to  determine 
by  their  vote  any  quell  ion  which  regarded  the  barony  ; 
and  they  fat  along  with  the  chief  in  all  trials,  whether 
civir'or  criminal,  which  occurred  within  the  limitsof  their 
jurifdiction.  They  were  bound  to  pay  fuit  and  fervice  at 
the  court  of  their  baron;  and  as  their  tenure  was  military, 
and  consequently  honourable,  thev  were  admitted  into  his 
fociety,  and  partook  of  his  friendfhip.  Thus,  a  kingdom 
was  confidered  only  as  a  great  barony,  ai.a  a  barony  as  a 
fmall  kingdom.  The  baions  were  peers  to  each  other  if. 
the    natonal  council,  and,  in   fome  degree,  companions 


430  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Appendix,    to  the  king  :  The  vafTals  were  peers  to  each  other  in  the 
X*»         court  of  barony,  and  companions  to  their  baron  *. 

'  v— — '  But  though  this  refeinblance  fo  far  took  place,  the 
vafTals,  by  the  natural  courfe  of  things,  univerfally,  in  the 
feudal  conftituiions,  fell  into  a  greater  fubordination  under 
tfye  baron,  than  the  baron  himfelf  under  his  fovereign;  and 
ti-iefe  governments  had  a  neceiTary  and  infallible  tendency 
to  augment  the  power  of  the  nobles.  The  great  chief, 
fefiding  in  his  country-feat,  which  he  was  commonly  al- 
lowed to  fortify,  loft,  in  a  great  meafure,  his  connection  or 
acquaintance  with  the  prince;  and  added  every  day  new 
force  to  his  authority  over  the  vafTals  of  the  barony.  They 
received  from  him  education  in  all  military  exercifes:  His 
hofpitality  invited  them  to  live  and  enjoy  fociety  in  his 
hall:  Their  leifure,  which  was  great,  made  them  perpe- 
tual retainers  on  his  perlon,  and  partakers  of  his  country 
fportsand  amufements  :  They  had  no  means  of  gratifying 
their  ambition  but  by  making  a  figure  in  his  train  :  His 
favour  and  countenance  was  their  greateft  honour  :  His 
difpleafure  expofed  them  to  contempt  and  ignominy  :  And 
they  felt  every  moment  the  neceffity  of  his  protection,  both 
in  the  controverfies  which  occurred  with  other  vafTals,  and, 
what  was  more  material,  in  the  daily  inroads  and  injuries 
which  v/ere  committed  by  the  neighbouring  barons.  Du- 
ring the  time  of  general  war,  the  fovereign,  who  marched 
at  the  head  of  his  armies,  and  was  the  great  protector  of 
the  (late,  always  acquired  tome  accefiion  to  his  authority, 
which  he  loft  during  the  intervals  of  peace  and  tranquillity  : 
But  the  loofe  police,  incident  to  the  feudal  conftitutions, 
maintained  a  perpetual,  though  fecret  hottility,  between 
the  feveral  members  of  the  (late;  and  the  vafTals  found  no 
means  of  fecuring  themielves  againft  the  injuries  to  which 
they  were  continually  expofed,  but  by  cloiely  adhering 
to  their  chief,  and  falling  into  a  fubmiffive  dependence  up- 
on him. 

If  the  feudal  government  was  fo  little  favourable  to  the 
true  liberty  even  of  the  military  vafTal,  it  was  (till  more 
deftrudVive  of  the  independence  and  fecurity  of  the  other 
members  of  the  ftate,  or  what,  in  a  proper  fenfe,  we  call 
the  people.  A  great  part  of  them  were  /erfs,  and  lived 
in  a  ftate  of  abiblute  flavery  or  villainage:  The  other  in- 
habitants of  the  country  paid  their  rent  in  fervices,  which 
were  in  a  great  meafure  arbitrary  ;  and  they  could  expeft 
noredrefs  of  injuries,  in  a  court  of  barony,  from  men  who 
thought  they  had  a  right  to  opprefs  and  tyrannife    over 

*  Du  Cange  Gloff.  in  verb.  P<w.     Cujac.  Commun.  in  Lib.  Feud.  lib.  i. 
f>.  18.     Spelm.  GlQtT.  in  verb. 


APPENDIX     II.  43* 

them:  The  towns  were  fituated  either  within  the  demefhes  Appendix. 
of   the  king   or  the    lands   o:   the  great  barons,  and  were        **• 
slmoft  entirely  lubjected  lo  the  abfolute  will  of  their  maf-  * 

ter.  The  languishing  ftale  of  commerce  kept  the  inhabi- 
tants poor  and  contemptible  ;  and  the  political  inftitutions 
were  calculated  to  render  that  poverty  perpetual.  The  ba- 
rons and  gentry,  living  in  ruflic  plenty  and  hofpitalify, 
gave  no  encouragement  to  the  arts,  and  had  no  demand  for 
any  of  the  more  elaborate  manufactures:  Every  profeffi- 
on  was  held  in  contempt  but  that  of  arms  :  And  if  any 
merchant  or  manufacturer  rofe  by  indufirvand  frugality  to 
a  degree  of  opulence,  he  found  himfelf  but  the  more  ex- 
poled  to  injuries,  from  the  envy  and  avidity  of  the  military 
nobles. 

These  concurring  caufes  gave  the  feudal  governments 
fo  flrong  a  bias  towards  ariflocracy,  that  the  royal  autho- 
rity was  extremely  eclipfed  in  all  the  European  dates  ; 
and,  inflead  of  dreading  the  growth  of  monarchical  power, 
we  might  rather  expect  that  the  community  would  every 
where  crumble  into  fo  many  independent  baronies,  and 
lofe  the  political  union  by  which  they  were  cemented.  In 
elective  monarchies,  the  event  was  commonly  anfwerable 
to  this  expectation  ;  and  the  barons,  gaining  ground  on 
every  vacancy  of  the  throne,  railed  themfelves  almoft  to 
a  hate  of  fovereignty,  and  facrificed  to  their  power  both 
the  rights  of  the  crown  and  the  liberties  of  the  people.  But 
hereditary  monarchies  had  a  principle  of  authority  which 
was  not  fo  eafily  fubverted  ;  and  there  were  feveral  caufes 
which  {till  maintained  a  degree  of  influence  in  the  hands 
of  the  fovereign. 

I  he  greateft  baron  could  never  lofe  view  entirely  cf 
thofc  principles  of  the  feudal  conftitution  which  bound 
him,  as  a  yaffil,  to  fubmiffion  and  fealty  towards  his  prince; 
becaule  he  was  every  moment  obliged  to  have  recourfe  to 
thofc  principles,  in  exacting  fealty  and  fubmiffion  from 
Wis  own  vaflals.  The  leffer  barons,  finding  that  the  anni- 
hilation of  royal  authority  left  them  expofed,  without  pro- 
tection, to  the  infults  and  injuries  of  more  potent  neigh- 
bours, naturally  adhered  to  the  crown,  and  prcmoted  the 
execution  of  general  and  equal  laws.  The  people  had  ftill 
a  ftronger  intereu  to  defire  the  grandeur  of  the  fovereign  ; 
and  the  king,  being  the  legal  magiflrate,  who  fuffered  by 
every  internal  convulfionor  oppreffion,  and  who  regarded 
the  great  nobles  us  his  immediate  rivals,  affiumed  the  falu- 
tary  office  of  genetal  guardian  or  protector  of  the  com- 
mons. Bcfides  the  prerogatives  with,  which  the  law  invef- 
ted  him,  his  large  demefnes  and  numerous  retainers  rende* 
red  him,  in  one  feafe,  the  greateft  baron  in  his  kingdom  ; 


43?  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Appendix,    and  where  he  was  poflefled  of  perfonal  vigour  and  abilities 

«fi        (for  his  fituation  required  thefe  advantages),  he  was  com- 

s/~~*     monly  able  to  prcierve   his  authority,  and   maintain  his 

ftation  as  head  of  the  community,  and  the  chief  fountain  of 

law  and  juftice. 

The  firft  kings  of  the  Norman  race  were  favoured  by 
another  circumftance,  which  preferved  them  from  the  en- 
croachments of  their  barons.  They  were  generals  of  a 
conquering  army,  which  was  obliged  to  continue  in  a  mili- 
tary pofture,  and  to  maintain  great  fubordination  under 
their  leader,  in  order  to  fecure  themfelves  from  the  revolt 
of  the  numerous  natives,  whom  they  had  bereaved  of  all 
their  properties  and  privileges.  But  though  this  circum- 
ftance fupported  the  authority  of  William  and  his  immedi- 
ate fucceilbrs,  and  rendered  them  extremely  abfolute,  it 
was  loft  as.  foon  as  the  Norman  barons  began  to  incorpo- 
rate with  the  nation,  to  acquire  a  fecurity  in  their  poftef- 
fjons,  and  to  fix  their  influence  over  their  vaflals,  tenants, 
and  (laves.  And  the  immenfe  fortunes  which  the  Con- 
queror had  beftowed  on  his  chief  captains,  ferved  to  fup- 
port  their  independence,  and  make  them  formidable  to  the 
fovereign. 

He  gave,  forinftance,  to  Hugh  de  Abrincis,  his  fifter'3 
fon,  the  whole  county  of  Chefter,  which  he  erected  into 
a  palatinate,  and  rendered  by  his  grant  almoft  independent 
of  the  crown*.  Robert  earl  of  Mortaigne  had  973  man- 
ors and  lordfhips  :  Allan  earl  of  Britanny  and  Richmond 
442:  Odo  bifhop  of  Baieux439f:  Geoffrey  bifhop  of 
Coutance  280 %:  Walter  Giffard  earl  of  Buckingham 
107:  William  e.irl  Warrenne  298,  befides  28  towns  or 
hamlets  in  Yorkfhire  :  Todenei  81:  Roger  Bigod  123: 
Robert  earl  of  Eu  119:  Roger  Mortimer  132,  befide3 
feveral  hamlets  :  Robert  de  Stafford  130:  Walter  de  Eu- 
rus  earl  of  Salifbury  46:  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville  118: 
Richard  de  Clare  J71  :  Hugh  de  Beauchamp47:  Baldwin 
de  Ridvers  164:  Henry  de  Ferrars  222  :  William  de  Per- 
cy 1 19 1)  :  Norman  d'Arcy  33*  *.  Sir  Henry  Spelman 
computes,  that,  in  the  large  county  of  Norfolk,  there 
were  not,  in  the  Conqueror's  time,  above  fixty-fix  pro- 
prietors of  landtt.  Men,  poffeffedof  fuch  princely  re- 
venues and  jurifdi&ions,  could  not  long  be  retained  in  the 

*  Camel,  in  Ch?fh.     Spelm.  Gloff.  in  verb.  Comes  Palatinus. 
t  Brady's  Hift.  p.  ioS.  2»o.  J  Order.  Vital. 

I|  Dugdaie's  Baronage,  from  Domefday  Book,  vol.  i.  p.  60.  74.  iii.  112.  13J. 
136.  13S.  156.  174.  2.00.  207,  22j.  254'  257.  260. 

*  *  ibid.  p.  369.  It  is  remarkable  that  this  family  of  d'Arcy  feems  to  be 
the  onlv  mal:  dependents  of  any  of  the  Conqueror's  barons  now  remaining 
4roong  the  peers.     Lord  Hoklerneife  is  iheheir  of  that -family. 

1 1  ^pel-  Gloff  in  verb-  Demtfday. 


APPENDIX     II.  433- 

rank  of  fubje&s.     The  great  e3rl  Warrenne,  in  a  fubfe-   Appendix, 
quent    reign,    when    he    was  queltioned  concerning  his       11. 

right  to  the  lands  which  he  pollened,  drew  his  fword,  which  * y/~~^> 

he  produced  as  his  title  ;  ;ulding,  that  William  the  Baftard 
did  not  conquer  the  kingdom  himielf ;  but  that  the  barons, 
and  his  anceftor  among  the  reft,  were  joint-adventurers  in 
the  enterprife*. 

The  fupreme  legiflative  power  of  England  was  lodged  T, 
in  the  king  and  great  council,  or  what  was  afterwards  cal-  feudal 
led  the  parliament.  It  is  not  doubted  but  the  archbifhops,  parliament 
bifhops,  and  moft  confiderable  abbots,  were  conftituent 
members  of  this  council.  They  fat  by  a  double  title  :  By 
prelcri prion,  as  having  always  pofJcfled  that  privilege, 
through  the  whole  Saxon  period,  from  the  firft  eflablilh- 
ment  of  Cbriftianity  ;  and  by  their  right  of  baronage,  as 
holding  of  the  king  in  capite  by  military  fervice.  Tlicfc 
two  titles  of  the  prelates  were  never  accurately  diftinguifh-  » 
ed.  When  the  ufurpations  of  the  church  had  rifen  to 
fuch  a  height,  a^tomake  the  bifhops  afFeCt  a  feparate  domi- 
nion, and  regard  their  feat  in  parliament  as  a  degradation 
of  their  epifcopal  dignity  ;  the  king  infifted  that  they  were 
barons,  and,  on  that  account,  obliged  by  the  general  prin- 
ciples of  the  feudal  law,  to  attend  on  him  in  his  great  coun- 
cils f.  Yet  there  flill  remained  fome  practices,  which 
fuppofed  their  title  to  be  derived  merely  from  ancient  pof- 
feffion  :  When  a  bifhop  was  elected,  he  fat  in  parliament 
before  the  king  had  made  him  reftitution  of  his  temporali- 
ties ;  and  during  the  vacancy  of  a  fee,  the  guardian  of  the 
fpiritualities  was  fummoned  to  attend  along  with  the 
bifhops. 

The  barons  were  another  conftituent  part  of  the  great 
council  of  the  nation.  Thefe  held  immediately  of  the 
crown  by  a  military  tenure  :  They  were  the  molt  honour- 
able members  of  the  ftate,  and  had  a  right  to  be  confulted 
in  all  public  deliberations  :  They  were  the  immediate 
vaflals  of  the  crown,  and  owed  as  ajcrvice  their  attendance 
in  the  court  of  their  fupreme  lord.  A  refolution  taken 
without  their  confent  was  likely  to  be  but  ill  executed: 
And  no  determination  of  any  caufe  or  controverfy  among 
them  had  any  validity,  where  the  vote  and  advice  of  the 
body  did  not  concur.  The  dignity  of  earl  or  count  was 
official  and  territorial,  as  well  as  hereditary  ;  and  as  all 
the  earls  were  alfo  barons,  they  were  confjdered  as  military 
vafTalsofthe  crown,  were  admitted   in  that  capacity  into 

Vol.  1.  3  K 

•  Du?.  Bar.  vol.  i.  p.  70.     Ibid.  0.:gines   Jur;c  cales,  p.  1  j, 
t  Sgcl.  Gloff.  invetb.   B*ro* 


434 

Appcndir. 

ir. 


The  com 

mans. 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

the  general  council,  and  formed  the  moft  honourable  and 
powerful  branch  of  it. 

But  there  was  another  clafs  of  the  immediate  military 
tenants  of  the  crown.no  lefs,  or  probably  more,  numerous 
than  the  barons,  the  tenants  in  capite  by  knights  fervice  ; 
and  thefe,  however  inferior  in  -power  or  property,  held 
by  a  tenure  which  was  equally  honourable  with  that  of  the 
others.  A  barony  was  commonly  compofed  of  feveral 
knights  fees:  And  though  the  number  feems  not  to  have 
been  exactly  defined,  feldom  comfifted  of  leis  than  fifty 
hydes  of  land*:  But  where  a  man  held  of  the  king  only 
one  or  two  knights  fees,  he  vasfiillan  immediate  vaflal 
of  the  crown,  and  as  fuch  had  a  title  to  have  a  feat  in  the 
general  councils.  But  as  this  attendance  was  ufually 
efteemed  a  burthen,  and  one  too  great  for  a  man  of  {len- 
der fortune  to  bear  conftantly  ;  it  is  probable  that,  though 
he  had  a  title,  if  he  pleafed,  to  be  admitted,  he  was  not 
obliged,  by  any  penalty,  like  the  barons,  to  pay  a  regular 
attendance.  All  the  immediate  military  tenants  of  the 
crown  amounted  not  fully  to  700,  when  Domelday-book 
was  framed  ;  and  as  the  members  were  well  pleafed,  on 
any  pretext,  to  excuie  themfelves  from  attendance,  the 
affembly  was  never  likelv  to  become  too  numerous  for  the 
difpatch  of  public  bufinefs. 

So  far  the  nature  of  a  general  council,  or  ancient  par- 
liament, is  determined  without  any  doubt  or  controverfy. 
The  only  queftion  feems  to  be  with  regard  to  the  com- 
mons, or  the  reprefentatives  of  counties  and  boroughs  ; 
whether  they  were  alfo,  in  more  early  times,  conilituent 
parts  of  parliament  ?  This  queftion  was  once  difputcd  in 
England  with  great  acrimony  :  But  fuch  is  the  force  of 
time  and  evidence,  that  they  can  fometimes  prevail  even 
over  faction  ;  and  the  queftion  feems,  by  general  confent, 
and  even  by  their  own,  to  be  at  laft  determined  againft 
the  ruling  party.  It  is  agreed,  that  the  commons  were  no 
part  of  the  great  council,  till  feme  ages  after  the  conqueft; 
and  that  the  military  tenants  alone  of  the  crown  compofed 
that  fupreme  and  legiflative  alTembly. 

The  vaffals  of  a  baron  were  by  their  tenure  immedi- 
ately dependant  on  him,  owed  attendance  at  bis  court, 
and  paid  all  their  duty  to  the  king,  through  that  depen- 
dance  which  their  lord  was  obliged  by  his  tenure  to  ac- 
knowledge to  his  fovereign  and  fuperior.     Their  land, 

*  Fout  hydes  made  one  knight's  fee:  The  relief  of  a  barony  was  twelve 
times  greater  than  that  of  a  knight's  fee  ;  whence  we  may  conjecture  its  ufual 
value.  Spelm.  Glofl.  in  verb.  Feodum.  I  here  were  243,600  hydes  in  i.ng- 
land,  and 60,21;  knights  fees;  whence  it  is  evident  that  theie  were  a  little 
more  than  four  hydes  in  each  knight's  fee. 


APPENDIX     II.  435 

comprehended  in  the  barony,  was  reprefented  in  pailia-  Append. 
ment  by  the  baron  himielf,  who  was  fuppofed,  according  «, 
to  the  fitlionsc"  the  feudal  law,  to  poffefs  the  direct  pro-  ^"■v 
pertyof  it,  and  it  would  have  been  deemed  incongruous  to 
give  it  any  other  reprefentation.  They  flood  in  the  fame 
capacity  to  him,  that  he  and  the  other  barons  did  to  the 
king  :  The  former  were  peers  of  the  barony  ;  the  latter 
were  peersof  the  realm  :  The  vafTals  poffefled  a  fubordinate 
rank  within  their  difirict ;  the  baron  enjoyed  a  fuperior 
dignity  in  the  great  affembly  :  They  were  in  fome  degree 
his  companions  at  home ;  he  the  king's  companion  at  court: 
And  nothing  can  be  more  evidently  repugnant  to  all  feu- 
dal ideas,  and  to  that  gradual  fubordination  which  was  ef- 
fential  to  thofe  ancient  inilitutions,  than  to  imagine  that 
the  king  would  apply  either  for  the  advice  or  confent  of 
men,  who  were  of  a  rank  fo  much  inferior,  and  whofeduty 
was  immediately  paid  to  the  inrfnc  lord  that  was  interpofed 
between  them  and  the  throne*. 

If  it  be  unreaibnable  to  think  that  the  vaiTals  of  a  baro- 
ny, though  their  tenure  was  military  and  noble  and  ho- 
nourable, were  ever  fummoned  to  give  their  opinion  in  na- 
tional councils,  much  lcls  can  it  be  fuppofed,  that  the 
tradefmen  or  inhabitants  of  boroughs,  whole  condition  was 
fo  much  inferior,  would  be  admitted  to  that  privilege.  It 
appears  from  Domefday,  that  the  greateft  boroughs  were, 
at  the  time  of  the  conqueft,  fcarcely  more  than  country 
villages;  and  that  the  inhabitants  lived  in  entire  depen- 
danceon  the  king  or  great  lords,  and  were  of  a  ftation  lit- 
tle better  than  fervilef.  They  were  not  then  fo  much  as 
incorporated  ;  they  formed  no  community  ;  were  not  re- 
garded as  a  body  politic  ;  and  being  really  nothing  but  a 
number  of  low  dependent  tradefmen,  living,  without  any 
particular  civil  tie,  in  neighbourhood  together,  they  were 
incapable  of  being  reprefented  in  the  ftates  of  the  king- 
dom, liven  in  France,  a  country  which  made  more  early 
advances  in  arts  and  civility  than  England,  the  firft  cor- 
poration is  fixty  yeais  poflerior  to  the  conqueft  under  the 
duke  of  Normandy  ;  and  the  erecting  of  thefe  communi- 
ties was  an  invention  of  Lewis  <he  Grofs,  in  order  to  free 
the  people  from  flavery  under  the  lords,  «nd  to  give  them 
protection,  by  means  of  certain  privileges  and  a  feparate 
juriidiction  J.  An  ancient  French  writer  call  th:m  a  new 
and  wicked  device,  to  procure  liberty  to  flaves,  and  en- 
courage them  in  fluking  otFthe  dominion  of  theii  maftersil. 

»  Spelm.  GlofT.  in  veib.  Baro.  f  Liter  hornet   fiantly 

fied  a  gentleman  :  For  (caice  any  one  befide  was  entirely  free.  Spelm.  G 
jn  verbo.  +  Du  Can;  .  i»vcib.  Ctunmxt  t  C^mmunitm. 

||  Guibcrlusdc  vita  fua,  lib.  j.  cap.  7. 


430  HISTORY     OF     ENGLAND. 

Appendix.    The  famous  charter,  as  it  is  called,  of  the    conqueror  to 
**•        the  city  of  London,  though  granted  at  a  time  when  he  af- 

4 v— -/  fumed  the  appearance  of  gentlenefs  and  lenity,  is  nothing 

&ut  a  letter  of  protection,  and  a  declaration  that  the  citi- 
zens fhould  not  he  treated  as  (laves*.  By  the  Engliih  feu- 
dal law,  the  fuperior  lord  was  prohibited  from  marrying 
his  female  ward  toabufgefs  or  a  villain  +  ;  fo  near  were 
jhefe  two  ranks  eftccmed  to  each  other,  and  fo  much  infe- 
rior to  the  nobility  and  gentry.  Befides  pofTeffing  the  ad- 
vantages of  birth,  riches,  civil  powers  and  privileges,  the 
nobles  and  gentlemen  alone  were  armed,  a  chcumftan.ee 
which  gave  them  a  mighty  fupeviority,  in  an  age  when 
nothing  but  the  military  profefTion  was  honourable,  and 
when  the  looie  execution  of  laws  gave  fo  much  encourage- 
ment to  open  violence,  and  rendered  it  fo  dec i five  in  all 
difputes  and  controversies  |. 

The  great  fimilarity  among  the  feudal  governments  of 
Europe  is  well  known  to  every  man  that  has  any  acquain- 
tance with  ancient  hiltorv  ;  and  the  antiquaries  of  all  fo- 
reign countries,  where  the  queftion  was  never  embarrafled 
by  party  difputes,  have  allowed,  that  the  commons  came 
very  late  to  be  admitted  to  a  {hare  in  the  legislative  power. 
In  Normandy  particularly,  whofe  conflitution  was  moft 
likely  to  be  William's  model  in  railing  his  pew  fabric  of 
Englifh  government,  the  ftates  were  entirely  compofed  of 
the  clergy  and  nobility  ;  and  the  firft  incorporated  bo- 
roughsor  comm  mities  of  that  dutchy  were  Rouen  and  Fa- 
Jaife,  which  enjoyed  their  privileges  by  a  grant  of  Philip 
Auguflus  in  the  year  1207I!.  All  the  ancient  Engliln  hif- 
torians,  when  they  mention  the  great  council  of  the  nati- 
on, call  it  an  affembly  of  the  baronage,  nobility,  or  great 
men  ;  and  none  of  their  expreffions,  though  feveral  hun- 
dred paffages  might  be  produced,  can,  without  the  ufmoft 
violence,  be  tortured  to  a  meaning  which  will  admit  the 
commons  to  be  conftituent  members  of  that  body**.     If 

*  Stat,  of  Merton,  1535,  cap.  6.  f  Holl'nf  f!ied,  vol.  Hi.  p.  15. 
t  Madox's  Paron.   Aiigt.  p.  19.  |j  Norman.   DuChefnii,    p. 

1066.     Du  Cange  Glo.T.  in  vert).  Ccmqpne. 

*  •  Sometimes  .the  hiftorians  mention  the  people,  pofu/i/s,  as  a  part  of  the 
parliament ;  tint  they  always  mran  the  laity,  !n  oppofit  on  to  the  clergy.  Some- 
times the  word  commf/ttitas  is  found  ;  but  it  always  means cammunitas  iarongi'. 
I'hefe  points  are  clearly  proved  by  Dr."  Brady.  1  here  is  alio  mention  fon  r- 
tinres  made  of  a  crowd  or  multitude  that  thronged  into  the  great  council  on 
particular  interfiling  occafions;  but  as  deputies  frcm  boroughs  are  ne-  er 
once  fpole  of,  the  proof,  that  they  had  not  then  any  exiftei  ce,  becomes  tie 
more  certain  and  Undeniable.'  i  hefe  never  could  make  a  crowd,  as  thev 
mull  have  had  a  regular  place affigned  them,  if  tl  ular  pan  of 
the  legiflative  body.  '1  here  were  only  1 30  boroughs  who  received  wiits  of  funr 
mons  from  Ldwaid  I.     It  is  exprefsly  faid  in  Gefla    H < ■  g .  Steph.  p.  03 

was  uf;:ai   for  the    populace,  -vulgus,  tociowd  into   the   great  councils  ;   wheie 
fhey  were  plainly  me:e  fpedators,  and  could  only  gratify   their  curioliiy. 


APPENDIX     II.  437 

in  the  long  period   of  200  years,  which  elapfed  between   t 
the  Conqueft  and  the  latter  end   of  Henry  lil.   and  which        !*• 
abounded   in  factions,  revolutions,  and  convulfions,  of  all  "      y 

kinds,  the  houfe  of  commons  never  performed  one  tingle 
legislative  act  !o  confiderable  as  to  be  once  mentioned  by 
any  of  the  numerous  hiftotians  of  that  age,  they  mult 
have  been  totally  infignificant  :  And  in  that  cafe,  what 
reafon  can  be  a  (Tig  tied  for  their  ever  being  affembled  ? 
Can  it  be  fuppofed,  that  men  of  fo  little  weight  or  impor- 
tance pofJefled  a  negative  voice  againft  the  king  and  the 
barons?  Every  page  of  the  fubfequent  hiftories  difcovers 
their  exigence  ;  though  thefe  hiftories  are  not  written  with 
greater  accuracy  than  the  preceding  ones,  and  indeed 
fcarcely  equal  them  in  that  particular.  1  he  Magna 
Ckarta  of  king  John  provides,  that  no  fcutage  or  aid 
fhould  be  impofed,  either  on  the  land  or  towns,  but  by 
confent  of  the  great  council  ;  and  for  more  fecurity,  it 
enumerates  the  pcrfons  entitled  to  a  feat  in  that  afiembly, 
the  prelates  and  immediate  tenants  of  the  crown,  without 
any  mention  of  the  commons  :  An  authority  fo  full,  cer- 
tain, and  explicit,  that  nothing  but  the  zeal  of  party 
could  ever  have  procured  credit  to  any  contrary  bypo- 
thefis. 

It  was  probably  the  example  of  the  French  barons, 
Which  firll  emboldened  the  Englifh  to  require  greater  inde- 
pendence from  their  Sovereign  :  It  is  alio  probable,  that 
the  boroughs  and  corporations  of  England  were  eltablifhed 
in  imitation  of  thofe  of  France.  It  may,  therefore,  be 
propofed  as  no  unlikely  conjecture,  that  both  the  chief 
privileges  of  the  peers  in  England  and  the  liberty  of  the 
commons  were  originally  the  growth  of  that  foreign 
country. 

In  ancient  times,  men  were  little  folicitous  to  obtain  a 
place  in  the  legislative  aflcmblies ;  and  rather  regarded 
their  attendance  as  a  burden,  which  was  not  com  pen  fa  ted 
by  any  return  of  profit  or  honour  proportionate  to  the  trou- 
ble and  expence.  The  pnly  reafon  for  iuftituting  thofe 
public  councils  was,  on  the  part  of  the  Subject,  that  thev 
defired  fome  fecurity  from  the  attempts  of  arbitrary  pow- 
er ;  and  on  the  part  of  the  fovereign,  that  he  defpaired  of 
governing  men  of  fuch  independent  (pints  without  their 
own  confent  and  concurrence.  But  the  commons,  or  the 
inhabitants  of  boroughs,  had  not  as  yet  reached  fuch  a 
degree  of  conlideration  as  to  defire  fecurity  againft  their 
prince,  or  to  imagine,  that  even  if  they  were  aiiembled  in 
a  reprefentative  body ,  th<_y  had  power  or  rank  fuificient  to 
enforce  it.  The  only  protection  which  they  alpircd  to, 
was  againft  the  immediate  violence  and   injuftioe  of  fheii 


438  HISTORY     OF     ENGLAND. 

Appendix,    feliow-citizens ;  and  this  advantage  each  of  them  looked 
It.        for  from  the  courts  of  jufh'ce,  or  from  the  authority  of  tome 

v— — v '  great  lord,  to  whom  by  law  or  his  own  choice  he  was  at- 

ta  bed.  On  ttieo  her  hand,  the  fovereign  was  fufricientJy 
a  flared  of  obedience  in  the  whole  community,  if  he  pro- 
^Cu-ed  the  concurrence  of  the  nobles;  nor  had  he  realori 
to  apprehend  that  any  order  of  the  ftate  could  refill  his 
and  their  united  a  , thorny.  The  military  fub-vafXals  could 
ente;;ain  no  idea  of  oppofuigboth  their  prince  and  their 
fuperiors  :  The  burgelTes  and  tradefmen  could  much  lei's 
afprre  to  fuch  a  'bought :  And  'hus,  even  if  hiflory  were 
filenton  the  head,  we  have  reaion  to  conclude,  from  the 
known  fituation  of  fociery  during  thofe  ages,  that  the 
commons  were  never  admitted  as  members  of  the  legisla- 
tive body. 

The  executive  power  of  th:  Anglo  Norman  govern- 
ment was  lodged  in  the  king.  Befides  the  ftated  meetings 
of  the  national  council  at  the  three  great  feitivalsofChrift- 
mas,  toiler,  and  Whitfuntide*,  he  was  accuftomed,  on 
any  fudden  exigence,  to  iummon  them  together.  He 
could  at  hi?  pleafure  command  the  attendance  of  his 
barons  and  their  valla's,  in  which  confifted  the  military 
force  of  the  kingdom;  and  could  employ  them,  during 
forty  days,  either  in  refifiing  a  foreign  enemy,  or  reducing 
his  rebellious  fubjecls.  And,  what  was  of  great  impor- 
tance, the  whole  judicial  power  was  ultimately  in  his 
hands,  and  was  exerciled  by  officers  and  minifiers  of  his 
appointment. 

The  general  plan  of  the   Anglo-Norman  government 

judicial        was,  that  the  court   of  barony  was  appointed  to  decide 

power.  ^ucj1  controverfies  as  arofe  between  the  feveral  vaffals  or 
fubjettsof  the  fame  barony,  the  hundred-court  and  county- 
court,  which  were  Hill  continued  as  during  the  Saxon 
times f»  to  judge  between  the  iubjecls  of  different  baro- 
nies %;  and  the  curia  regis,   cr  king's  court,  to  give  fen- 

*  Dugd.Otig.  Jurid.  p.  15.     Spelm.  Gloff.  in  verbo  pj.r'iattiettium. 

t  Ang  ->ai.'.ra.  vol.  i.  p.  334,  ac.  Dugd.  Orig.  lurid,  p.  J7.  29.  Madox 
Hill,  of  Lxch.  p.  75.  76.     Spelm.  Gloii.  in  verbo  Hundred. 

X  None  of  uie  feudal  go  ernruents  in  Europe  had  fucn  inftitutions  as  the, 
count,  -courts,  whxhthe  giea'  authority  of  the  Conqueror  fhil  retained  from  the 
Saxon  oufloms  All  the  freeholders  of  the  count"  even  the  greater)  barons, 
were  obliged  to  attend  ihe  fheuffs  in  thel "e  courts,  and  to  alHft  them  in  the  ad- 
miniftration  of  juftice.  By  this  means  they  received  frequent  and  fenfible  ad- 
monitions .  their  de^ndance  on  the  king  or  iupreme  magi ■'■  rate  :  i  hey  foi  med 
a  kino  of  c  immunity  with  their  feilow-ta>o  .3  and  freeholder:  '1  hey  were 
often  lrav,  ,  from  their  indi-  ;Jual  am!  independent  ftate,  peculiar  to  the  feudal 
fy'.iem;  and  were  made  members  of  a  political  body:  And  perhaps,  this  irilti- 
tution  of  count,  -courts  in  Englani  has  had  greater  effects  on  the  government 
than  has  vet  beendittindtly  pointed  out  by  hiftonans,  or  t;acru  bj  anujuaries. 
The  b.:on.  were  never  able  to  free  ihemfei  es  from  this  attendauce  on  the 
flierifts  and  itinerant  juftices  till  the  reign  cf  Ke.-jry  111. 


A  P  P  E  N  D  I  X    II.  439 

tence  among;  the  barons  themfelves*.  But  this  plan,  though    Appendix. 
fimple,  was  attended  with  feme  circumftances  which,  being        U- 
derived  from   a  very  extenfive    authority    affumed  hy  the  v— — v— — •' 
Conqueror,  contributed  to  increafe  the  roval  prerogative; 
and  as  long  as  the  fiate  was  not  diflurbed  by  arms,  reduced 
every  order  of  the  community  to  fome  degree  of  depen- 
dance  and  fubordination. 

The  kinghimielf  often  fat  in  his  court,  which  alwavs 
attended  his  perfon  +  :  He  there  heard  eauies  and  pronoun- 
ced judgment  $;  and  though  he  was  afijOed  by  the  advice 
of  the  other  members,  it  is  not  to  he  imagined  that  a  deci- 
fion  could  eafily  be  obtained  contrary  to  his  inclination  or 
opinion.  In  hisabfence  the  chief  juifticiary  prefided,  who 
was  the  firft  magiftrate  in  the  fiate,  and  a  kind  of  viceroy, 
on  whom  depended  all  the  civil  affairs  of  the  kingdomj|. 
The  other  chief  officers  of  the  crown,  the  conftable,  mare- 
fchal,  fcnefchal,  chamberlain,  treafurer,  and  chancellor**, 
were  members,  together  with  fuch  feudal  barons  as  thought 
proper  to  attend,  and  the  barons  of  the  Exchequer,  who 
at  firft  were  alfo  feudal  barons  appointed  by  the  king  ff. 
This  court,  which  was  fometimes  called  the  king's  court, 
fometimes  the  court  of  Exchequer,  judged  in  all  caufes, 
civil  and  criminal,  and  comprehended  the  whole  bufinefs 
which  is  now  fhared  out  among  four  courts,  the  Chancery, 
the  King's  Bench,  the  Common  Pleas,  and  the  Exche- 
quer JJ. 

Such  an  accumulation  of  powers  was  itfelfa  great  fource 
of  authority,  and  rendered  tnc  jurifdiftion  of  the  court  for- 
midable to  all  the  fubje<Sts  ;  but  the  turn  which  judicial 
trials  took  foon  after  the  Conqueft,  ferved  (till  more  to 
increafe  its  authority,  and  to  augment  the  roval  prero- 
gatives. William,  among  the  other  violent  changes 
which  he  attempted  and  effected,  had  introduced  the 
Norman  law  into  England  ||||,  had  ordered  all  the  plead- 
ings to  be  in  that  tongue,  and  had  interwoven,  with  the; 
Englifh  jurifprudence,  all  the  maxims  and  principles 
which  the  Normans,  more  advanced  in  cultivation,  and 
naturally  litigious,  were  accuftomed  to  obferve  in  the 
diftribution  of  juflice.  Law  now  became  a  fcience, 
which  at  firft  fell  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  Normans  ; 

*   Brady,  Pref.  p.  143.  •)•  Madox  Hift.  of  Exch.  p.  ioj. 

+  Bracton.  lib.  3.  cap.  q.§  1.  cap.  10.  §  1.  |  Spelm.  G'oii.  in  ver- 

hojujiiciarii.  »♦   Mador.  Hift.  Exch.  p.  27.  29.  33.  38.  41.  54. 

The  Normans  introduced  the  practice  of  fealing  charters  ;  and  the  chancellor's 
orhce  was  to  keep  the  Great  Seal       Ingulj 'DugJ.  p.   33,34.  1 1  Ma- 

dox hiit.  of  the  Exch.  p.   134,  135.     Ger%-.  Dorob.     p.  1387.  H  Ma- 

dox Hift.  of  the  Exch.  p.  56.  70.  j  ||  Dial,  de  Scac.  p.  3a.  apud 

Madox  Hi*\.  of  the  Exchequer. 


440 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


Appendix,  and  which,  even  after  it  was  commnnicated  to  the  Englifh, 
**  required  lb  much  ftudy  and  application  that  the  laity,  in 
*  v  '  thofe  ignorant  ages,  were  incapable  of  attaining  it,  and 
it  was  a  myftery  almoft  folely  confined  to  the  clergy,  and 
chiefly  to  the  monks*.  The  great  officers  of  the  crown, 
and  the  feudal  barons,  who  were  military  men,  found 
themfelves  unfit  to  penetrate  into  thofe  obfcurities  ;  and 
though  they  were  entitled  to  a  feat  in  the  fupreme  judica- 
ture, the  bufinefsof  the  court  was  wholly  managed  by  the 
chief  jufticiary  and  the  law  barons,  who  were  men  ap- 
pointed by  the  king,  and  enthely  at  his  difpofalf.  This 
natural  courfe  of  things  was  forwarded  by  the  multiplicity 
of  bufinefs  which  flowed  into  that  court,  and  which  daily 
augmented  by  the  appeals  from  all  the  fubordinate  judica- 
tures of  the  kingdom. 

In  thz  Saxon  times,  no  appeal  was  received  in  the  king's 
court,  except  upon  the  denial  or  delay  of  juftice  by  the 
inferior  courts  ;    and  the  fame  practice  was  ftill  obferved 
in  mod  of  the  feudal  kingdoms  of  Europe.     But  the  great 
power  of  the  Conqueror  eftablifhed  at  firft  in  England  an 
authority  which  the  monarchs  in  France  were  not  able  to 
attain  till  the  reign  of  St.  Lewis,  who  lived  near  two  centu- 
ries after  :    He  empowered  his  court  to  receive  appeals  both 
from  the  courts  of  barony  and  the  county- courts,    and  by 
that  mean3  brought  the  adminifiration  of  juftice  ultimate- 
ly into  the  hand  of  the  fovereignj.     And  left  the  expence 
or  trouble  of  a  journey  to  court  mould  difcourage  fuitors, 
and  make  them  acquiefce  in  the   decifion  of  the  inferior 
judicatures,    itinerant  judges  were  afterwards  eftablifhed, 
who  made  theii   circuits   throughout  the   kingdom,    and 
tried  all  caufes  that  were  brought  before  them||.     By  this 
expedient  the  courts  of  barony  were  kept  in  awe  ;  and  if 
they   ftill  preferved  fome  influence,   it  was  only  from  the 
apprehenfions  which  the  vaflals  might  entertain   of   difo- 
bliging  their  fuperior, by  appealing  from  his  jurifdi&ion, 
But  the  county-courts  were  much  difcredited  ;  and  as  the 
freeholders  were  found  ignorant  of  the  intricate  principles 
and  forms  of  the  new  law,  the  lawyers  gradually  brought 
all  bufinefs  before  the  king's  judges,  and  abandoned  the 

*  Malinef.  lib.  4.  p.  123.  f  Dugd.  Orig.  Jurid.  p.  25.         }  Madox 

Kift.  of  the  Lxch.  p.  6f,.  Glanv.  lib.  12.  cap.  1.  7.  LL.  lien.  I.  §3i.apud 
Wilkins,  p.  248.  Htz-Stephens,  p.  36.  Coke's  Comment,  on  the  Statute  of 
Mulbridge,  cap.  20.  ||  Madox.   Hift.  of  the   Exch.    p.    S3,    84.    roo. 

Gerv.  Doiob.  p.  1410.  What  made  the  Anglo-Norman  bnions  more  leadily 
ful-m't  to  appeals  from  their  court  to  the  king's  court  of  Exchequer,  was  their 
feeing  accuftomed  to  like  appeals  in  Normandy  to  the  ducal  court  of  Exchequer. 
See  Gilbert's  Hiftory  of  the  Exchequer,  p.  1,  2;  though  the  author  thinks  it 
doubtful  'whether'  the  Norman  court  was  not  rather  copied  fiom  the  Erg' 
liih.  p.  6. 


APPENDIX     II.  44 

ancient  fimple  and  popular  judicature.    After  this  manner  Appendix. 
the   formalities  of  juftice,  which,  though   they  appear  te-        It 

dious  and  cumberfome.  are  found  requifite  to   the  fupport  v *— ~ " 

of  liberty  in  all  monarchical  governments,  proved  atfirft, 
by  a  combination  of  caufes,  very  advantageous  to  royal  au- 
thority in  England. 

TriK  power  of  the  Norman  kings  was  alio  much  fupport-  Kc-enue 
ed  by  a  great  revenue  ;  and  by  a  revenue  that  was  fixed,  of  th<i 
perpetual,  and  independent  of  the  fubjeci.  The  people, 
without  betaking  themfelves  to  arms,  had  no  check  upon 
the  king,  and  no  regular  fecuritv  for  the  due  adminiftra- 
tion  of  juftice.  In  thofe  days  of  violence,  many  inftances 
of  oppreflion  pafTed  unheeded  :  and  foon  after  were  open- 
ly pleaded  as  precedents,  which  it  was  unlawful  to  difpute 
or  control.  Princes  r'nd  minifters  were  too  ignorant  to  be 
themfelves  feufibie  cf  the  advantages  attending  an  equita- 
ble adminiftrarion  ;  and  there  was  no  eftablithed  council 
or  aflembly  which  could  protect  the  people,  and,  by 
withdrawing  fupplies,  regularly  and  peaceably  admonifh 
the  king    of  his   duty,  and    enfure  the  execution   of  the 

The  firft  branch  of  the  king's  dated  revenue  was  the 
royal  demefnes  or  crown  lands,  which  were  very  exten- 
five,  and  comprehended,  befide  a  great  number  of  manors, 
moll  of  the  chief  cities  of  the  kingdom.  It  was  eftablilhed 
by  law  that  the  king  could  alienate  no  part  of  his  demefne, 
and  that  he  himfelfor  his  fucceffor could  at  any  timerefume 
fuch  donations  *  :  Rut  this  law  was  never  regularly  oblerv- 
ed  ;  which  happily  rendered  in  time  the  cro^vn  fomewhat 
more  dependant.  The  rent  of  the  crown  lands,  confidered 
merely  as  fo  much  riches,  was  a  foutceof  power  :  The  in- 
fluence of  the  king  over  his  tenants  and  the  inhabitants  of 
his  towns,  increafed  this  power  :  But  the  other  numerous 
branches  of  his  revenue,  befides  fupplving  his  treafuryj 
gave,  by  their  very  nature,  a  great  latitude  to  arbitrary  au- 
thority, and  were  a  fupport  of  the  prerogative  ;  as  will 
appear  from  an  enumeration  of  them. 

Tub  king  was  never  content  with  the  ftated  rents,  but 
levied  heavy  talliages  at  pleafure  on  the  inhabitants  Loth 
of  town  and  country,  who  lived  within  his  demefne.  All 
bargains  of  fale,  in  order  to  prevent  theft,  being  prohibit- 
ed except  in  boroughs  and  public  markets  f,  he  pretended 
to  e\-acl  tolls  on  all  goods  which  were  there  fold  J.  He 
leized  two  hoglheads,  one  before  and  one  behind  the  maft, 

Vol.  J.  3  L 

*  Fleta,  lib.  i.  cap.  S.  $  17.  lib.  3. cap.  6.  4  ?•     Bratfon,  lib,  a.  cap.  f, 
f  LL.  Will.  1,  C34'.  61.  $Mado:c  p.  $iO. 


442 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


Appendix,    from  every  veflel  that  imported  wine.     All  goods  paid  to 
II.       his  cuftoms  a  proportional   part  of  their  value*:  PafTage 

v v '  over  bridges  and   on  rivers  was  loaded  with  tolls  at  plea- 

fure  f:  And  though  the  boroughs  by  degrees  bought  the 
liberty  of  farming  thefe  impofitions,  )'et  the  revenue  pro- 
fited bv  thefe  bargains;  new  (urns  were  often  exarSted  for 
the  renewal  and  confirmation  of  their  charters|,  and  the 
people  were  thus  held  in  perpetual  dependance. 

Such  was  the  fituation  of  the  inhabitants  within  the 
royal  demefnes.  But  the  pofleflbrs  of  land,  or  the  milita- 
ry tenants,  though  they  were  better  protected  both  by  law, 
and  by  the  great  privilege  of  carrying  arms,  were,  from 
the  nature  of  their  tenures,  much  expofed  to  the  inroads  of 
power,  and  pollened  not  what  we  fhould  efteem,  in  our 
age,  a  very  durable  fecurity.  The  Conqueror  ordained 
that  the  barons  fhould  be  obliged  to  pay  nothing  beyond 
their  ftated  fervices  ||,  except  a  reasonable  aid  to  ranfom 
his  perion  if  he  were  taken  in  war,  to  make  his  eldeff. 
fon  a  knight,  and  to  marry  his  eldeft  daughter.  What 
fhould  on  thefe  occafions  be  deemed  a  reaibnable  aid,  was 
not  determined  ;  and  the  demands  of  the  crown  were  fo 
far  difcretionary. 

The  king  could  require  in  war  the  perfonal  attendance 
of  hisvaflals,  that  is,  of  almofl  all  the  landed  propiietors; 
and  if  they  declined  the  fervice,  they  were  obliged  to  pay 
him  a  compofition  in  money,  which  was  called  a  fcutage. 
The  fum  was,  during  fome  reigns,  precarious  and  uncer- 
tain ;  it  was  fometimes  levied  without  allowing  the  vafTal 
the  liberty  of  perfonal  fervice**  ;  and  it  was  a  ufual  arti- 
fice of  the  king's  to  pretend  an  expedition,  that  he  might 
be  entitled  to  levy  the  fcutage  from  his  military  tenants. 
Danegelt  was  another  fpecies  of  land-tax  levied  by  the 
early  Norman  kings,  arbitrarily,  and  contrary  to  the  laws 
of  the  Conquerorff.  Money-age  was  alfo  a  general 
land-tax  of  the  fame  nature,  levied  by  the  two  firft  Nor- 
man kings,  and  abolifhed  by  the  charter  of  Henry  I|j. 
It  was  a  {hilling  paid  every  three  years  by  each  hearth, 
to  induce  the  king  not  to  ufe  his  prerogative  in  debafing 
the  coin.  Indeed  it  appears  from  that  charter,  that  though 
the  Conqueror  had  granted  his  military  tenants  an  immu- 
nity from  all  taxes  and  talliages,  he  nd  his  fon  William 
had  never  thought  themfelves  bound  to  obferve  that  rule, 
but  had  levied   impofitions  at  pleafure  on  all  the  landed 

*  Madox,  p.  579.     This  author  fays  a  fifteenth.     But  it  is  not  eafy  to  recon- 
cile this  account  to  other  authoiities.  f   Madox,  p.  529. 
%   Madox's  Hift.  of  the  Exch.  p.  875,  276,  277,   k.c. 
]|  LL.  Will.  Conq.  §  55.                           *  *  Gervai'e  de  I  iibury,  p.  25. 
f  f  Madoa's  Hift.  of  the  Exch.  p.  475.                 St  M^tih.  Paris,  p.  38. 


A  P  P  E  N  D  I  X     II.  443 

eftates  of  the  kingdom.  The  utmoft  that  Henry  grants  is,  Appendix. 
that  the  land  cultivated  by  the  military  tenant  himlelf  (hall 
not  be  fo  buidened  ;  but  he  referves  the  power  of  taxing  ' 
the  farmers  :  And  as  it  is  known  that  Henry's  charter  was 
never  obferved  in  any  one  article,  we  may  be  allured,  that 
this  prince  and  his  fucceffors  retracted  even  this  fmall  in- 
dulgence, and  levied  arbitrary  impofitions  on  all  the  lands 
of  all  their  fubje&s.  Thefe  taxes  were  lbmetimes  very 
heavy;  fince  Malmefbury  tells  us,  that  in  the  reign  of 
William  Rufus,  the  farmers,  on  account  of  them,  abandons 
ed  tillage,  and  a  famine  enfued*. 

The  efcheats  were  a  great  branch  both  of  power  and 
of  revenue,  efpecially  during  the  firft  reigns  after  the  Con- 
queft.  In  default  of  pofterity  from  the  firft  baron,  his 
land  reverted  to  the  crown,  and  continually  augmented  the 
king's  poffeffions.  The  prince  had  indeed  by  law' a  power 
of  alienating  thele  efcheats  ;  but  by  this  means  he  had  an 
opportunity  of  eftablifhing  the  fortunes  of  his  friends  and 
fervants,  and  thereby  enlarging  his  authority.  Sometimes 
he  retained  them  in  his  own  hands  ;  and  they  were  gradu- 
ally confounded  with  the  royal  demefnes,  and  became  diffi- 
cult to  be  diftinguifhed  from  them.  Thisconfufion  is  pro- 
bably the  reafon  why  the  king  acquired  the  right  of  alie- 
nating his  demefnes. 

But  befides  efcheats  from  default  of  heirs,  thoie  which 
enfued  from  crimes  or  breach  of  duty  towards  the  fuperior 
Jord,  were  frequent  ir.  ancient  times.  If  the  valla! ,  being 
thrice  fummoned  to  attend  his  fuperior's  court,  and  do  feal- 
ty, neglected  or  refuted  obedience,  he  forfeited  all  title  to 
his  land  f»  If  he  denied  his  tenure,  or  refufed  his  fervice, 
he  was  expofed  to  the  fame  penalty  %.  If  he  fold  his  eflate 
without  licence  from  his  lord||,  or  if  he  fold  it  upon  any 
other  tenure  or  title  than  that  by  which  he  himlelf  held 
it**,  he  loft  all  right  to  it.  The  adhering  to  his  lord's 
enemiesft.  deferting  him  in  war,  J  J,  betraying  his  fe- 
cretsl!  ||,  debauching  his  wife  or  his  near  relations*^,  or 
even  ufing  indecent  freedoms  with  them  f  4^,  might  be 
punifhed  by  forfeiture.  The  higher  crimes,  rapes,  robbe- 
ry, mur tjer,  arfon,  &c.  were  called  felony  ;  and  being 
interpreted  want  of  fidelity  to  the  lord,  made  him  lole  his 
fief  *+.  Even  where  the  felon  wa  to  a  baron,  though 

his  immediate  lord  enjoyed  the  forfeiture,  the  king  might 

t  Bottom.  {L                 .  .  j. 

tit.  1.4.  tit.  lib.  91.  39.  I.  lib.  1.  Ht.  a f.                              b.  4. 

tit.  44.                  i\  tit.  1.                          J  i  Id.  iib.  4.  tit.  1  j.  21. 

d.  lib.  4.  tit.  14.  '  .    !<!.  lib.  1.  til                                 ti   - 
lib.  :.   tit.  1. 


444  HISTORY     OF     ENGLAND. 

Appendix,  retain  pofTeffion  of  his  eltate  during  a  twelve- month,  and 
tt.  had  the  right  of  fpoiling  and  deftroying  it,  unlefs  the  ba- 
V  v— — '  jon  paid  him  a  reafonablc  compofition  *.  We  have  not 
here  enume-rated  all  the  fpecies  of  felonies,  or  of  crimes 
by  "which  forfeiture  was  incurred  :  We  have  faid  enough 
to  prove,  that  the  poffelTion  of  feudal  property  was  anci- 
ently fomewh3i  precarious,  and  that  the  primary  idea  was 
never  loft,  of  its  beinga  kind  of  fee  or  benefice. 

When  a  baron  died,  the  king  immediately  took  pof- 
feiTion of  the  eft  ate  ;  and  the  heir,  before  he  recovered  his 
right,  was  obliged  to  make  application  to  the  crown,  and 
defire  that  he  might  be  admitted  to  do  hormige  for  his  land, 
and  pay  a  compofition  to  the  king.  This  compofition 
.was  not  at  firft  fixed  by  law,  at  leaft  by  practice:  The 
king  was  often  exorbitant  in  his  demands,  and  kept  pof- 
ieffion  of  the  land  till  they  were  complied  with. 

If  the  heir  were  a  minor,  the  king  retained  the  whole 
profit  of  the  eflate  till  his  majority  ;  and  might  grant  what 
ium  he  thought  proper  for  the  education  and  maintenance 
of  the  young  baron.  This  practice  waPW lb  founded  on 
the  notion  that  a  fief  was  a  benefice,  an^that  while  the 
heir  could  not  perform  his  military  fervices,  the  revenue 
devolved  to  the  fuperior,  who  employed  another  in  his 
ftead.  It  is  obvious,  that  a  great  proportion  of  the  landed 
property  muft,  by  means  of  this  device,  be  continually  in 
the  hands  of  the  prince,  and  that  al!  the  noble  families 
were  thereby  held  in  perpetual  dependance.  When  the 
king  granted  the  wardfhip  of  a  rich  heir  to  any  one,  he 
had  the  opportunity  of  enriching  a  favourite  or  minifter  : 
If  he  fold  it,  he  thereby  levied  a  confidei  able  (urn  of  money. 
Simon  deilountfort  paid  Henry  III.  io.coo  marks,  an 
immenfefSTOm  in  thole  days,  for  the  wardfhip  of  Gilbert 
de  Umfrcville  f.  Geoffrey  de  Mandcville  paid  to  the  feme 
prince  the  fum  of  20,cx iq  marks,  that  he  might  marry  Ifa- 
bel  countefs  of  Glocefter,  and  poflefs  all  her  lands  and 
knights  fees.  This  ium  would  be  equivalent  to  300,000, 
perhaps  400,000  pounds  in  our  time  %. 

If  the  heir  were  a  female,  the  king  was  entitled  to  otter 
her  any  hufband  of  her  rank  he  thought  proper ;  and  if 
Ihe  refufed  him  flie  forfeited  her  land.  Even  a  male  heir 
could  not  marry  without  the  royal  confent  ,*  and  it  was 
ufual  for  men  to  pay  large  fums  for  the  liberty  of  making 
their  own  choice  in  marriage jj.  No  man  eculd  difpole 
of  his  land,  either  by  fale.  or  will,  without  the  confent  of 
his  fuperior.     The  poifetlbr  was  never  confidcred  as  full 

*  Spe'ra.  Glo.T.  in  veib.  Ft  Ionia.     Glanville,  lib.  7.  cap.  17. 

f  Madox'sHift.  of  the  Exch.  p.  z:$. 

$  Id.  p.' 322.  j|  Id.  p.  320. 


APPENDIX     II. 


445 


proprietor:  He  was  flill  a  kind  of  beneficiary  ;  and  could   Appendix. 
not  oblige  his  fuperior  to  accept  of  any  valla!  that  was  not        11. 
agreeable  to  him.  ' * ' 

IHlNEs,  amerciaments,  and  oblafas,  as  they  were  called, 
were  another  confiderable  branch  of  the  royal  power 
and  revenue.  The  ancient  records  of  the  exchequer, 
which  are  (till  preferred,  give  furpriting  accounts  of  the 
numerous  fines  and  amerciaments  levied  in  thofe  days*, 
and  of  the  ftrange  inventions  fallen  upon  to  exact  money 
from  the  fubjec-f.  It  appears  that  the  ancient  kings  of 
England  put  therqfelves  entirely  on  the  foot  of  the  barba- 
rous eaffern  princes,  whom  no  man  muff  approach  without 
a  prelent,  who  feil  all  their  good  offices,  and  who  intrude 
themfelvesiatb  every  bufinefs  that  they  may  have  a  pre- 
tence for  extorting  money.  Even  juftice  was  avowedly 
bought  and  fold  ;  the  king's  court  itfelf,  though  the  fu- 
preme  judicature  of  the  kingdom,  was  open  to  none  that 
brought  not  prefents  to  the  king  ;  the  bribes  given  for  the 
expedition,  delay  f,  i'ufpenfion,  and,  doubtlefs,  for  the 
perverfion  of  juftice,  were  entered  in  the  public  regifters 
of  the  royal  revenue,  and  remain  as  monuments  of  the 
perpetual  iniquity  and  tyranny  of  the  times.  The  barons 
of  the  exchequer,  for  inHance,  the  firft  nobility  of  the 
kingdom,  were  not  afhamed  to  infert,as  an  article  in  their 
records,  that  the  county  of  Norfolk  paid  a  fum  that  they 
might  be  fairly  dealt  with  J;  the  borough  of  Yarmouth, 
that  (he  king's  charters,  which  they  have  for  their  liberties, 
might  not  be  violated  ||;  Richard,  fon  of  Gilbert,  for  the 
king's  helping  him  to  recover  his  debt  from  the  Jews**  : 
Serlo,  fon  of  Terlavafton,  tiiat  he  might  be  permitted  to 
make  his  defence,  in  cafe  he  were  ace u fed  of  a  certain  ho- 
micideff;  Walter  de  Burton,  for  free  law,  if  accufed 
of  wounding  another!!  ,*  Robert  de  EfTart,  for  having  an 
inquelt  to  find  whether  Roger  the  butcher,  and  VVace  and 
Humphrey,  accuied  him  of  robberV  and  theft  out  of  envv 
and  ill-will,  or  not |) ]|  ;  William  Buhurft,  for  having  an 
inqueft  to  find  whether  he  were  ace  r.  fed  of  the  death  of 
one  Godw-n,  out  of  ill-will,  or  for  juft  caufe*^.  I  have 
felefted  thefe  few  inftances  from  a  ^reat  number  of  a  like 
kind,  which  Madox  had  felefled  from  a  Hill  greater  num- 
ber,  preferved- in  the  ancient  rolls  of  the  exchequer  'f*  .}.. 

Sometimes  the  party  litigant  offered  the  king  a  certain 
portion,  a  half,  a  third,  a  fourth,  payable  out  of  the  debts 
which  he,  as  the  executor  of  juftice,  fhould  ailifr   in  re- 

*  Madox's  Hift.  of  ihe  Exch.  p.    rr  >.  J^o. 

i  Id.  p.                                        .  ibkl.  *  '     (d.  p.    206.     He 

paid  200  marks,  a  great  fum  in  thofe  |f    W.  p.  ?</•>• 

it  W,  Ibid.                          ||  ||  Id.  p.  298.  •♦  Id.   5.  302. 
t  j.   Madox's  Hift.  of  the  Exch.  chap.  xiS. 


446  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Appendix.  Covering*.  Theophania  de  Weftland  agreed  to  pay  the 
11.        half  of  212  marks,  that  (he  might  recover  that  fum  againfi 

*w- -v *  James  de  Fughleftonf  ;  Solomon  the  Jew  engaged  to   pay 

one  mark  out  of  every  feven  that  he  (hould  recover  againfi 
Hugh  de  la  Hofe  %  ;  Nicholas  Morrel  promifed  to  payfixty 
pounds, that  the  earl  of  Flanders  mightbediltrained  to  pay 
him  343  pounds,  which  the  earl  had  taken  from  him  ;  and 
thefe  fixty  pounds  were  to  be  paid  out  of  the  firft  money 
that  Nicholas  fhould  recover  from  the  earl  ||. 

As  the  king  ailumed  the  entire  power  over  trade,  he 
was  to  be  paid  for  a  permifhon  to  exercife  commerce  or 
indutlry  of  any  kind**.  Hugh  Oiiel  paid  4C0  marks 
for  liberty  to  trade  in  England  ft :  Nigel  de  Havenne 
gave  fifty  marks  for  the  partnerfhip  in  merchandiie  which 
he  had  with  Gervafe  de  Hanton$|  :  The  men  of  Wor- 
cefler  p^id  too  (hillings,  that  they  might  have  the  liberty 
of  felling  and  buing  dved  cloth  a3  formerly |||!  :  Seve- 
ral other  towns  paid  for  a  like  liberty  *#.  rl  he  commerce 
indeed  of  the  kingdom  was  fo  much  under  the  control  of 
the  king,  that  he  erecled  gi  ds,  corporations,  and  monopo- 
lies wherever  he  pleated;  and  levied  fumsfor  thefe  exclu- 
five  privileges f  .].. 

Thkre  were  no  profits  fo  fmall  as  to  be  below  the  king's 
attention.  Henry,  fon  of  Arthur,  gave  ten  dogs  to  have 
a  recognition  againfl  the  countefs  of  Copland  for  one 
hnight's  fee X  t  $•  Roger,  fon  of  Nicholas,  gave  twenty 
lampreys  and  twenty  fhadsforan  inqueft,  to  find  whether 
Gilbert,  fon  of  Alured,  gave  to  Roger  200  muttons  to  ob- 
tain his  confirmation  for  certain  lands,  or  whether  Roger 
took  them  from  him  by  violence)!  j!||:  Geoffrey  Fitz-Pierre, 
the  chief  judiciary,  gave  two  good  Norway  hawks, 
th:U  Walter  le  Madinc  might  have  leave  to  export  a  hun- 
dred weight  of  cheefe  out  of  the  king's  dominions f*f. 

It  i  really  amufing  to  remark  the  (Irange  bufinefs  in 
which  the  king  fometimes  interfered,  and  never  without 
a  prefent  :  The  wife  of  1  ugh  de  Neville  gave  the  king 
200 hens, that  (lie might  lie  with  her  hufbandone  night^*^; 
and  (he  brought  with  her  two  fureties,  who  anfwered  each 
for  a  hundred  hens.  It  is  probable  that  her  huiband  was 
a  prifoner,.  which  debarred  her  from  having  accefs  to  him. 
The  abbot  of  Rucford  paid  ten  marks,  for  leave  to  erect 
houfes  and  place  men  upon  his  land  near  Welhand,  in  or- 
der to  fecure  his  wood  there  from  being  ftolen  ||*||  :   Hugh 

*    Midox's  Hift.  of  the  Excti  njii-  fid.  ibid.  }  Id.  p.  79.  312. 

!!  Id.  p.  j  12.  d    p.  323.  i  i    Id.  ib.d. 

+  +  Id.  ibid.  ».  Id.  ibid. 

f|  Id.  p.  2. '2,  233,  &c.    .  ttt  Madox's  Hid.  of  fcxch.  p.  »o8. 

liij!  id.  P.  365.  f*;.  id.  p.  3:3.  rt^.p.326. 

||-||  Id.  ibid.     • 


APPENDIX     II.  447 

archdeacon  of  Wells  gave  one  tun  of  wine  for  leave  to  car-   Appendix. 
rv  6  o  furnms    of    corn   whither   he    would*:     leter    de        II. 

Peraris  gave  twenty  marks  for  leave  to  fait  iiihes,  as  Peter  s— - * ' 

Chevalier  ufedtodof. 

It  was  ufual  to  pay  high  fines,  in  order  to  gain  the 
king's  good  will,  or  mitigate  his  anger.  In  the  leign  of 
Henry  II.  Gilbert,  the  Ion  of  Fergus,  fines  in  91Q  pounds 
9  (hillings  to  obtain  that  prince's  favour;  William  de  Cha- 
taignesa  thoufand  marks,  that  he  would  remit  Lis  difplea- 
fure.  In  the  reign  of  Henry  1 II.  the  city  of  London 
fines  in  no  lefs  a  turn  than  20,000  pounds  on  the  lame  ac- 
count J. 

The  king's  protection  and  good  offices  of  every  kind 
were  bought  and  fold.  Robert  Griilet  paid  twenty  marks 
of  filver,  thatth;  king  would  help  him  again!}  the  earl 
of  Mortaigne  in  a  certain  plea  |j:  Robeit  de  Cundet  gave 
thirty  marks  of  filver  that  the  king  would  bring  him  to  an 
accord  with  the  bithop  of  Lincoln  *  *  :  Kalp  de  Breckham 
gave  a  hawk,  that  the  king  would  proket  himf  f  ;  and 
this  is  a  very  frequent  reafon  or  payments:  John,  fon  of 
Ordgar,  gave  a  Norway  hawk  to  have  the  king's  requeft 
to  the  king  of  Norway  to  let  him  have  his  brother  Go- 
dafd's chattels || :  Richard  de  Neville  gave  twenty  pal- 
freys to  obtain  the  king's  lequefl  to  Ilolda  Biffet,  that  (he 
fhouldtake  him  for  a  hufband  !i|i :  Roger  Fitz- Walter  gave 
three  good  palfreys  to  have  the  ki-g's  letter  to  Roger  Ber- 
trame's  mother,  that  the  fliould  marry  him  * m:  Fling,  the 
dean,  paid  joo  marks,  lhat  his  whore  and  his  children 
might  be  let  out  upon  bail  +  4  •  The  bifhop  of  Winchef- 
ter  gave  one  tun  of  good  wine  for  his  not  putting  the  king 
in  mind  to  give  a  girdle  to  the  countefs  of  Albemai  !e||| : 
Robert  de  Veaux  gave  five  of  the  beft  palfreys,  that  the 
king  would  hold  his  tongue  about  Henry  Pinel's  wife||  j|||. 
There  are,  in  the  records  of  theexch.eq.ucr,  many  other  fin- 
gular  inftancesofa  like  naturef*f.  It  will  however  be  juft 

•Id.  p.  320.  fid.  p.  jc6.  i  Id.  p.  327.   j?8. 

||  M-  of  Exch.  ji.  •  *  *  [d.  y,.  33^.  tl.  p.  3j2. 

i  t  Id.  *  #  Id.  ibid. 

•f}  Id.  p.  34-.'.      Pro  battnda  crnica  fua  etftiiii,  &c.  ^%t  W«  P-  352- 

Id.  ibid.     \Jt  rex  tuctret  de  uxore  tiennci  Pine!. 

t'f  We Jkall  gratify  ibf  reader's  curiofity  by  Subjoining  a  few  mote  ivjlances 
from  Mad'ix,  p.  3  j  3.  1  11  hOifelwasi  •:  it,  1  wo  lobes  of  good  gi  ten  co- 

lour, to  have  the  king's  letters  patent  to  the  merchants  of  1  landers,  with  a  rc- 
queftto  tender  him  1000  maiks,  wh.ch  he  loli  in  Flanders,  'i  he  abbot  nf 
Hyde  paid  thirty  marks,  to  have  the  king's  letters  of  requeft  to  the  archifhop  of 
Canterbury,  to  remove  certain  monks  that  were  «ga:nft  the  abbot.  Roger  de 
non  paid  twenty  marks  and  a  palfrey,  to  ha'  e  the  king's  requeft  of  Ri- 
chard de  Urofreville  to  give  him  his  fiftei  to  wile,  and  to  the  lifter  that  (Tie 
would  accept  him  for  a  hulband  :  William  de  Che-  eringworth  paid  five  marks,  to 
have  the  king's  letter  to  the  abbot  of  Perfote,  to  let  him  enjoy  peaceably  his 
tythesas  formerly  ;  Matthew  de  Hereford,  clerk,  paid  ten  jnaik*  for  a  letter  of  x 


448  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Appendix,  to  remark,  that  the  fame  ridiculous  practices  and  dangerous 
•iJ.        abufes  prevailed   in  Normandy,    and   probably  in  all  the 

w — * '  other  ftates  of  Europe*.  England  was  not,  in  this  refpect, 

more  barbarous  than  its  neighbours. 

These  iniquitous  practices  of  the  Norman  kings  were 
fo  well  known,  that  on  the  death  of  Hugh  Bigod,  in  the 
reign  of  Henry  II.  the  belt  and  mod  juft  of  thele  princes, 
the  eldeft  fon  and  the  widow  of  this  nobleman  came  to 
court,  and  drove,  by  offering  large  preients  to  the  king, 
each  of  them  to  acquire  poffeflion  of  that  rich  inheritance. 
The  king  was  fo  equitable  as  to  order  the  caufe  to  be  tried 
by  the  great  council  !  But  in  the  mean  time  he  feized  all 
the  money  and  treafure  of  the  deceafedf.  Peter  of  Blois, 
a  judicious  and  even  an  elegant  writer  for  that  age,  gives 
a  pathetic  description  of  the  venality  of  juftice,  and  the 
oppreilions  of  the  poor  under  the  reign  of  Henry  :  And 
he  fcruples  not  to  complain  to  the  king  himfelf  of  thefe 
abufes!.  We  may  judge  what  the  cafe  would  be  under 
the  government  of  worfe  princes.  The  articles  of  enqui- 
ry concerning  the  conduct  of  fherifFs,  which  Henry  pro- 
,  mulgated  in    1 170,    (how  the  great  power,  as  well  as  the 

licentioufnefs  of  thefe  oflficers||. 

Amerciaments  or  fines  for  crimes  and  trefpaffes  were 
another  confiderable  branch  of  the  royal  revenue||.  Mofl 
crimes  were  atoned  for  by  money  ;  the  fines  impofed  were 
not  limited  by  any  rule  or  ftatute  ;  and  frequently  occa- 
sioned the  total  ruin  of  the  perfon,  even  for  the  flighteft 
trefpaffes.  The  forett-laws,  particularly,  were  a  great 
fource  of  oppreffion.  The  king  poffeffed  fixty-eight  fo- 
refts,  thirteen  chaces,  and  feven  hundred  and  eighty-one 
parks,  indifferent  patts  of  Englandft  ;  and,  confidering 
the  extreme  paffion  of  the  Englifh  and  Normans  for  hunt- 
ing, ihefe  were  fo  many  fnares  laid  for  the  people,  by 
which  they  were  allured  into  trefpaffes,  and  brought  with- 

requeft  to  thebifhop  of  LandafF,  to  let  him  enjoy  peaceably  his  chuich  of 
Schenfrith  ;  Andrew  Neulun  gave  three  Flemifh  caps  for  the  kings  requeft  to 
the  prior  of  Chikefand,  for  performance  of  an  agreement  made  between  them  ; 
Henry  de  Fontibusgave  a  Lombardy  horfe  of  value  to  we  the  king's  requeft  to 
Henry  Fitz-Harvey,  that  he  woujd  give  him  his  daughter  to  wife:  Roger,  fon 
of  Nicholas,  promifed  all  the  lampreys  lie  cculd  get,  to  ha*  e  the  kings  requeft 
toeail  Will. am  Marfhal,  that  he  would  'ant  h  m  the  m3nor  of Langetord  at 
Firm.  Theburgeffesof  Glocefter  prom'fed  joo  Lmpieys,  that  they  might  net 
be  diftrainedto  find  the  priibneisof  Poison  with  necefiaries,  unirfs  thev  pleafed. 
Id.  p.  }$«,  Jordan,  fon  of  Reginald,  paid  twenty •  marks  to  ha- e  the  kings 
requeft  to  William  Paniel,  that  he  would  giant  him  the  land  of  Mill  Nierenuit, 
and  the  cuftody  of  his  heiis  ;  and  if  Jordan  obtained  the  fame,  he  was  to  pay  the 
twentv  maiks,  otheruife  not.      Id.  p.  333. 

*  MadoxsHift.  of  the  Exch.   y.  359.  t  Bened   Abb.   p.    180,   181. 

*  Petri  Blef.  Epift.  95.  apud  Blbl.  Patrum,  torn.  24.  p.  214. 

||  Hoveden,  Chron.  Gctv.  p.  1410.  »*  Madox,  chap.  xiv. 

f\  .Spelm.  Glo»T.  in  veibo  ForiJIa. 


APPENDIX     II. 

in  the  reach  of  arbitrary  and  rigorous  laws,    which    the 
king  had  thought  proper  to  enact  hy  his  own  authority. 

Bur  the  moil  barefaced  acts  of  tyranny  aid  op) 
(ion  were  pnctifed  againft  the  Jews,  who  were  entu*  y 
out  of  the  protection  of  law,  were  extrentfely  od>ous  from 
the  bigotry  of  the  people,  and  wete  abandoned  to  the  im- 
meafurable  rapacity  of  the  king  and  his  miniflcrs.  Be- 
sides many  other  indignities  to  which  they  were  continual- 
ly expoied,  it  appears  that  they  were  once  all  thrown  into 
ptiion,  and  the  turn  of  66,oco  marks  exacted  for  their  li- 
berty* :  At  another  time  1  faac  the  Jew  paid  alone  5100 
marksf  ;  Brun,  3000  marksf;  Jurnet  2000 ;  Benuet, 
500  :  At  another,  Licorica,  widow  of  David  the  Jew  of 
Oxford,  was  required  to  pav  6000  marks  ;  and  Hie  was 
delivered  oer  to  fix  of  the  richefl  and  difereetcfl  lews  in 
England,  who  were  to  anfwer  for  the  fum||.  Henry  III. 
borrowed  5000  marks  from  the  ear!  of  Cornwal  ;  ar:d  for 
his  repayment  configned  over  to  him  all  the  Jews  in  Eng- 
land**. The  revenue  arifing  from  exactions  upon  this 
nation  was  io  confiderable,  that  there  was  a  particular  court 
of  exchequer  fet  apart  for  managing  itff. 

We  may  jud^e  concerning  the  low  Itate  of  commerce  Commerce, 
among  the  Engliih,  when  the  Jews,  notwithftan<!ing  thele 
oppreffions,  could  (till  find  their  account  in  tradingamong 
them,  and  lending  them  monev.  And  as  the  improve- 
ments of  agriculture  were  aifo  much  checked  by  the  im- 
menfe  pofTeffions  of  the  nobi!  tv,  by  the  diforders  of  the 
times,  and  by  the  precarious  (tate  of  feudal  property,  it 
appears  that  induftry  of  no  kind  could  then  have  place  in 
the  kingdom^. 

It  is  allerted  by  Sir  Marry  Spelrnan|||!,  as  an  undoubted 
truth,  that  during  the  reigns  of  the  firft  Norman  princes, 
every  edict  of  the  king,  ifTued  with  theconfent  of  his  pr?- 
vy-council,  had  the  full  force  of  law.  But  the  barons, 
iutely,  were  not  (o  pafTive  as  to  entruft  a  power,  entirely 
arbitrary  and  defpotic,  into  the  hands  of  the  fovereign. 
It  only  appears,  that  the  conftitution  had  not  fixed  any 
precile  boundaries  to   the   royal  power  ;  that  the  right  of 

Vol.  I.  3  M 

*    M  of  the  Exch.  p.  131.      This  happened  in  the  reign  of  king 

f  Id.  p.  131.  i  Id.  p.  15  j. 

ft  (d.  ch.  Xt  We  '-,a,n  ,lr"1  ,iie  extiaits 

ay  by  Brady,  in  Ins  Treatifc  of  Boroughs,    that   ahnoft  all 

iraoghsof  England  had  fuffeied  in  the  (hoe k  of  ;  and   had 

extremely  decayed  between  the  death  of  the  Confefibr,    and  the  time  wher. 

•'  1  -  Framed. 

<n  Dei.     The  author   of  the   fflnror  des  "Jujiicct 

complains,   that   ordinances  are  only  made  bv  the  king  and  his  clerks,    and  by 

aliens  and  others,  who  dare   nol  -  the   \i\\z,  but  ftudv  to  pleafe   him. 

,-,    lie  concludes.  laws  »ie  oft  d  by   will,    than  founded  on 

• 


45o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Appendix.    ifXuing  proclamations  on  any  emergence,  and  of  exacting 
««         obedience  to  them,  a  right  which  was  aluays  fuppoled  in- 

1 * '  herent   in   the  crown,    is  very  difficult  to  be  diflinguifhed 

from  a  legiilative  authority  ;  that  the  extreme  itrperfedior 
of  the  ancient  laws,  and  the  fudden  exigencies  which  of- 
ten occurred  in  fuch  turbulent  governments,  obliged  the 
prince  to  exert  fiequently  the  latent  powers  of  his  preio- 
gative  ;  that  he  naturally  proceeded,  from  the  acquiescence 
of  the  people,  to  aiTume,  in  many  particulars  of  moment, 
an  authority  from  which  he  had  excluded  himlelf  by  ex- 
press llatutes,  charters,  or  conceflions,  and  which  was,  in 
fhe  main,  repugnant  to  the  general  genius  of  the  eonfiitu- 
tion  ;  and  that  the  lives,  the  peribnal  liberty,  and  the 
properties  of  all  his  fubjecls,  were  lefs  fecured  by  law 
agai'.n  the  exettion  of  his  arbitrary  authority,  than  by  the 
independent  power  and  private  connections  of  each  indi- 
vidual. It  appears  from  the  Great  Charter  itfelf,  that  not 
only  John,  a  tyrannical  prince,  and  Richard,  a  violent  one, 
but  their  father  Henry,  under  whole  reign  the  prevalence 
of  grois  abufes  is  the  leaf!  to  be  fufpe&ed,  were  accuflcm- 
ed,  from  their  fole  authority,  without  procels  of  law,  to 
impriion,  banilh,  and  attaint  the  freemen  of  their  king- 
dom. 

A  great  baron,  in  ancient  times,  confidered  himfelf 
as  a  kind  of  fovereign  within  his  territory  ;  and  was  at- 
tended by  courtiers  and  dependants  more  zealoufiy  attach- 
ed 10  him  than  the  minifters  of  flate  and  the  great  officers 
wete  commonly  to  their  fovereign.  He  often  maintained 
in  his  court  the  parade  of  royalty,  by  eftabliihing  a  judici- 
ary, conftable,  marefchal,  chamberlain,  feneichal,  and 
chancellor,  and  afhgning  to  each  of  thefe  officers  a  fepa- 
rate  piovince  and  command.  He  was  ufually  very  aflidu- 
ous  in  exercihng  his  jurifdicYion  ;  and  took  fuch  delight 
in  that  image  of  fovereignty,  that  it  was  found  necelfary 
to  reiliain  his  activity,  and  prohibit  him  by  law  from  hold- 
ing courts  too  frequently*.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted,  but 
the  example  fet  him  by  the  prince,  of  a  mercenary  and 
furdid  extortion, would  be  faithfully  copied  ;  and  that  all  his 
£u>od  and  bad  offices,  hjs  juftice  and  injuflice,  were  equal- 
ly puttofale.  lie  had  the  power,  with  the  king's  con- 
fent,  to  exact  talliages  even  from  the  free  citizens  who 
lived  within  his  baronv  ;  and  as  his  nectiTities  made  him 
rapacious,  hisauthority  was  ufually  found  to  be  more  cp- 
pi«inve  and  tyrannical  than  that  of  the  fovereign  +.  He 
w<ts  ever  engaged  in  hereditary  or  perfonal  animofilies  or 
confederacies  with  his  neighbours,  and  often  gave  protec- 

♦  Lugd.  Jmid.  Oiig.  p.  26.  t  Madox  HiR.  of  Lxch.  p.  520. 


APPENDIX    II.  451 

tion  to  all  defperate  adventurers  and  criminal?  who  could    Appendix, 
be  ufeful  in    ferving  his    violent   purpofes.      lie  was  able         •*!• 
alone,   in  times  of  tranquillity,  to  obfirud  the  execution  ot  *       v 
juftice  within  his  territories;  and  by  combining  with  a  few 
malcontent  barons  of  high  rank  and  power,  he  could  throw 
the  fiate  into  convulfions.      And,    on    the  whole,   though 
the  royal  authority   was  confined  within  bounds,  and  often 
within  very  narrow  ones,  yet  the  check  was  irregular,  and 
frequently  the  fource  of   great  disorders  ;  nor  was  it  deriv- 
ed from  the  liberty  of  the  people,  but   from  the    military 
power  of  many  petty  tyrants,   who  were  equally    danger- 
ous to  the  prince,  and  oppreffive  to  the  fubje£t. 

The  power  of  the  church  was  another  rampart  againfr  T. 
royal  authority  ;  but  this  defence  was  alfo  the  caule  of  church. 
many  mifchiefs  and  inconveniences.  The  dignified  cler- 
gy, perhaps,  were  not  fo  prone  to  immediate  violence  as 
the  barons  ;  but  as  they  pretended  to  a  total  independence 
on  the  (late,  and  could  always  cover  themfelves  with  the 
appearances  of  religion,  they  proved,  in  one  refpect,  an 
obstruction  to  the  fettlement  of  the  kingdom,  and  to  the 
regular  execution  of  the  laws.  The  policy  of  the  con- 
queror was  in  this  particular  liable  to  fome  exception.  Ke 
augmented  the  fuperftitious  veneration  for  Rome,  to  which 
that  age  was  fo  much  inclined  ;  and  he  broke  thofe  bands 
of  conne6\ion,  which,  in  the  Savon  times,  had  preserved 
an  union  between  the  lav  and  the  clerical  orders.  He  pro- 
hibited the  bifhops  from  fitting  in  the  countv  courts;  he 
allowed  ecclefnuical  caufes  to  be  tried  in  fpirifual  courts 
only*  ;  and  he  fo  much  exalted  the  power  of  the  clcrgv, 
that  of  60,215  knights  fees,  into  which  he  divided  Kng- 
land,  he  placed  no  lels  than  28,015  under  the  church  f. 

The  right  of  primogeniture  was  introduced  with  the 
feudal  law  :  An  inftitution  which  is  hurtful,  bv  producing  m  awf" 
and  maintaining  an  unequal  divifion  of  private  pioperty  ; 
but  is  advantageous  in  another  refpfCl,  by  accufloming  the 
people  to  n,  preference  in  favour  of  the  eldeft  ton,  and 
thereby  preventing  a  part  tion  or  dilputed  luccefTion  in  the 
monarchy.  The  Normans  introduced  the  ule  of  firnames, 
which  tend  to  preferve  the  knowledge  of  families  and  pe- 
digrees* They  abolifhed  none  of  the  old  abfurd  methods 
of  trial  by  the  crofs  or  ordeal ;  and  they  added  a  new  ab- 
surdity, the  trial  by  tingic  combat  ±,   which  became  a  re- 

'r.  Will,  a  u'l-  W  |  >.     Spcl.  Cone.  vd.  i!.p.  '4. 

fome 
»'ie.  that  the  i  it  onlv  tn<il  the/ 

ieir '  ailals  enjc  b.e  ;ait  of  ihi  *rty. 


452  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

Appendix.   gu!ar   part    of  jurifprudence,   and     was  conduced    with 
J  I.        all  the  order,  method,  devotion,  and   folemuity  lmagina- 

v u '  ble*.  The  ideas  of  chivalry  alfo  feem  /o  have  been  im- 
ported by  the  Normans  :  No  traces  of  thole  fantaftic  no- 
tions are  to  be  found  among  the  plain  and  ruftic  Sax- 
ons. 

Manners.  The  feudal  inftitutions,  bv  raifing  the  military  tenants 

to  a  kind  of  lovereign  dignity,  by  rendering  perfonal 
ftrength  and  valour  requifite,  and  by  making  every  knight 
and  baron  his  own  protestor  and  avenger,  begat  that  mar- 
tial pride  and  fenfc  of  honour,  which,  being  cuhivated 
and  embeililhed  by  the  poets  and  romance-writers  of  the 
age,  ended  in  chivalry.  The  virtuous  knight  fought  net 
only  in  his  own  quarrel,  but  in  that  of  the  innocent,  of 
the  helpleis,  and,  above  all,  of  the  fair,  whom  he  fuppofed 
to  >e  for  ever  under  the  guardianihip  of  his  valiant  arm. 
The  uncourteous  knight  who,  from  his  cafile,  exercifed 
robberv  on  travellers,  and  committed  violence  on  virgins, 
was  the  object  of  his  perpetual  indignation;  and  he  put 
him  to  death,  without  fcruple,  or  trial,  or  appeal,  wherever 
he  met  wiih  him.  The  great  independence  of  men  made 
perfonal  honour  dnd  fidelity  the  chief  tie  among  them  ;  and 
rendered  it  the  capital  virtue  of  every  true  knight,  or  ge- 
nuine profellor  of  chivalry.  The  folemnitics  of  fmgle 
combat,  as,  eftabliihed  by  law,  banilhed  the  notion  of  eve- 
ry thing  unfair  or  unequal  in  rencounters;  and  maintained 
an  appearance  of  courtefy  between  the  combatants,  till 
the  moment  of  their  engagement.  1  he  credulity  of  the 
age  grafted  on  this  flock  the  notion  of  giants,  enchanters, 
dragons,  fpellsf,  and  a  thoufand  wonders,  which  dill 
multiplied  during  the  times  of  the  Crufades;  when  men, 
returning  from  (o  great  a  diftance,  ui'ed  the  liberty  of  im- 
pofing  every  fiction  on  their  believing  audience.  Thefe 
ideas  of  chivalry  infected  the  writings,  converfation,  and 
behaviour  of  men,  during  fome  ages  ;  and  even  after  they 
were,  in  a  great  meafure,  banilhed  by  the  revival  of  learn- 
ing, thev  left  modern  gallantry  and  the  point  of  honour, 
which  dill  maintain  their  influence,  and  are  the  genuine 
offspring  of  thole  ancient  affectations. 

The  coriceffibn  of  the  Great  Charter,  or  rather  its  full 
eftabliihment  (for  there  was  a  confiderable  interval  of  time 
between  the  one  and  the  other),  gave  rife,  by  degrees,  to  a 
new    fpecies    of  government,  and  introduced   fome  order 

*  Spel.  GloiT.  in  verb.  Campus.  The  laft  inflame  of  thefe  duels  was  in  the 
Iftthof  i:\\y.       Sol  abfurdity  remain. 

+  In  all  le^al  Bugle  combats  1:  was  part  of  the  champion's  cath.  that  he  car- 
ried not  about  h.m  any  herb,  fpeil,  cr  inchantments,  by  which  he  might  procuie 
vi&ory.     Dugd.  Orie.  p.  82. 


APPENDIX     II. 


453 


and  juflicc  into  the  adminiftration.  The  enfuing  fcenes  Appendix, 
of  our  hiflory  are  therefore  fonicwhat  different  from  the  H. 
preceding.  Yet  the  Great  Charter  contained  no  e(la-  l 
blithment  of  new  courts,  magiflrates,  or  fenates,  nor  abo- 
lition of  the  old.  It  introduced  no  new  diftribution  of 
the  powers  of  the  commonwealth,  and  no  innovation  in 
the  political  or  public  law  of  the  kingdom.  It  only  guard- 
ed, and  that  merely  by  verbal  claufes,  againft  fuch  tyran- 
nical practices  as  are  incompatible  with  civilized  govern- 
ment, and,  if  they  become  very  frequent,  are  incompati- 
ble with  all  government.  "I  he  barbarous  licence  of  the 
kings,  and  perhaps  of  the  nobles,  was  thenceforth  fome- 
what  more  retrained:  Men  acquired  fome  more  iecurity 
for  their  properties  and  their  liberties  :  And  government 
approached  a  little  nearer  to  thatend  for  which  it  was  origi- 
nally inftituted,  the  diftribution  of  juflice,  and  the  equal 
protection  of  the  citizens.  Ads  of  violence  and  iniquity 
in  the  crown,  which  before  were  only  deemed  injurious 
to  individuals,  and  were  hazardous  chiefly  in  proportion 
to  the  number,  power,  and  dignity  of  the  perlbns  affecled 
by  them,  were  now  regarded,  in  fome  degree,  as  public 
injuries,  and  as  infringements  of  a  charter  calculated  for 
general  Iecurity.  And  thus  the  eftablifhment  of  the  Great 
Charter,  without  feeming  anywile  to  innovate  in  the  dif- 
tribution of  political  power,  became  a  kind  of  epoch  in  the 
conftitution. 


(    454     ) 


CHAP.      XII. 


HENRY      III. 


Settlement  of  the  government General  pacification 

Death  of  the  ProteBor  - Some  commotions Hubert 

de  Burgh  difplaced The  biflwp  of  Winchtfier  minif- 

ter King's  partiality  to  foreigners Grievances 

Eccle/iajlical  grievances Earl  of  Cornwal  cleBed 

king  of  the    Romans Difcontent  of  the  barons 

Simon  de  Mountfort  earl  of  Leicefler. Provifwns  of 

Oxford UJurpation  of  the  barons Prince    Ed- 
ward  Civil  wars  of  the  barons Reference  to  the 

king  of  France Renezual  of  the  civil  wars Battle 

of  Lewes Houfe  of  commons Battle  of  Evefham 

and  death  of  Leicefler Settlement  of  the  government 

Death and  charaBer  of  the  king Mtfcellam-- 

ous  tranfaBions  of  this  reign. 

"J^/rOST  fciences,  in  proportion  as  they  increafe  and 
XII        J^Il.   »mProve»   invent  methods  by   which  they  facilitate 

v ,  their  reafonings;  and    employing   general  theorems,  are 

i?i6.  enabled  to  comprehend,  in  a  few  propositions,  a  great 
number  of  inferences  and  conclufions.  Hiftoyy  alfo,  being 
a  collection  of  facls  which  are  multiplying  without  end,  is 
obliged  to  adopt  fuch  arts  of  abridgment,  to  retain  the 
more  material  events,  and  to  drop  all  the  minute  rircum- 
ftances,  which  are  only  interefting  during  the  time,  or  to 
the  perlons  engaged  in  the  tranfadtions.  This  truth  is  no 
where  more  evident  than  with  regard  to  the  reign  upon 
which  we  are  going  to  enter.     What    mortal  could  have 


HENRY       III.  455 

the  patience  to    write  or  read  a   long  det;iil  of  fuch  frivo-  CHAP. 
lous    events    as   thole   with  which   it    is  tiilcd,    or    attend       XH. 

to  a  tedious  narrative  which  would  follow,  through  a  feries  ' "" — ' 

of  fifty  fix  years,  the  caprices  and  weakneffes  of  fo  mean  II10" 
a  prince  as  Henry  ?  The  chief  reafon  why  protectant 
writers  have  been  lo  anxious  to  fpread  out  the  incidents 
of  this  reign  is,  in  order  to  expole  the  rapacity,  ambition, 
and  artifices  of  the  court  of  Rome  ;  and  to  prove,  that  the 
great  dignitaries  of  the  catholic  church,  while  they  pre- 
tended to  have  nothing  in  view  but  the  falvation  of  foul?, 
had  bent  all  their  attention  to  the  acquifition  of  n'ches, 
and  were  refirained  by  no  fenfe  of  juftlce  or  of  honour  irt 
thepuiluit  of  that  great  object*.  But  this  conclufion 
would  leadily  be  allowed  them,  though  it  were  not  ilJuf- 
tiated  by  fuch  a  detail  of  unintcrcfiing  incidents  ;  and 
follows,  indeed,  by  an  evident  necefMty,  from  the  very 
fituatioti  in  which  that  church  was  placed  with  regard  to 
the  reft  of  Europe.  For,  befides  that  ecclefiaflical  power, 
as  it  can  always  cover  its  operations  under  a  cloak  of  fane- 
tity,  and  attacks  men  on  the  fide  where  they  dare  not  em- 
ploy their  reafon,  lies  lefs  under  control  than  civil  govern- 
ment ;  befides  this  general  caufe,  I  lay,  the  pope  and  his 
courtiers  were  foreigners  to  moil  of  the  churches  whrch 
they  governed  ;  they  could  not  poffibly  have  any  other 
objedt  than  to  pillage  the  provinces  for  prefent  gain  ;  and 
as  they  lived  at  a  diUance,  they  would  be  little  awed  by 
fhame  or  remorfe,  in  employing  every  lucrative  expedi- 
ent which  was  fuggefied  to  ihem.  England  being  one  of 
the  moft  remote  provinces  attached  to  the  Ri-miih  hierar- 
chy, as  well  as  the  moft  prone  to  fuperfiiticn,  felt  fevere- 
ly,  during  this  reign,  while  its  patience  was  not  yet  fully 
exhaufted,  the  influence  of  thefe  caufes  ;  and  we  fhall  of- 
ten have  occafion  to  touch  curforily  upon  fuch  incidents. 
But  we  fhall  not  attempt  to  comprehend  every  tranfaCtion 
tranfmitted  to  us  ;  and  till  the  end  of  the  reign,  when  the 
events  become  more  memorable,  we  fhall  not  always  ob- 
ferve  an  exact  chronological  order  in  our  narration. 

The  earl  of  Pembroke,  who   at  the   time    of  John's  settlement 
death,  was  marefchal  of  England,  was  by  his  office  at  the  of  the  go- 
head  of  the  armies,  and,  confequently,  during  a  ftate  of  ver,ime"t* 
civil  wars  and  convulfions,  at  the  head  of  the  government; 
and  it  happened   fortunately  for  the  voung  monarch  and 
for  the  nation,  that  the  power  could  not  have  been  intruded 
into  more  able  and  more  faithful  hands.     This  nobleman, 
who  had  maintained  his  loyalty  unfkaken   to  John  during 
the  loweft  fortune  of  that  monarch,  determined  to  fuppott 

*  M.   Paris,  p.  623, 


456  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.  the  authority  of  the  infant  prince  ;  nor  was  he  difmayed  at 
XII.  the  number  and  violence  of  his  enemies.  Senfible  that 
Henry,  agreeably  to  the  prejudices  of  the  times,  would 
not  be  deemed  3  fovereign  till  ciowned  and  anointed  by  a 
churchman,  he  immediately  carried  the  young  prince  to 
Glocelier,  where  the  ceremony  of  coronation  was  per- 
formed, in  the  prefence  of  Gualo  the  legate,  and  of  a  few 
noblemen,  by  the  bithops  of  Winchefter  and  Bath  *.  As 
the  concurrence  of  the  papal  authority  was  requifite  to  fup- 
port  the  tottering  throne,  Henry  was  obliged  to  fwear 
fealty  to  the  pope,  and  renew  that  homage  to  which  his 
father  had  already  fubjecled  the  kingdom  f:  And  in  order 
to  enlarge  the  authority  of  Pembroke,  and  to  give  him  a 
more  regular  and  legal  title  to  it,  a  general  council  of  the 

iithNov.     barons  was  foon  after  fummoned  at  Briftol,  where  that  no- 
bleman was  chofen  proteclor  of  the  realm. 

Pembroke,  that  he  might  reconcile  all  men  to  the  go- 
vernment of  his  pupil,  made  him  grant  a  new  charter  of 
liberties,  which,  though  mofily  copied  from  the  former 
conceffions  extorted  from  John,  contains  fbme  alterations, 
which  may  be  deemed  remarkable  $.  The  full  privilege 
of  elections  in  the  clergy,  granted  by  the  late  king,  was 
not  confirmed,  nor  the  liberty  of  going  out  of  the 
kingdom  without  the  royal  confent  :  Whence  we  may 
conclude,  that  Pembroke  and  the  barons,  jealous  of.  the 
ecclefiaftical  power,  both  were  defirous  of  renewing 
the  king's  claim  to  iflue  a  conge  d'elire  to  the  monks 
and  chapters,  and  thought  it  requifite  to  put  fome  check 
to  the  frequent^  appeals  to  Rome.  But  what  may  chief- 
ly furprife  us  is,  that  the  obligation  to  which  John  had 
fubjecled  himfelf,  of  obtaining  the  confent  of  the  great 
council  before  he  levied  any  aids  or  fcutages  upon  the  na- 
tion, was  omitted;  and  this  article  was  even  declaied  hard 
and  fevere,  and  was  exprefsly  left  to  future  deliberation. 
But  we  muft  confider,  that,  though  this  limitation  may 
perhaps  appear  to  us  the  moft  momentous  in  the  whole 
charter  of  John,  it  was  not  iegarded  in  that  light  by  the 
ancient  barons,  who  were  more  jealous  in  guarding  againft 
particular  atTsof  violence  in  the  crown,  titan  againft  fuch 
general  impofitiom:,  which,  unlefs  they  were  evidently  rea- 
fonable  and  necetfary,  could  fcarcely,  without  general 
confent,  be  kflfed  upon  men  who  had  arms  in  their  hands, 
and  who  cou»Iepel  any  aft  of  oppreflion,  by  which  they 
were  all  immediately  afFe&ed.  We  accordingly  find 
th.it  Henry,  in  the  courfe  of  his  reign,  while  he  gave  fre- 
quent occafions  for  complaint,  with  regard  to  his   violati- 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  200.     Hift.    Croyl.     Cont.   p.  474«     w-    Heming,  p.  562. 
Trivet,  p.  168.  t  M'  Paris,  p.  200. 

£  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  215. 


I  2  l6. 


HENRY       111.  457 

onsof  the  Great  Charter,  never  attempted,  by  his  mere  C  H  A  P. 
wiil,  to  levy  any  aids  or  fcurages  ;  though  he  was  often  XII. 
reduced  to  great  necefRties,  and  was  refufed  lupply  bv  his 
people.  So  much  eafier  was  it  for  him  to  tranigrels  the 
law,  when  individuals  aiorie  were  affected,  than  even  to 
exert  his  acknowledged  prerogatives,  where  the  intereft  of 
the   whole  body  was  concerned. 

This  charter  was  again  confirmed  bv  the  king  in  the 
Cofuing  year,  with  the  addition  of  fomc  articles  to  prevent 
the  oppreflions  of"  fherirfk  :  And  alio  with  an  additional 
charier  of  forcfts,  a  circumftance  of  great  moment  in  thofe 
ages,  when  hunting  was  fo  much  the  occupation  of  the 
uobifitv,  and  when  the  king  comprehended  lo  confidera- 
bleapartof  the  kingd  in  within  his  lorefls,  which  he  go- 
verned by  peculiar  and  arbitrary  laws.  All  the  foreils, 
which  had  been  enckrted  fince  the  reign  of  Henry  II. 
were  dilaforefied  ;  and  new  perambulations  were  appointed 
for  that  purpofc  :  Offences  in  the  forr.^s  were  declared  to 
be  no  longer  capital ;  but  punilhable  by  fine,  imprifonment 
and  more  gentle  penalties:  And  al  the  proprietors  of  land 
recovered  the  power  of  cutting  and  ufing  their  own  wood 
at  their  pleafure. 

Thus,  thele  famous  charters  were  brought  nearly  to  the 
,/hape  in  which  they  have  ever  fince  flood;  and  they  were, 
during  many  generations,  the  peculiar  favourites  of  the 
Englhh  nation,  and  efiecmed  the  mofi  facred  rampart  to 
national  liberty  and  independence.  As  they  fecured  the 
rights  of  all  orders  of  men,  they  were  anxioufly  defended 
by  all,  and  became  the  bafis,  in  a  manner,  of  the  Englifh 
monarchy,  and  a  kind  of  original  contract,  which  both 
limited  the  authority  of  the  king,  and  enfured  the  condi- 
tional allegiance  of  his  fubje&S.  Though  often  violated, 
thev  were  dill  claimed  by  the  nobility  and  people  ;  and  as 
no  precedents  were  (<  ppoled  valid  that  infringed  them, 
thev  -rather  acquired  than  loft  authority,  from  the  frequent 
attempts  m.ide  againfl  them  in  feveral  ages,  by  regal  and 
arbitrary  power. 

While  Pembroke,  by  renewing  and  confirming  the 
Great  Charter,  gave  fo  much  fatibfaiition  and  fecurity  to 
the  nation  in  gerreral,  lie  alfo  applied  himlelf  fuccefsfully 
to  individuals  :  He  wrote  letters,  in  the  king's  name,  to 
all  the  malcontent  barons  ;  in  which  he  reprelented  to 
them,  that,  whatever  jealoufv  and  animofity  they  might 
have  entertained  againfl  the  late  king,  a  young  prince,  the 
lineal  heir  of  their  ancient  monarchs,  had  now  fucceeded 
to  the  throne,  without  iucceeding  either  to  the  relentments 
or  principles  of  his  predeceflor  :   That  the  defperate  cxpe- 

Vol.   1.  3  N  *     , 


458  HISTORY    OF    ENol^.^. 

CHAP,  dient,  which  they  had  employed,  of  calling  in  a   foreign 
XII.       potentate.,  had,  happily  tor  them,  as  well  as  for  the  nation, 

^ — '  failed  of  entire  iuccefs  ;  and  it  was  fti'l  in  their  power,  by 

I2l6#  a  fpeedy  return  to  their  duty,  to  reftore  the  independence 
of  the  kingdom,  and  to  fecure  that  liberty,  for  which  they 
lb  zealouuy  contended  :  That  as  all  naff  offences  of  the 
barons  were  now  buried  in  oblivion,  they  ought,  on  their 
part,  to  forget  their  complaints  again!!  their  late  fovercign, 
who,  if  he  had  been  anvwile  blameable  in  his  conduct, 
had  left  to  his  fon  /he  falutary  warning,  to  avoid  the  paths 
which  had  led  to  fuch  fatal  extremities:  And  that  having 
now  obtained  a  charter  for  their  liberties,  it  was  their  in- 
terefl  to  fhew,  by  their  conduct,  that  this  acquihtion  was 
not  incompatible  with  their  allegiance,  and  that  the  rights 
of  king  and  people,  fo  far  from  being  heflile  and  oppo- 
fite,  might  mutually  fupportand  fuftain  each  other*. 

These  confederations,  enforced  by  the  character  of  ho- 
nour and  conftancy,  which  Pembroke  had  ever  mail  tained 
had  a  mighty  influence  on  the  barons  ;  and  moft  of  them 
began  fecretly  to  negociate  with  him,  and  many  of  them 
openly  returned  to  their  duty.  The  diffidence  which  Le- 
wis difcovered  of  their  fidelity,  forwarded  this  general  pro- 
penfion  towards  the  king;  and  when  the  French  pi ince 
refufed  the  government  of  the  call le  of  Hertford  to  Robert 
Fitz-Walter,  who  had  been  fo  active  againft  the  late  king, 
and  who  claimed  that  fortrefs  as  his  property,  they  plainly 
faw  that  the  Englifh  were  excluded  from  every  trufl,  and 
that  foreigners  had  engrofled  all  the  confidence  and  affec- 
tion of  their  new  fovereign  f.  The  excommunication, 
too,  denounced  by  the  legate  againfl  all  the  adherents  of 
Lewis,  failed  not,  in  the  turn  which  men's  difpofitions  had 
taken,  to  produce  a  mightv  effect  upon  them;  and  they 
were  eafily  perfuaded  to  confider  a  caufe  as  impious,  for 
which  they  had  already  entertained  an  unfurmotuitable 
averfionj.  Though  Lewis  made  a  journev  to  France, 
and  brought  over  fuccours  from  that  kingdom  ||»  he  found, 
on  his  return,  that  his  party  was  flill  more  weakened  by 
the  defertion  of  his  Englifh  confederates,  and  that  the 
death  of  John  had,  contrary  to  his  expectations,  given  an 
incurable  wound  to  his  caufe.  The  earls  of  Salifbury, 
Arundel,  and  Warrenne,  together  with  William  Mare- 
fhal,  eldeff  fon  of  the  protector,  had  embraced  Henry's 
party;  and  every  Englifh  nobleman  was  plainly  watching 
for  an  opportunity  of  returning  to  his  allegiance.  Pem- 
broke was  fo  much  ftrengthened  by  thefe  acceflions,  that 

*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  215.     Brady's  A  pp.   No.  »4>  t  M-  Paris, 

ft  2'x>.  307.  +  Ibid.  p.  2o.i.     M.  Weft. p.  277.  Chron. 

Duna.  vol.  i.  p.  79.     M.  Weft.  p.  277. 


HENRY      III.  459 

he  ventured  to   invert  Mount-fore] ;  though  upon   the  ap-  CHAP, 
proaehof  the  count  of  Perche  with  the  French  army,   he       XII. 

defifted  from  bis  enterprise,  and  railed   tbefiege*.     The  v * ' 

count,  elated  with  this  fuccefs,  marched  to  Lincoln  ;  and  lg'6, 
being  admitted  into  the  town,  he  began  lo  attack  the 
caftle,  which  he  foon  reduced  to  extremity.  The  pro- 
tector fummoned  all  his  forces  from  every  quarter,  in  order 
to  relieve  a  place  of  iuch  importance  ;  and  he  appealed 
fo  much  fuperior  to  the  French,  that  they  (hut  themfelves 
up  within  the  city,  *nd  refolved  to  act  upon  the  defenfivef. 
But  the  garrilon  of  the  caftle,  having  received  a  ftrong 
reinforcement,  m.ide  a  vigorous  (ally  upon  the  hefiegers  ; 
while  the  Englilh  army,  by  concert, aflaultcd  them  in-.the 
fame  inftant  from  without,  mounted  the  walls  by  fcalade, 
and  bearing  down  all  refinance,  entered  the  city  fword  in 
hand.  Lincoln  was  delivered  over  to  be  pillaged;  the 
French  army  was  totalK  routed:  the  count  ot  Perche, 
with  only  two  perlons  move,  was  killed  ;  but  many  of  the 
chief  commanders,  and  about  400  knights,  were  made  pri- 
foners  by  the  EngliiliJ.  So  little  blood  was  (bed  in  this 
important  action,  which  decided  the  fate  of  one  ot  the  raoft 
powerful  kingdoms  in  Europe  ;  and  fuch  wretched  (oldiers 
were  thoie  ancient  barons,  who  yet  were  unacquainted 
with  every  .thing  but    rms! 

Prin  ;f.  Lewis  was  informed  of  this  fatal  event  while 
employed  in  the  fiege  of  Dover,  which  was  (till  valiantly 
defended  againft  him  by  Hubert  de  Burgh.  He  imme- 
diately retreated  to  London,  the  centre  and  life  of  his 
party  ;  and  he  there  received  intelligence  of  a  new  difafter, 
which  put  an  end  to  all  his  hopes  A  French  fleet, bringing 
over  a  Along  reinforcement,  h.d  appeared  on  the  coaft  of 
Kent,  where  they  were  attacked  by  the  Englifh  under  the 
command  of  Philip  d'Albiney,  and  were  routed  with  con- 
siderable lofs.  D  Albiney  cmploved  a  ftratagem  againft. 
them,  which  is  laid  to  have  contributed  to  the  victory  : 
Having  gained  the  wind  of  the  French,  he  came  down  up- 
on them  with  violence;  and  throwing  in  their  faces  a  great 
itity  of  quick  lime,  which  he  purpolelv  carried  on 
board,  he  lo  blinded  them,  that  they  were  difablcd  from 
defending  themfelves  ||. 

After  this  fecond  misfortune  of  the  French,  the  Eng- 
lifh barons  hafiened  every  where  to  make  peace  with  the 
proteclor,  and,  by  an  early  fubmifiioo,  to  prevent  tl.-ofe 
attainders  to  which  they  were   expofed  on  account  of  their 

*    M.  Piris,  p.  a  f  (  hrcn.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  , 

i   M.  Pari',  p.  204,  205.     Chum,    de  Mahr.  p 

i6.     Ann.  Waved,  p.  i^j.     W.   Hemlng.  p.  56   , 

.     M.  Weft.  p.  27;.      . 


46o  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  rebellion.     Lewis,  whofe  caufe  was  now  totally  defperafe, 
XII.      began  to  be  anxious  for  the  fafety  of  his  perlon,   and    was 

* v '  g'ac^»  on  anY  honourable  conditions,  to  make   his  cicape 

J216.  from  a  country  where  he  found  everv  thing  was  now  be- 
come hoftile  to  him.  He  concluded  a  peace  wilh  Pem- 
broke, promifed  to  evacuate  the  kingdom,  and  only  ftipu- 
lated,  in  return,  an  indemnity  to  his  adherents,  and  a  re(- 
titution  of  their  honours  and  fortunes,  together  with  the 
free  and  equal  enjoyment  of  thofe  liberties  which  had 
been  granted  to  the  reft  of  the  nation*.     Thus  was  hap- 

Generaipa-  pily  ended  a  civil  war,  which  feemed  to  be  founded  on  the 

dotation,      molt  incurable  hatred   and    jealoufy,  and  had  threatened 
Jhe  kingdom  with  the  moft  fatal  confequences. 

The  precautions  which  the  king  of  France  ufed  in  the 
qondudlof  this  whole  affair  are  remarkable.  He  pretended 
that  his  (on  had  accepted  of  the  offer  from  the  Englifh  barons 
without  his  advice,  and  contrary  to  his  inclination  :  The 
armies  fent  to  England  were  levied  in  Lewis's  natre  : 
When  that  prince  came  over  to  France  for  aid,  his  father 
publicly  refufed  to  grant  him  any  affiflance,  and  would  not 
fo  much  as  admit  him  to  his  prefence  :  Even  after  Henry's 
party  acquired  the  afcendant,  and  Lewis  was  in  danger  of 
falling  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  it  was  Blanche  of 
Caftile  his  wife,  not  the  king  his  father,  who  railed  armies 
and  equipped  fleets  for  his  fuccourT.  All  thefe  artifices 
were  employed,  not  to  fatisfy  the  pope;  for  he  had  too 
much  penetration  to  be  fo  eafily  impoied  on  :  Nor  yet  to 
deceive  the  people  ;  for  thev  were  too  grefs  even  for  that 
purpofe  :  They  only  ferved  for  a  colouring  to  Philip's 
caufe;  and  in  public  affairs,  men  are  often  better  pleafed 
that  the  truth,  though  known  to  every  body,  fhould  be 
wrapped  up  under  a  decent  cover,  than  if  it  were  exposed 
in  open  daylight  to  the  eyes  of  all  the  world. 

After  the  expulfion  of  the  French,  the  prudence  and 
equity  of  the  protector's  fubfequent  conduct  contributed  to 
cure  entirely  thole  wounds  which  had  been  made  by  in- 
teftine  difcord.  He  received  the  rebellious  barons  into 
favour  ;  obferved  flrictly  the  terms  of  peace  which  he  had 
granted  them  ;  reftored  them  to  their  polPeffions  ;  and  en- 
deavoured, bv  an  equal  behaviour,  to  bury  all  paftanimo- 
fitiesin  perpetual  oblivion.  The  clersry  alone,  who  had 
adhered  to  Lewis,  were  fufferers  in  this  revolution.  As 
they  had  rebelled  againfl  their  fpiritual  fovereign,  by  dif- 
regarding  the  interdict  and  excommunication,  it  was  not 
in  Pembroke's  power  to  make  any  Papulations  in  their  fa- 

*  Rymer,  vcJ.  i.  p.  221.  }:M.  Taiis,  p.  207.  Chron.  Dur.ft.  vol.  i.  p.  83. 
M.  Weft.  p.  2; 8.     Knyghton,  p.  2429. 

7  M.  Paris,  £ .  2^6.     Chito.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  82. 


HENRY      III.  46/ 

vour  ;  and  Gualo  the  legate  prepared  to  take  vengeance  on  c  H  A  P. 
them  for  their  difobeaience*.     Many  of  them  were  depo-      XII. 

fed;  many  fulpended  ;  fome  banifhed  ,  and  all  who  efcap-  » * ' 

ed  punifhment  made  atonement  for  their  offence  by  paying      l-lG- 
large  furos  to  the  legate,  whoamaffedan  immenfe  treafure 
by  this  expedient. 

The  earl  of  Pembroke  did  not  long  furvive  the  pacifi-  Death  of  the 
cation,  which  had  been  chiefly  owing  to  his  wifdom  and  piotedior. 
valour +  ;  and  he  was  fuecceded  in  the  government  by  Pe- 
ter des  Roches,  bifriop  of  Winchefier,  and  Hubert  de 
Burgh,  the  jufticbry.  The  councils  of  the  latter  were 
chieflv  followed;  and  had  he  poflefled  equal  authority  in 
the  kindom  with  Pembroke,  he  feemed  to  be  every  way 
worthy  of  tilling  the  piace  of  that  virtuous  nobleman.  But  Somecom- 
the  licentious  and  powerful  barons,  who  had  once  bioken  njonon  *« 
the  reins  of  fubjection  to  their  prince,  and  had  obtained  by 
violence  an  enlargement  of  their  liberties  a:id  indepen- 
dence, could  ill  be  retrained  by  laws  under  a  minority; 
and  the  people,  no  leis  than  the  king,  iurFered  from  their 
outrages  and  disorders.  Thev  retained  by  force  the  royal 
caftles,  wh>ch  they  had  leized  during  the  part  convulfions, 
or  which  had  been  committed  to  their  cufiody  by  the  pro- 
teclor^.  Thev  ufurped  the  king's  demefnesll :  They  op- 
prefTed  their  vaflals  :  They  infefted  their  weaker  neigh- 
bours :  Thev  invited  all  dilorderlv  people  to  enter  in 
their  retinue,  and  to  live  upon  their  lands:  And  they 
ga  e  them  protection  in  all  their  robberies  and  extorti- 
ons. 

No  one  was  more  infamous  for  thefe  violent  and  illegal 
practices  than  the  earl  of  Albemarle;  who,  though  he  had 
early  returned  to  hisdutv,  and  had  been  ferviceable  in  ex- 
pelling the  French,  augmented  to  the  utmoft  the  general 
diforder,  and  committed  outrages  in  all  the  counties  of  the 
North.  In  order  to  reduce  him  to  obedience,  Hubert 
leized  an  opportunity  of  getting  pofieffion  of  Rockingham 
cattle,  which  Albemarle  had  garrifoned  with  his  licenti- 
ous retinue:  But  this  nobleman,  inftead  of  fubmitting, 
entered  into  a  fecref  confederacy  with  Faukes  de  Breaute, 
Peter  de  Mauleon,  and  other  barons,  and  both  fortified 
the  caftle  of  Biham  for  his  defence,  and  made  himfelf  maf- 
ter  by  furprife  of  that  of  Fotheringav."  Pandulf,  who  was 
reftored  to  his  legatefhip,  was  active  in  fupprefling  thi- 
rebellion  ;  and,  with  the  concurrence  of  eleven  bifheps, 
he  pronounced  the  lenience'  of  excommunication  againfl 

*  Pradys  Aop.  No.  14.J.     Clnor..  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.    S3, 
t  M.  Paris,  p.  210.  £  Tract,   p.  17.1. 

|J  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  276. 


4<52  HISTORY     OF     ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Albemarle  and  his  adherents*  :   An  army  was  levied  :   A 
XII.       fcutage  of  ten  (hillings a  knight's  fee  was  impoied  on  all 

K-rrr'  the  nvlitary  tenants  :   Albemarle's  allbciates  gradually  de- 

12l6«  fened  hirn  :  And  he  himfeif  was  obliged  at  fall  to  (ue  for 
mercy,  lie  received  a  pardon,  and  was  reiiored  to  his 
whole  eltate. 

This  impolitic  lenity,  too  frequent  in  thofe  times,  was 
probably  the  retuit  of  a  fecret  combination  among  the  ba- 
rons, who  never  could  endure  to  fee  the  total  ruin  of  one 
0  of  their  own  order:  But  it  encouraged  Fawkes  de  Breaute, 

a  m  in  whom  king  John  had  railed  from  a  low  origin,  to 
perievere  in  the;  courfe  of  violence  to  which  he  had  ov  ed 
his  fortune,  and  to  fct  at  naught  all  law  and  juitice.  When 
thirtv-five  verdicts  were  at  one  time  found  againil  him,  on 
account  of  his  violent  expulfion  of  lo  many  freeholders 
from  their  pofTeffions;  he  came  to  the  court  of  jullicc  with 
an  aimed  force,  feized  the  judge  who  h.;d  pronounced 
the  verdicts,  and  im prifoned  turn  in  Bedford  cattle*  fie 
then  levied  open  war  againft  the  king  ;  but  being  fub- 
duedand  taken  prifoner,  his,  life  was  granted  him;  but 
his  eftate  was  ^onnlcaled,  and  h;  was  banilht  d  the  king- 
dom f- 
1222.  Justice    was  executed    with  greater  feverity    againit. 

diforders  lefs  premeditated  which  broke  out  in  London.  A 
frivolous  emulation  in  a  match  of  wieftling,  between  the 
Londoners  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Weft- 
minfier  and  thofe  of  the  neighbouring  villages  on  the 
other,  occalione  '  this  commotion.  The  former  role  in  a 
body,  and  pulled  down  tome  houfes  belonging  to  the  abbot 
of  Weftmiufter  :  But  this  riot  which,  conudering  the  tu- 
multuous diipofiiion  familiar  to  that  capital,  would  have 
been  little  regarded,  teemed  to  become  more  ferious  by 
the  fymptoms  which  then  appeared,  of  the  former  attach- 
ment ot  the  citizens  to  the  French  iutcrtfi.  i  he  populace, 
in  the  tumult,  made  ufe  of  the  cry  of  war  commonly  em- 
ployed by  the  French  troops  ;  Monn'jcy,  mountjoy,  God 
help  us  and  our  lord  Lewis,  The  jnfticiary  made  enquiry 
into  the  diiorder;  and  finding  one  Conliantine  Fitz-Ar- 
rrulf  to  have  been  the  ringleader,  an  infolent  man,  who 
jufiified  his  crime  in  Hubert's  pretence*  be  proceeded 
againft  him  by  martial  law,  and  ordered  him  immediately 
to  be  hanged,  without  trial  or  form  of  prqeefs.  He  alio 
cutoff  the  feet  of  fome  of  Ccnfiantine's  accomplices j. 

*   Chron.  Dr.nfl.  vol.  i.  p.  ii'». 

f  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  198.  M.  Faris.  p.  221.  724.  Ann.  Va-  erl.  p.  188. 
Chron.  Dnnfl.  vol.  i.  p.  141.  146.      M.  Weft.  p.  2S3. 

%  M.  Paris,  p.217,  ai8.  »$}.  Ann.  Waverl.  p.  137.  Chron.  Dimft.  vol. 
i.  p.  129. 


HENRY       III.  463 

This  acl  of  power  was  complained  of  as  an  infringe-  q  h  j\\\ 
mer.t  of  the  Great  Carter  :    Yet  the  ju!t;c;ary,  in  a  par-       XII. 

Irani  ii-j  about      ■  •--, ' 

•ive    th.it   appellation),    made   no      »-«*■ 
feruple  to  grant  *  -  *  the  tinea  renewal  and  confir- 

that  charter.      When  ;he  aflembiy  tirade  appM- 

.i  to  the  crown  for  tjffis  favour,  as  a  law  in  thofe 
times  fee  hied  to  lofe  its  validity  if  not  frequently  renewed'^ 
William  de  Sriewerc,  one  0?  the  council  of  regency,  was 
lb  hold  as  to  fay  openly,  that  tho !e  liberties  were  extorted 
hv  force,  and  ought  not  to  be  obferred  ;  But  he  was  re- 
primanded by  the  archl  iftiop  of  Canterbury/,  and  wis  not 
countenanced  l>v  the  king  01  his  chief  milliners*.  A 
new  confirmation  1  inded  and    granted   two  years 

;  and  an  ai^I,  amounting  to  a  fifteenth  of  all  moveables, 

given  by  the  parliament",  Iri  return  for  this  indulgence. 
The  king  rffued  writs  anew  to  the  Iherrtfs,  enjoining  the 
obfervancc  of  the  charter1;  but  he   i  a  remarkable 

Claufe  in  the  writi,   that  thole  who  paved  not  the  fifteenth 

Id  not  in  future  be  entitled  to  the  benefit  of  thole  li- 
berties +  . 

T»e  low  fl  3te  into  which  the   crown  was  fallen  made  it 
lite  for  a  good  minilter  to  be  attentive  to  the  preferva- 
tioa  i  royal    prerogatives,    as  well  as  to  the  fecuiity 

of  pu  rrty.      Hubert  applied  to  the  pope,  who  had 

alwavs  great  authority  in  the  kingdom,  and  was  now 
confidered  as  its  luperior  lord  ;  and  dented  him  to  iflue  a 
bull,  declaring  the  king  to  be  of  full  age,  and  entitled  to 
eker  rfon  all  the  acts  of  royalty  f.    In  confequence 

of  this  declaration,  the  judiciary  refigned  it^to  Henry's 
bands  the  two  itnportant  fortrefles  of  the  'I  ever  and  Do- 
ver caftie,  which  iiad  been  entrulted  into  his  cuftodv  ;  and 
he  required  tin*  other  barons  to  imitate  his  example.  They 
rcfufed  c<  :      The    earls   of  Chefter  and   Albe- 

marle, John  Conftable  of  Chtlter,  John  de  Lacy,  Brian 
de  I'uie,  and  William  de  Cantel,  with  fome  others,  even 
formed  a  confpiracy  to  lurprife  London,  and  met  in  arms 
at  Walrham  with  that  intention  :  but  finding  the  king 
prepared  for  defence,  they  deliiled  from  their  enterprise. 
When  fummoned  to  court,  in  order  to  atifwer  for  t!  1 
conduct,  they  fcrupled  not  to  appear,  and  to  confefe  the 
defign  :  But  they  told  the  king,  that  they  had  no  b.:d  in- 
tentions agatnA  his  perfon,  but  only  againft  Hubert  de 
Burgh,     whom    they    were  determined  to  remove  from  I 

•||.      They  appeared  too  formidable  to  be  chafUfcd  ; 

•    .  f  Clsnfe  0  H,  3 

p.  as*.  1  Chum.  ... 


464  HISTORY    OF    ENGL  AN  D. 

CHAP,  and  they  were  fo  little  difcouraged  by  the  failure  of  their 
X  I.  firft  enterprife,  that  they  again  met  in  arms  at  Leicefter, 
v— -v— '  in  order  to  feize  the  king,  who  then  refided  at  Northamp- 
1228#  ton  :  But  Henry,  informed  of  their  purpole,  took  care 
to  be  fo  well  armed  and  attended,  that  the  barons  found 
it  dangerous  to  make  the  attempt  ;  and  they  fat  down 
and  kept  Chriftmas  in  his  neighbourhood*.  The  arch- 
bilhop  and  the  prelates,  finding  every  thing  tend  to- 
wards a  civil  war,  interpofed  with  their  authority,  and 
threatened  the  barons  with  the  fentence  of  excommunica- 
tion, if  they  perfifted  in  detaining  the  king's  caftles. 
This  menace  at  lafr  prevailed  :  Molt  of  the  fortreffes  were 
furrendered  ;  tho  gh  the  barons  complained,  that  Hubert's 
caftles  were  foon  after  reftored  to  him,  while  the  king  ftill 
kept  theirs  in  his  own  cuftody.  There  are  faid  to  have 
been  I II 5  caflles  at  that  time  in  England  +. 

It  muft  be  acknowledged,  that  the  influence  of  the 
prelates  and  the  clergy  was  often  of  great  fervice  to  the 
public.  Though  the  religion  of  that  age  can  merit  no 
better  name  than  that  of  fuperftition,  it  ferved  to  unite  to- 
gether a  body  of  men  who  had  great  (way  over  the  people, 
and  who  kept  the  community  from  falling  to  pieces,  by 
the  factions  and  independent  power  of  the  nobles.  And 
what  was  of  great  importance,  it  threw  a  mighty  authority 
into  the  hands  of  men  who,  by  their  profefiion,  were  averfe 
to  arms  and  violence  ;  who  tempered  by  their  mediation  the 
general  difpofition  towards  the  militarv  enterprifes  ;  and 
who  ftill  maintained,  even  amidft  the  fhock  of  arms, 
thofe  fecret  links,  without  which  it  is  impoffible  for  human 
fociety  to  fubfift. 

Notwithstanding  thefe  inteftine  commotions  in 
England,  and  the  precarious  authority  of  the  crown, 
Henry  was  obliged  to  carry  on  war  in  France  ;  and  he 
employed  to  tint  purpofe  the  fifteenth  which  had  been 
granted  him  by  parliament.  Lewis  VIII.  who  had  fuc- 
ceeded  to  his  father  Philip,  inftead  of  complying  with 
Henry's  claim,  who  demanded  the  reftitution  of  Norman- 
dy, and  the  other  provinces  wrefted  from  England,  made 
an  irruption  into  Poidtou,  took  Rocheile  $,  after  a  long 
fiege,  and  feemed  determined  to  expel  the  Englifh  from 
the  few  provinces  which  ftill  remained  to  them.  Henry 
lent  over  his  uncle,  the  e  lrl  of  Salifbury,  together  with 
his  brother  prince  Richard,  to  whom  he  had  granted  the 
earldom  of  Cornwal,    which  had  elcheated  to  the  crown. 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  221.     Chron.  Dunft.  Vol.  i.  p    138.  t  Coke's  Com- 

ment, on  Magna  Ghana,  chap.  17.  £  Kymer,    vjl.  i.  p.  269.     Trivet, 

p.    179. 


HENRY      III.  465 

Salisbury  flopped  the  progrefs  of  Lewis's  arms,    and  re-  C  H  A  P. 
tainea1  the  Poiclevinand  Gallon  vaflfals  in  their  allegiance  :       XII. 

But  no  military  action  of  any  moment  was  performed  on  * « — -f 

either  fide.     The  earl    of  Cornwal,  after  two  years'  ftay      1227> 
in  Guienne,  returned  to  England. 

This  prince  was  no  wife  turbulent  or  factious  in  his 
difpofition  :  His  ruling  paffion  was  to  amafs  monev,  in 
which  he  fuccecded  fo  well  as  to  become  the  richeft  iub- 
jecl  in  Chrillendom:  Yet  his  attention  to  gain  threw  him 
fometimes  into  acls  of  violence,  and  gave  difturbance  to 
the  government.  There  was  a  manor,  which  had  former- 
ly belonged  to  the  earldom  of  Cornwal,  but  had  been 
granted  to  Waleran  de  Ties,  before  Richard  had  been  in- 
verted with  that  dignity,  and  while  the  earldom  remained 
in  the  crown.  Richard  claimed  this  manor,  and  expelled 
the  proprietor  by  force  :  Waleran  complained  :  The  Mug 
ordered  his  brother  to  do  juftice  to  the  man,  and  nflce 
him  to  his  rights  :  The  earl  faid  that  he  would  not  fubmit 
to  thefe  orders,  till  the  caufe  fhould  be  decided  againff  him 
bv  the  judgment  of  his  peer- :  Henry  replied,  that  it  was 
firft  necellary  to  iein(late  Waleran  in  pofleffio1  ,  befo'e  the 
caufe  could  be  tried  ;  n'id  he  reiterated  his  oiders  to  the 
earl*.  We  may  judge  of  the  (late  of  the  government, 
when  shis  afair  bad  neariy  produced  a  civil  war.  The 
earl  of  Cornwal,  finding  Henry  peremptory  in  his  com- 
mands, ailociated  himfelf  with  the  young  e  t  of  i>mbioke, 
who  had  married  his  fifler,  and  who  was  difplealed  on  ac- 
count of  the  king's  requiring;  him  to  deliver  up  ibme  roval 
caftles  which  were  in  hiscuflody.  Thefe  two  ma  contents 
took  into  the  confederacy  the  earls  of  Chefler,  Warrenne, 
Gloc  Her,  Hereford,  Warwic,  and  Ferrers,  who  were  all 
difgulled  on  a  like  account  +.  Tbey  aftemMed  an  army, 
which  the  king  had  not  the  power  or  courage  to  refill ;  and 
he  was  obliged  to  give  his  brother  fatisfadion,  by  grants 
of  much  greater  impoitance  than  the  manor,  which  had 
been  the  full  ground  of  the  quarrel  %. 

The  character  of  the  king,  as  he  grew  to  man's  eftate, 
became  every  day  better  known  ;  and  he  was  found  in 
every  refpect  unqualified  for  maintaining  a  propt-r  fu  ay 
among  thole  turbulent  barons,  whom  the  feudal  conflitu- 
tion  f'.ibjedied  to  his  authority.  Gentle,  humane,  and 
merciful  even  to  a  fault,  he  feems  to  have  been  Ready  in 
no  other  circumllance  of  his  character  ;  but  to  have  receiv- 
ed every  impreflion  from  thole  who  (urrouncled  him,  and 
whom  he  loved,  for  the  time,  with  the  moll  imprudent 
Vol.  I.  3  O 

•  M.  Taris,  p.  in.  f   ibid;  *  Ibid. 


466  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP*  and  moft  unreferved  affettion.     Without  activity   or  vi- 
XII.       gour,  he  was  unfit  to  conduct  war  ;  without  policy  or  art, 

v .. '  he  was    ill    fitted  to    maintain  peace  :  His  refentments, 

1227»  though  hafty  and  violent,  were  not  dreaded,  while  he 
was  found  to  drop  them  with  fuch  facility  ;  his  friendfhips 
were  little  valued,  becaufe  they  were  neither  derived  from 
choice,  nor  maintained  with  conftancy.  A  proper  pageant 
of  ftatc  in  a  regular  monarchy,  where  his  minifters  could 
have  conducted  all  affairs  in  his  name  and  by  his  authority ; 
but  too  feeble  in  thofe  diforderly  times  to  fway  a  fceptre, 
whole  weight  depended  entirely  on  the  firmnefs  and  dex- 
terity of  the  hand  which  held  it. 

Hubert de         The   ableft  and  moft  virtuous  minifier  that  Henry  ever 

•  Burgh  poflefled,  was  Hubert  de  Burgh*;  a  man  who   had  been 

i  p  ac  .  ftea(jy  f0  thg  croWn  in  the  moft  difficult  and  dangerous 
times,  and  who  yet  fhowed  no  difpofition,  in  the  height  of 
his  power,  to  enflave  or  opprefs  the  people.  The  only 
exceptionable  part  of  his  conduct  is  that  which  is  mention- 
ed by  Matthew  Paris  +  ;  if  the  fa£t  be  really  true,  and 
proceeded  from  Hubert's  advice,  namely,  the  recalling 
publicly  and  the  annulling  of  the  charter  of  forefts,  a  con- 
ceffion  fo  reafonable  in  itfelf,  and  fo  paffionately  claimed 
both  by  the  nobility  and  people  :  But  it  muft  be  confeffed 
that  this  meafure  is  fo  unlikely,  both  from  the  circum- 
fiances  of  the  times  and  character  of  the  minifier,  that 
there  is  reafon  to  doubt  of  its  reality,  efpecially  as  it  is  men- 
tioned by  no  other  hiftorian  Hubert,  while  he  enjoyed 
his  authority,  had  an  entire  afcendant  over  Plenry,  and 
was  loaded  with  honours  and  favours  beyond  any  other 
fubje6t.  Befides  acquiring  the  property  of  many  caftles 
and  manors,  he  married  the  eldeft  filter  of  the  king  of 
Scots,  was  created  earl  of  Kent,  and,  by  an  unufual  con- 
ceffion,  was  made  chief  jufticiary  of  England  for  life: 
Yet  Henry,  in  a  fudden  caprice,  threw  off  this  faithful 
minifter,  and  expofed  him  to  the  violent  persecutions  of 
his  enemies.  Among  other  frivolous  crimes  objected  to 
him,  he  was  accufed  of  gaining  the  king's  affections  by 
enchantment,  and  of  purloining  from  the  royal  treafury  a 
gem,  which  had  the  virtue  to  render  the  wearer  invulne- 
rable, and  of  fending  this  valuable  curiofity  to  the  prince 
of  Wales  J.  The  nobility,  who  hated  Hubert  on  account 
of  his  zeal  in  reluming  the  rights  and  pofleffions  of  the 
crown,  no  fooner  faw  the  opportunity  favourable,  than 
they  inflamed  the  king's animofity  againft  him,  and  pufhed 
him  to  feek  the  total  ruin  of  his  minifter.     Hubert    took 

*  Ypod.  Neuftiia,  p.  264.  f  P.  232.  M.  Weft.  p.  216.  afcribes  this 

counfel  to  Peter  bifhop  of  Winchester.  £  M.  P.uis,  p.  21,9. 


1231. 


HENRY      III.  467 

ianftuary  in  a  church  :  The  king  ordered  him  to  be  drag-  CHAP, 
ged  from  thence :   He    recalled    thofe  orders:  He   after-      XII. 

wards   renewed  them  :   He  was  obliged  by  the   clergy    to  » « ' 

jreflore  him  to  the  fandluary  :  He  conftrained  him  foon  af-  "31, 
ter  to  furrender  himfelf  prifoner,  and  he  confined  him  in 
the  caftle  of  the  Devizes.  Hubert  made  his  efcape,  was 
expelled  the  kingdom,  was  again  received  into  favour,  re- 
covered a  great  lhare  of  the  king's  confidence,  but  never 
fhowed  any  inclination  to  reinfiate  himfelf  in  power  and 
authority*. 

The  man  who  fucceeded  him  in  the  government  of  the  R;niop  of 
king  and  the  kingdom,  was  Peter  bifhop  of  Winchefter,  WinchefleT 
a  Poidlevin  by  birth,  who  had  been  railed  by  the  late  king,  min,fler' 
and  who  was  no  lefs  diftinguifhed  by  his  arbitrary  princi- 
plesand  violent  conduct,  than  by  his  courage  and  abilities. 
This  prelate  had  been  left  by  king  Tohn  judiciary  and  re- 
gent of  the  kingdom  during  an  expedition  which  that 
prince  made  into  Fiance;  and  his  illegal  adminiftration 
was  one  chief  caufe  of  that  great  combination  among  the 
barons,  which  finally  extorted  from  the  crown  the  charter 
of  liberties,  and  laid  the  foundations  of  the  Englifh  confli- 
tution.  Henrv,  though  incapable,  from  his  character,  of 
purfuing  the  lame  violent  maxims  which  had  governed  his 
father,  had  imbibed  the  fame  arbitrary  principles;  and  in 
profecution  of  Peter's  advice,  he  invited  over  a  great  num- 
ber of  Poiclevins,  and  other  foreigners,  who,  he  believed, 
could  more  fafely  be  trufled  than  the  Englilh,  and  who 
feemed  ufeful  to  counterbalance  the  great  and  independent 
power  of  the  nobility  +•  Every  office  and  command  was 
beflowed  on  thefe  Grangers  ;  they  exhaufled  the  revenues 
of  the  crown,  already  too  much  impoverifhed  \;  they  in- 
vaded the  rights  of  the  people  ;  and  their  infolence,  Mill 
more  provoking  than  their  power,  drew  on  them  the  ha- 
tred and    envy  of  all  orders  of  men  in  the  kingdom  ||. 

The  barons  formed  a  combination  againft  this  odious  12J, 
miniflry,  and  withdrew  from  parliament,  on  pretence  of 
the  danger  to  which  they  wereexpofed  from  the  machina- 
tions of  the  Poicievins.  When  again  fummoned  to  attend, 
they  gave  for  anfwer,  that  the  king  fhould  difmifs  his  fo- 
reigners, otherwife  they  would  drive  both  him  and  them 
out  of  the  kingdom,  and  pur  the  crown  on  another  head 
more  worthy  to  wear  it**  :  Such  was  the  ilyle  they  ulVJ 
to  their  fovereign !  They  at  lafi  came  to  parliament,  but 
fowcll  attended,  that  they  feemed  in  a  Condition   to  pre- 

*  Ibid.  p.  259,260,561.266.     Chron.  T.  Wykes,  p.  41,    4?.     Cbron, 

Dunlt.  vol.    i.  p.  220,    321.     M.    Weft.   p.   391.    301.  f  M. 

p.  263.                          J  Chron.  Dunft.  vol.  i.    .  I|  M.  Paris, 
?.  238.                         *  »  lbi'l.  p.  205. 


468  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAT,  fcribe  laws  to  the  king  and  miniflry.     Peter  des  Roches, 
Xll.       however,  had  in  the  interval  found   means  of  lowing  dif- 

C-^.v '  fenfton  among  them,  and  of  biinging  over  to    his    party 

i*3j-  the  earl  of  Corriwai,  as  well  as  the  earls  of  Lincoln  2nd 
Cheller.  The  confederates  were  dikonceited  in  their 
meaiures  :  Richard,  earl  marilchal,  who  had  fucceeried 
to  that  digmlv  on  the  death  of  his  brother  William,  was 
chafed  into  Wales  ;  he  thence  withdrew  into  Ireland, 
where  he  was  treacheroufly  murdered  by  the  contrivance 
of  the  bifhop  of  Winchefter*.  The  eitates  of  the  more 
obnoxious  barons  weie  confifcated,  without  legal  fentence 
or  trial  by  their  peers f,  and  were  beftowed  with  a  profufe 
liberality  on  the  Poittevins.  Peter  even  canied  his  info- 
Jcnce  fo  far  as  to  declare  publicly,  that  the  barons  of  Eng- 
land muft  not  pretend  to  put  themielves  on  the  fame  foot 
with  thofe  of  France,  or  atiuu.e  the  fame  liberties  and 
privileges:  The  monarch  in  the  fonr.er  country  had  a 
more  abfolute  power  than  in  the  latter.  It  had  been  more 
jufYifiable  for  him  to  have  laid,  that  men,  fo  unwilling  to 
fubmit  to  the  authority  of  laws,  could  with  the  woife  grace 
claim  any  ihelter  or  protection  from  them. 

When  the  king  at  any  time  w<.s  checked  in  his  illegal 
practices,  and  when  the  authority  of  the  Great  Charter 
was  obje6ted  to  him,  he  was  wont  to  reply  ;  "  Why  fhould 
.1  obferve  this  charter,  which  is  negledted  by  all  my  gran- 
dees, both  prelates  and  nobility  ?"  It  w.is  very  le^J'ona- 
bly  laid  to  him  :  "  You  ought,  fir,  to  fet  them  the  ex- 
ample J." 

bo  violent  a  miniflry  as  that  of  the  bifhop  of  Winches- 
ter cootd  not  be  of  long  duration  ;  but  its  fall  proceeded  at 
lalt  from  tne  influence  of  the  church,  not  from  the  efiorto 
of  the  nobles.  Edmond,  the  primate,  came  to  court,  at- 
tended by  many  oi  the  other  prelates,  and  reprelented  to 
the  king  the  pernicious  meaiures  embraced  by  Peter  des 
Roches,  the  difcontentsof  his  people,  the  ruin  of  his  af- 
fairs; and,  after  requiring  the  dilmiffion  of  the  minifter 
and  his  afTociaUs,  threatened  him  with  excommunication  in 
cafe  of  his  refufal.  Henry,  who  knew  that  an  excommu- 
nication, fo  agreeable  to  the  lenfeof  the  people,  could  i.ot 
fail  of  producing  the  moll  dangerous  effects,  was  obliged 
to  fubmit:  Foreigners  were  banilhed  :  The  natives  were 
reftored  to  their  p!  ice  in  council  II:  1  he  primate,  who  was 
a  man  of  prudence,  and  who  took  care  to  execute  the  law?, 
and  obferve  the  charter  of  liberties,  bore  the  chief  fway  in 
the  government. 

*  Chron.  Dunfh  vol.  i.  p.  219.  t  M.  Paris,  p.  265. 

*  Ibid.  p.  609.  ||  M.  TariS,   p.  271,  9J9. 


HENRY       III.  469 

But  the  Englifhin  vain   fluttered   themfelvcs  that  they  C  H  A  }'. 
fhould  be  long  free  from  the  dominion  of  foreigners.    I  he      XII. 

king,   having   married  ri.le.inor,  daughter  of   the  eoui-t  of  ^— - J 

Provence*,  was  furrounded  by  a  great  number  ol  ft  rangers  f  l.Ji6' 
from  that  country,  whom  he  careiTed  with  the  fond  eft  att'ec-  3i). 
tion,  and  enriched  by  an  imprudent  gencrofity  "K  1  lie  ing'sparti- 
bifhopof  Valence,  a  prelate  of  the  he;  fe  of  Savoy,  and  a;.'/  I0  fo' 
maternal  uncle  to  the  queen,  was  his  chief  n  inifter,  and 
employed  every  art  to  amafs  wealth  for  himfelf  and  his 
relations.  Peter  of  Savoy,  a  brother  of  the  fame  family, 
was  inverted  in  the  honour  of  Richmond,  and  received  the 
rich  wardthip  of  carl  Warrenne:  Boniface  of  Savoy  was 
promoted  to  the  lee  of  Canterbury  :  Many  young  ladies 
were  invited  over  from  Provence,  and  manied  to  the  chief 
noblemen  in  England,  v*  ho  were  the  king's  wards^  :  And 
as  the  fource  of  Henry's  bounty  began  to  fail,  his  Savoyard 
miniitrv  applied  to  Rome,  and  obtained  a  bull ;  permit- 
ting him  to  relume  all  part  grants;  abfolving  him  from  the 
oath  which  he  had  taken  to  maintain  them;  even  enjoining 
him  to  make  fuch  a  refumption,  and  reprefenting  thole 
grants  as  invalid,  on  account  of  the  prejudice  which  enfued 
from  them  to  the  Roman  pontiff,  in  whom  the  fuperiority 
of  the  kingdom  was  vefted||.  The  oppofition  made  to 
the  intended  refumpt'on  prevented  it  from  taking  place  ; 
but  the  nation  law  the  indignities  to  which  the  icing  was 
willing  to  fubmit,  in  order  to  gratify  the  avidity  of  his  fo- 
reign fa voutites.  About  the  lame  time,  he  published  in 
England  the  lentence  of  excommunication  pronounced 
againft  the  emperor  Frederic,  hs  brother-in-law**;  and 
faid  in  excufe,that,  being  the  pope's  vaflal,  he  was  obliged 
by  his  allegiance  to  obey  all  the  commands  of  his  holinefs. 
In  this  weak  reign,  when  any  neighbouring  potentate- in- 
fuitcd  the  king's  dominions,  iniiead  of  taking  revenge  for 
tho  injury,  he  complained  to  the  pope  as  his  fuperior  lord, 
and  begged  him    to  give  protection  to  his  vaffalf  +. 

The  relentmcnt  of  the  Englifh  barons  role  high,  at  Grievances, 
the  preference  given  to  foreigners;  but  no  remonftrance 
or  complaint  could  ever  prevail  on  the  king  to  abandon 
them,  or  even  to  moderate  his  attachment  towards  them. 
After  the  Provencals  and  Savoyards  might  have  been  fup- 
pofed  pretty  well  fatiated  with  the  dignities  and  riches 
which  they  had  acquired,  a  new  let  of  hungry  foreigners 
were  invited  over,  and  fhared  among  them  thole  favours, 
which  the  king  ought  in  policy  to  have  conferred  on   the 

*  Rymer.  vol.  i.  p.  448.     M.  Paris,  p.  586.  i  M.  Paris,   p.  536.  301. 

3°5-  3'6.  .<,.}!.      M.  Weft.  p.  302.  304.  }  M.  Paris,  p.  484.     M. 

Weft.  p.  33S.           ||  M.  Paris,   V05.  301.  *  •  Ryxner,  vol.  i.  p.  3S3. 

ft  Chron.  Di-.nft.  vol.  i.  p.  150. ' 


47°  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P-  Englifh  nobility,  by  whom  his  government    could    have 
XII.       been  fupported  and  defended,     His  mother,  Ifabella,  who 

< « '  had  been  unjuftly  taken  by  the*  late   king  from  the  count 

l*st}-  de  la  Ma  re  he,  to  whom  (he  was  betrothed,  was  no  fooner 
miflrefsof  herfcJf  by  the  death  of  her  hufband,  than  fhe 
1247.  rnarried  th.it  nobleman* ;  and  fhe  had  born  him  four  fons, 
Guy,  William,  Geoffrey,  and  Aymer,  whom  fhe  lent 
over  to  England,  in  order  to  pay  a  vifit  to  their  brother. 
The  good-natured  and  affectionate  difpofition  of  Henry 
was  moved  at  the  fight  of  fuch  near  relations  ;  and  he  con- 
fidered  neither  his  own  circumftances,  nor  the  inclinations 
of  his  people,  in  the  honours  and  riches  which  he  confer- 
red upon  them  f.  Complaints  rofe  as  high  againft  the 
credit  of  the  Gafcon,  as  ever  they  had  done  againft  that 
of  the  Poictevin  and  of  the  Savoyard  favourites  ;  and  to 
a  nation  prejudiced  againft  them,  all  their  meafures  ap- 
peared exceptionable  and  criminal.  Violations  of  the 
Great  Charter  were  frequently  mentioned  ;  and  it  is  in- 
deed more  than  probable,  that  foreigners,  ignorant  of  the 
laws,  and  relying  on  the  boundlefs  affections  of  a  weak 
prince,  would,  in  an  age  when  a  regular  adminiftration 
ivas  not  any  where  known,  pay  more  attentio-n  to  their 
prefent  intereft  than  to  the  liberties  of  the  people.  It  is 
reported,  that  the  Poiiievins  and  other  ftrangers,  when 
the  laws  were  at  any  time  appealed  to,  in  oppofition  to 
their  oppreffions,  fcruplcd  not  to  reply,  What  did  the 
Englifh  laws  fignify  to  them  ?  They  mindid  them  not.  And 
as  words  are  often  more  offenfive  than  actions,  this  open 
contempt  of  the  r^nglilh  tended  much  to  aggravate  the  ge~ 
neral  difcontent,  and  made  every  act  of  violence  committed 
by  the  foreigners  appear  not  only  an  injury,  but  an  affront 
to  them  J. 

I  reckon  not  among  the  violations  of  the  Great  Char- 
ter fome  arbitrary  exertions  of  prerogative  to  which  Hen- 
ry's neceffities  pufhed  him,  and  which,  without  producing 
any  difcontent,  were  uniformly  continued  by  all  his  fuccef- 
fors,till  the  laft  century.  As  the  parliament  often  refufed 
him  fupplies,  and  that  in  a  manner  fomewhat  rude  and  in- 
decent ||,  he  obliged  his  opulent  fubjects,  particularly  the 
citizens  of  London,  to  grant  him  loans  of  money  ;  and 
it  is  natural  to  imagine,  that  the  fame  want  of  ccco- 
nomy  which  reduced  him  to  the  ncceffity  of  borrowing, 
would  prevent  him  from  being  very  punctual  in  the  re- 
payment* *.     He  demanded  benevolences,  or  pretended 

*  Trivet,  p.  174.  f  M.  Pas:?,  p.  491,  M.  Weft.  p.  21?-  KnygMon,  p.  2436. 
J  M.  Paris,  p.  566.  606.  Aim.  Waver),  p.  214.01110:1.  Dunfi.  vol.  i.  p.  335. 
■  M.  Paris,  p.  jot.  ••  M.  Paris,  p.  406. 


HENRY      III.  47, 

ntary  contributions,  from    his  nobility  and  prelates*,  q  j-j  ,^  p 
He  was  the  firft  king  of  England  fince  I  left,  that      XII. 

could  fairly  be  faid  to  lie  under  the  reftraint  of  law  ;   and , / 

be  was  alfo  the  firft  that  practiied  the  difpenfing  power,  i--*7- 
and  employed  the  claufe  of  non  obfianU  in  liis  grants 
and  patents.  When  •objections  were  rnaoe  to  this  novelty , 
he  replied,  tb.at  ihe  pope cxerci fed  that  authority  ;  and  why 
might  not  he  imitate  the  example  ?  but  the  abide  which 
the  pope  made  of  his  difpenfing  power,  in  violating  the 
canons  of  general  councils,  in  invading  the  privileges 
and  cufioms  of  all  particular  churches,  and  in  uiurpingon 
the  rights  of  patrons,  was  more  likely  to  excite  the  jea- 
loufy  of  the  people,  than  to  reconcile  them  to  a  fimilar 
practice  in  their  civil  government.  Roger  de  Thurkefby, 
one  of  the  king's  juftices,  was  fo  difpleafed  with  the  pre- 
cedent, that  he  exclaimed,  Alas!  what  times  are  toe  fallen 
into  ?  Behold,  the  civil  court  is  corrupted  in  imitation  oj 
the  eccle/m/iical,  and  the  river  is  poifoned  from  that  foun- 
tain. 

The  King's  paitiality  and  profule  bounty  to  his  foreign 
relations,  and  to  their  friends  and  favourites,  would  have 
appeared  more  tolerable  to  the  Englifh,  had  any  thing 
been  done  meanwhile  for  the  honour  of  the  nation,  or 
had  Heurv's  entcrprifes  in  foreign  countries  been  attended 
with  any  fuccefs  or  glory  to  himfelf  or  to  the  public  :  At 
leaft,  fuch  military  talents  in  the  king  would  have  ferved 
to  keep  his  barons  in  awe,  and  have  given  weight  and  au- 
thority to  his  government.  But  though  he  declared  war 
againft  Lewis  IX.  in  1242,  and  made  an  expedition  into 
Guienne,  upon  the  invitation  of  bis  father-in-law,  the 
count  de  Marche,  who  promifed  to  join  him  with  all  his 
forces;  he  was  unfuccefsful  in  his  attempts  againll  that 
great  monarch,  was  worlled  at  Taillebourg,  was  deferted 
by  his  allies,  loft  what  remained  to  him  of  Poi£toii,  and 
was  obliged  to  return,  with  lolsof  honour,  into  England^. 
The  Gaicon  nobility  were  attached  to  the  Englifh  govern- 
ment;  becaufe  the  diftance  of  their  fovereign  allowed 
them  to  remain  in  a  ftate  of  almoft  total  independence: 
And  thev  claimed,  fome  time  after,  Henry's  protection 
againft  an  invafion  which  the  king  of  Cafiile  made  upon 
that  territory.  Henry  returned  into  Guienne,  arid  was 
more  fttccefsfu)  in  ti:i->  expedition  ;  but  he  thereby  involved 
himfelf  and  his  nobility  in  an  enormous  debt,   which  both 

■j.    Cluon.    1 


472  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P.increafed  their  difcontents,    and  expofed   him   to  greater 
XII.      danger  from  their  enterprifcs*. 

1 w '       Want  of  ceconomy;  and  an  il!  judged  liberalitv,  were 

I2^-  Henry's  great  defe&s  ;  and  his  debts,  even  before  this 
expedition,  had  become  io  troublefowie,  that  he  fold  all  his 
plate  and  jewels,  in  order  Jo  difcharge  them.  When  this 
expedient  was  firft  propefed  to  him  he  afked,  where  he 
mould  find  purchasers  ?  It  was  replied  the  citizens  of  Lon- 
don. On  my  word,  laid  he,  if  the  trea/ury  of  Avgujlus 
were  brought  io  fale,  the  citizens  are  able  to  be  the  pur cha- 
fers  :  Tkrfe  clowns,  who  afume  to  thtmfclves  the  naive  of 
barons,  abound  in  every  thins;,  while  ice  are  reduced  to  nc- 
a(fitie%\.  And  he  was  thenceforth  obfcrved  to  be  more 
forward  and  greedy  in  his  exactions  upon  the  citizens^. 

Juxlefiaftkal      But  the  grievances  which  the  Englifh  during  this  reign 

grievances.  hacj  reafon  to  COmplain  of  in  the  civil  government,  feem  to 
have  been  frill  lefs  burthenfome  than  thofr  which  they  Of- 
fered from  the  ufurpations  and  exactions  of  the  court  of 
Rome.  On  the  death  of  Langtoo  in  I  >?8,  the  monks  of 
Chrift-Church  elecled  Walter  ~de  Hemefham,  one  of  their 
own  body,  for  his  fuccelTor  :  But  as  Henry  retufed  to  con- 
firm the  election,  the  pope,  at  his  defire,  annulled  itll; 
and  immediately  appointed  Richard  chancellor  of  Lincoln, 
for  archbi'hop,  without  waiting  for  a  new  election.  On 
the  death  of  Richard  in  12  1,  the  monks  eleded  Ralph 
de  Neville  bifhop  of  Chichefler;  and  though  Henry  was 
much  pleafed  with  the  eleaion,  the  pope,  who  thought 
that  prelate  too  much  attached  to  the  crown,  aflumed  the 
power  of  annulling  his  election  *  *.  He  rejected  two  cler- 
gymen more,  whom  the  monks  had  fucceffivelv  chofen  ; 
and  he  at  laft  told  them,  that,  if  they  would  elecl  Edmond 
trealurer  of  the  chinch  o*  Salifburv,  he  would  confirm 
their  choice  ;  and  his  nomination  was  complied  with.  The 
pope  had  the  prudence  to  appoint  both  times  verv  worthy 
primates  ;  but  men  could  not  forbear  obferving  his  inten- 
tion of  thus  drawing  gradually  to  himfeif  the  right  of  be- 
fto    ing  that  important  dignity. 

The  avarice,  however,  more  than  the  ambition  of  the 
fee  of  Rome,  feems  to  have  been  in  this  age  the  ground 
of  general  complaint.  The  papal  minifters,  finding  a 
vad  (lock  of  power  amaffed  by  their  prcdeceffors,  were 
defirousof  turning  it  to  immediate  profit,  which  thty  en- 
jo-ed  at  home,  rather  than  of  enlarging  thrir  authority 
in  diftant  countries,  where  they  never  intended  to  rcfide. 
Every  thing  was  become  venal  in  the  Romifh  tiibunals  ; 

•  M.   Pjris.   n.  6  ;j.  f   M.    Paris,  p.    501.  J  M.  Paris,   p.  501. 

507.  518.J578.  &06.&35.  6^S.         |j  M.  t'aiis,   p.  2\\,         *  *   Ibid.  p.  254. 


HENRY      III.  473 

fimonv  was  openly  p'acb'fed  ;    no  favours,    and   even  no  c  H  A  P. 
i.j  be  obtained  without  a  bribe  ;   the  highefl  bid-      XII. 

derwas  fure  to  lave  the  preference,   without  regard  either  v ,— — ' 

to  the  merits  of  the  perion  or  of  the  cauic  ;  and  befides  ia5i« 
tf)e  ulual  perverfions  pf  right  in  t tie  decificn  of  controver- 
sies* the  pope  openly  aflun  ed  an  abfolute  and  uncontrolled 
authority  of  letting  aflde,  by  the  plenitude  of  his  apofto- 
lic  power,  all  particular  rules,  and  ail  privileges  of 
patrons,  churches,  and  convents.  On  pretence  of  reme- 
dying thele  abules,  pope  llonorius,  in  1 2zC,  complain- 
ing of  the  poverty  of  his  fee  as  the  fource  of  all  grievan- 
ces, demanded  from  every  cathedral  two  of  the  belt  pre- 
bends, and  f.om  every  convent  two  monks  portions,  to  be 
&t  apart  as  a  perpetual  and  fettled  revenue  of  the  papal 
ci  own  :  But  ail  men  being  fenfible  that  the  revenue  would 
continue  fore,  er,  the  abufes  immediately  return,  his  de- 
mand was  unanimouiiy  rejected.  About  three  years  alter, 
the  pope  demanded  and  obtained  the  tenth  of  all  ecclefiaf- 
tical  revenues,  which  he  levied  in  a  very  oppreifive  man- 
ner; fequinng  payment  before  the  clergy  had  drawn 
their  rents  or  tvthes,  and  lending  about  ul'urers,  who  ad- 
vancer! them  t  ie  money  at  exorbitant  intereft.  In  the 
year  j  24 >,  Ot'no  the  legate,  having  in  vain  attempted  the 
clergy  in  a  holy,  obtained  fepar.itely,  by  intrigues  and 
menaces,  large  Aims  from  the  prelates  and  convents,  and 
on  his  departure  is  faid  to  have  carried  more  money  out  of 
the  kingdom  than  he  left  in  it.  This  experiment  was  re- 
newed four  years  after  with  fuccefs  by  Martin  the  nuncio, 
who  brought  from  Rome  poweis  of  fufpending  and  ex- 
communicating all  clergymen  that  refuted  to  comply  with 
his  demands.  J  he  king,  who  relied  on  the  pope  for  the 
fupport  of  his  tottering  authority,  never  failed  to  counte- 
nance thofe  exactions. 

Meanwhile,  all  the  chief  benefices  of  the  kingdom 
were  conferred  on  Italians  ;  great  numbers  of  the  nation 
were  lent  over  at  one  time  to  be  provided  for;  non-refi- 
dence  and  pluralities  were  carried  to  an  enormous  height; 
Mantel,  the  king's  chaplain,  is  computed  to  have  held  at 
once  feven  hundred  ecclefiaftical  livings;  and  the  abufes 
became  fo  evident  as  to  be  palpable  to  the  blindnefs  of 
fuperftiiion  itfelf.  The  people,  entering  into  ailoriations, 
rote  againft  the  Italian  clergy  ;  pillaged  their  barns;  wafted 
their  lands  ;  intuited  the  perfonsof  fuch  of  them  as  they 
found  in  the  kingdom*  ;  and  when  the  jufHces  made  in- 
quiry into  the  authors  of  thisdiforder,  the  euilt  was  found 

Vol.  I.  3P 

*  Rymer,  vol.i.p.  323.     V.  Paris,  p.  255.  257 


474  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  to  involve  fo  many,  and   thofe   of  fuch  high  rank,  that  it 
XII.      palTed  unpunifhed.    At  laft,   when  Innocent  IV.  in  1245, 

* <r— '  called  a  general  council  at  Lyons,  in  order  to  excommu- 

I25i-  nicate  the  emperor  Frederic,  the  king  and  nobility  lent 
over  agents  to  complain  before  the  council  of  the  rapacity 
of  the  Romifh  church.  They  reprefented  among  many 
other  grievances,  that  the  benefices  of  the  Italian  clergy 
in  England  had  been  eftimated,  and  were  found  to  amount 
to  60,000  marks*  a  year,  a  lum  which  exceeded  the  an- 
nual revenue  of  the  crown  itfelff.  They  obtained  only 
an  eva(i»e  anfwer  from  the  pope  ;  but  as  mention  had  been 
mad-  before  the  council, of  the  feudal  fubje&ion  of  Eng- 
land to  the  fee  of  Rome,  the  Englifh  agents,  at  whofe 
head  was  Roger  Bigod  earl  of  Norfolk,  exclaimed  againft 
the  pretenfion,  and  infilled,  that  king  John  had  no  right, 
without  theconfentof  his  barons,  to  iubjett  the  kingdom 
to  fo  ignominious  a  lervitude  X*  1  he  popes  indeed, 
afraid  of  carrying  matters  too  far  againft  England,  feem 
thenceforth  to  have  little  infilled  on  that  pretenfion. 

This  check,  received  at  the  council  of  Lyons,  was 
not  able  to  flop  the  court  of  Rome  in  its  rapacity  :  Inno- 
cent exacted  the  revenues  of  all  vacant  benefices,  the  twen- 
tieth of  all  ecclefiaftical  revenues  without  exception  ;  the 
third  of  fuch  as  exceeded  a  hundred  marks  a  year,  and 
0  the  half  of  fuch  as  were  poflelTed  by  non-refidents|j.  He 
claimed  the  goo^s  of  all  inteftate  clergymen  **  ;  he  pre- 
tended a  title  to  inherit  all  money  gotten  by  ufury  ;  he 
levied  benevolences  upon  the  people  ;  and  when  the  king, 
contrary  to  his  ulual  practice,  prohibited  thefe  exactions, 
he  threatened  to  pronounce  againft  him  the  fame  cenfures 
which  he  had  emitted  againft  the  emperor  Frederic  +  f. 
125%  But   the  moft  oppreffive  expedient  employed  by  the 

pope,  was  the  embarking  of  Henry  in  a  project  for  the 
conqueft  of  Naples,  or  Sicily  on  this  fide  the  Fare,  as  it 
was  called;  an  enterprife  which  threw  much  difhonour  on 
the  king,  and  involved  him,  during  fome  years,  in  great 
trouble  and  expence.  The  Romilh  church,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  favourable  incidents,  had  reduced  the  kingdom 
of  Sicily  to  the  fame  ftate  of  feudal  vaffalage  which  the 
pretended  to  extend  over  England,  and  which,  by  reafon 
of  the  diftance,  as  well  as  high  fpirit  of  this  latter  king- 
dom, (he  was  not  able  to  maintain.     After  the  death  of  the 

*  Innocent's  bull  inRymer,  vel.  i.  p.  471,  fays  only  50,000  marks  a  year. 

t  M.Paris,  p.  451.  The  cuftoms  were  part  of  Henry's  revenue,  and 
amounted  to  6000  pounds  a  year  :  They  were  at  firft  fmall  fums  paid  by  the 
merchants  for  the  ufe  of  ths  king's  warehoufes,  meafures,  weights,  8cc.  See 
Gilbert's  Hiftory  of  the  Lxch.  p.  214.  * 

J  M.  Paris,  p.  460.  ||  M.  Paris,  p.  4S0.     Ann.  Burt.  p.  305.  373. 

**  M.  Paris,  p.    474.  ft  M.  Paris,  p.  476. 


HENRY      III.  475 

emperor  Frederic  II.,  the  fucceflion  of  Sicily  devolved  to  C  H  A  P. 
Conradine,  grandfon  of  that  monarch;   and  Mainfroy,  his       XII. 

natural  ion,   under  pretence   of  governing    the    kingdom  s— v ' 

during  the  minority  of  the  prince,  had  formed  a  fcheme  of  I855* 
eftabliihing  his  own  authority.  Pope  Innocent,  who  had 
carried  on  violent  war  againft  the  emperor  Frederic,  and 
had  endeavoured  to  dilpoflefs  him  or  his  Italian  dominions, 
flill  continued  hoftilities  againft  his  grandfon  ;  but  being 
dilappointed  in  all  his  fchemes  by  the  activity  and  artifices 
cf  lainfrov,  he  found,  that  his  own  force  alone  was  not 
fufhcient  to  bring  to  a  happy  iiTue  fo  great  an  enterprife. 
He  pretended  to  difpofe  of  the  Sicilian  crown,  both  as  fu- 
perior  lord  of  that  particular  kingdom,  and  as  vicar  of 
Chrift,  to  whom  all  kingdoms  of  the  earth  were  fubjecled  ; 
and  he  made  a  tender  of  it  to  Richard  earl  of  Cornwal, 
whole  immenfe  riches,  he  flattered  himfelf,  would  be 
able  to  lupport  the  military  operations  againft  Mainfroy. 
As  Richard  had  the  prudence  to  refule  the  prefent*,  he 
applied  to  the  king,  whole  levity  and  thoughlefs  difpofi- 
tion  gave  Innocent  more  hopes  of  fuccefs  ;  and  he  offered 
him  the  crown  of  Sicily  for  his  lecond  Ion  Edmondf. 
Henry,  allured  by  lb  magnificent  a  prelent,  without  reflec- 
ting on  the  conlequences,  without  confulting  either  with 
his  brother  or  the  parliament,  accepted  of  the  infidious 
propofal  ;  and  gave  the  pope  unlimited  credit  to  expend 
whatever  fums  he  thought  neceffary  for  completing  the 
conqueft  of  Sicily.  Innocent,  who  was  engaged  by  his 
own  interells  to  wage  war  with  Mainfroy,  was  glad  to 
carry  on  his  enterprifes  at  theexpenceof  his  ally  :  Alex- 
ander IV.  who  fucceeded  him  in  the  papal  throne,  conti- 
nued the  fame  policy  :  And  Henry  was  furpriled  to  find 
himfelf  on  a  l'udden  involved  in  an  immenfe  debt,  which 
he  had  never  been  conlulted  in  contracting.  The  fum 
already  amounted  to  13^,^41  marks,  befide  intereflj;  and 
he  had  the  prolpett,  if  he  anfwered  this  demand,  of  being 
loon  loaded  with  more  exorbitant  expcnces ;  if  he  refuled 
it,  of  both  incurring  the  pope's  difpleafure,  and  lofing  the 
crown  of  Sicily,  which  he  hoped  loon  to  have  the  glory  cf 
iixing  on  the  head  of  his  Ion. 

He  applied  to  the  parliament  for  lupply  ;  and  that  he 
might  be  lure  not  to  meet  with  oppofition,  he  fent  no 
writs  to  the  more  refractory  barons  :  But  even  thole  who 
were  fummoned,  ienfible  of  the  ridiculous  cheat  impofed 
by  the  pOpe,  determined  not  to  iavifh  their  money  on  futh 
chimerical  projects  ;  and  making  a  pretext  of  the  abfencc 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  630.  fRymer,  vol.  i.  p.  502.  512.  530,     M. 

•  5qq.  Oij.  .p.  5S7.     Chron.  Dunjt. 

vol.  i.  p.  j  1,3. 


476  HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  df  their  brethren,  they  retufed  to  take  the  king's  demands 
X  I.       into  confideratiou  *.      In  this  extremity  the  clergy  w  ere 

v — -v '  his  onlv  relburce;  and  as  both  their  temporal  and  fpiritual 

I255-       fovereign   concurred  in    loading  them,  fhey  were  ill  able 
to  defend  themfelves1  aga'inft  this  united  authority. 

The  pope  pubblhe  v«  crufade  for  theconquefl  of  Sicily  ; 
and  required  every  one  who  had  taken  the  croft  againft 
the  infidels,  or  had  vowed  to  advance  money  for  that  fer- 
vice,  to  fupport  the  war  firgainft  Mainfrov,  a  more  terri- 
ble enemy,  as  he  pretended,  to  the  Chriftian,faith  than 
any  Saracenf.  He  levied  a  tenth  on  all  ecclefiafiical  be- 
nefices in  England  for  three  years  ;  and  gave  orders  to  ex- 
communicate all  hifhops  who  made  not  punctual  payment, 
He  granted  to  the  king  the  goods  of  inteilate  clergymen  ; 
the  revenues  of  vacant  benefices  ;  the  revenues  of  ail  non- 
refidents  $ .  But  thefe  taxations,  being  levied  by  fome 
rule,  were  deemed  lefs  grievous  than  another  impofition, 
which  arofefrom  the  fu;:gefiion  of  the  bilhop  of  Hereford, 
and  which  might  have  opened  the  door  to  endlefs  and  in- 
tolerable abufes. 

This  prelate,  who  redded  at  the  court  of  Pome  by  3 
depuration  fiom  the  Engliih  chmch,  drew  bills  of  differ- 
ent values,  b  1  it  amounting  on  the  whole  to  150,540  marks, 
on  all  the  bi'hops  and  abbots  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  grant- 
ed thefe  bills  to  Italian  merchants,  who  it  was  pretended 
had  advanced  money  for  the  ler>  ice  of  the  war  againft 
Mainfrov |! ♦  A*  there  were  no  likelihood  of  the  Enelifh 
prelates  iubmitting,  without  compulhon,  to  fuch  ah  extra- 
ordinary demand,  Rutland  the  legate  was  charged  with 
the  commiilion  of  employing  authority  to  that  purpofe  ; 
and  he  fummoned  an  alTembiy  of  the  bifhops  and  abbots, 
whom  he  acquainted  with  the  plealure  of  the  pope  and  of 
the  king.  Great  were  the  lurprife  and  indignation  of  the 
aflembly  :  The  bilhop  of  Worcefter  exclaimed,  that  he 
would  lofe  his  life  rather  than  comply  :  The  bifhop  of 
London  faid,  that  the  pope  and  king  were  more  powerful 
than  he  ;  but  if  his  mitre  were  taken  orF  his  head,  he  would 
clap  on  a  helmet  in  its  place**.  The  legate  was  no  lefs 
violent  on  the  other  hand  ;  and  he  told  the  alT'embly  in 
plain  terms,  that  all  ecclefiafiical  benefices  were  the  pro- 
perty of  the  pope,  and  he  migbt  difpofe  of  them,  either 
in  whole  or  in  part,  ias  he  law  proper  ft.  In  the  end,  the 
hilltops  and  abbots,  being  threatened  with  excorrmunica- 
tion,  which  made  all  their  revenues  fall  into  the  king's 
hands,    were  obliged  to  fubmit  to  the  exaction  :  And  the 

*  M.  Paris. p.  6:4.  f  Rvmer,  vol.  j.  p.  547.  548.  &c.  i  Rymer, 
vol.  i.  p.  597.  59S,           l|  M.   Ia;is.  p.  612.  628.      Crno.T.  T.  Wykes,  p.  54. 

*  *  M.  Paris,  p.  614.  f  f  Ibid.  p.  619. 


HENRY       I1T.  477 

only  mitigation  which  the  legate  allowed  them  was,  that  CHAP. 
the  tenths  already   granted  ILould  be  accepted  as  a  partial      XII. 

payment  of  the  bills.     Bur  the  money  wasftill  iniulficient  *» — « ' 

for  the  pope's  purpofe  :  The  conqutft  of  Sicily  was  as  ,2S5' 
remote  as  ever  :  The  demands  which  came  from  Rome 
were  endleis  :  Pope  Alexander  became  lo  urgent  a  credi- 
tor, that  he  fent  over  a  legate  to  England  ,  threatening 
the  kingdom  with  an  interdict,  and  the  king  with  excom- 
munication, if  the  arrears  which  he  pretended  to  be  due  to 
him  weie  not  inftantly  remitted  *:  And  at  laft  Henry,  fen- 
fible  of  the  cheat,  began  to  think  of  breaking  off'  the 
agreement,  and  of  religning  into  the  pope's  hands  that 
crown  which  it  was  not  intended  by  Alexander  that  he  or 
his  family  fhould  ever  enjoy  f. 

The  earl  of  Cornwal  had  now  reafon  to  value  himfelf  Earl  of 
on   his  forefight,  in  refilling;  the    fradulent    bargain   with  Cornwal . 

i>  i   •  r        •  i       i    I-  i   i_  e  i  eieiled  king 

home,  and  in  preferring  the  lolid  honours  or  an  opulent  ot  the  r0- 
and  powerful  prince  of  the  blood  of  England,  to  the  empty  mans. 
and  precarious  glorv  of  a  foreign  dignity.  But  he  had  not 
always  firmnei's  fufficient  to  adhere  to  this  refolution  :  His 
vanity  and  ambition  prevailed  at  laft  over  his  prudence  and 
liis  avarice;  and  he  was  engaged  in  an  enterprise  no  left 
cxtenfive  and  vexatious  than  that  of  his  brother,  and  not 
attended  with  much  gi eater  probability  of  fuccefs.  The 
immenfe  opulence  of  Richard  having  made  ihe  German 
princes  call  their  eye  on  him  as  a  candidate  for  the  empire, 
he  was  tempted  to  expend  vaffc  fumsofmonev  on  his  elec- 
tion ;  and  he  fucceeded  lb  far  as  to  be  cholen  king  of  the 
Romans,  which  feemed  to  render  his  fuccefliou  infallible 
to  %e  imperial  throne.  He  went  over  to  Germany, 
and  carried  out  of  the  kingdom  no  lefs  a  fum  than  feven 
hundred  thouiand  marks,  if  we  may  credit  the  account 
given  by  fome  ancient  authors  J,  which  is  probably  much 
exaggerated  (I .  H's  money,  while  it  lafled,  procured  him 
friends  and  partif'ans:  But  it  was  foon  drained  from  him 
by  the  avidity  of  the  German  princes  ;  and  having  no 
perfon.il  or  family  connexions    in  that  country,  and   no 

*  Rymer,   r< 1.  I.  p.  624.     M.  Paris,  p.  I  +  Rvmer.  vol.  i.  p.  630, 

J   M.  Paris,  p.  6  j8.     rl  he  fume  author,  a  f»w   ■  makes  Ricl;i 

treafures  amount  to  little  more  khan  half  the  fum 

thtoughout  his  whole  i  ng   to  the  lame  author, 

had  art) 

.,  who  were  aim  ■■!>  all  monks,  are 
er  conliflent     But  we  know,  t  ibleautho- 

i  Fie  public  rem 
were  below  brother  therefore  could  ne\er  i 

been  ma'ler  of  7 

land,  as  we   learn   from:  e  fame  author :    And  we  hear  afterwards  of  his  or- 
tlenn    a. I   his   w  todfi  to  I  1    faiisfy  the    - 

princes:  Hisfonfu  of  Cornwal  and  his  other  icvenues. 


478  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  f°l'd  foundation  of  power,  he  found  at   laft   that  he   had 
XII.       laviihed  away  the  frugality  of  a  whole  life,  in  order  to  pro- 

v i '  cure  a  fplendid  title  ;  and  that  his  abfence  from  England, 

1255-        joined  to  the  weiknefs  of  his  brother's  government,  gave 
reins  to  the  factious  and  turbulent  difpofitions  of  the  Eng- 
lish barons,  and  involved  his  own  country  and  family   in 
great  calamities. 
Discontent?       The  fuccefsf  ul  revolt  of  the  nobility  from  king  John, and 
oftheba-     their  impofing  on  him  and  his  fuccefl'ors  limitations  of  their 
rons.  royal   power,  had   made  them  feel   their  own  weight  and 

importance,  had  fet  a  dangerous  precedent  of  reiiftance, 
and  being  followed  bv  a  long  minority,  had  impoverished 
as  well  as  weakened  that  crown,  which  they  were  at  laft 
induced,  from  the  fear  of  worie  conlequcnces,  to  replace 
on  the  head  of  young  Henr  .  In  the  king's  fituation, 
either  great  abilities  and  vigour  were  requifite  to  overawe 
the  barons,  or  great  caution  and  referve  to  give  them  no 
pretence  for  complaints  ;  and  it  muft  be  confefled,  that  this 
prince  was  pofleiTed  of  neither  of  thefe  talents.  He  had 
not  prudence  to  chufe  right  mealures;  he  wanted  even  that 
conftancy  which  fometimes  gives  weight  to  wrong  ones; 
he  was  entirely  devoted  to  his  favourites,  who  were  always 
foreigners ;  he  lavifhed  on  them  without  dilcretion  his  dimi- 
nished revenue;  and  finding  that  his  barons  indulged  their 
difpofition  towards  tyranny,  and  obferved  not  to  their  own 
vaflals  the  fame  rules  which  they  had  impoled  on  the 
crown,  he  was  apt,  in  his  adminiftration,  to  neglect  all 
-  the  falutary  articles  of  the   Great  Charter  ;   which  he  re- 

marked to  be  fo  little  regarded  by  his  nobility.  Thiscoti- 
duel  had  extremely  leffened  his  authority  in  the  kingdo^i; 
had  multiplied  complaints  againlt  him;  and  had  frequently 
expoied  him  to  affronts,  and  even  to  dange-rous  attempts 
upon  his  prerogative.  In  the  year  1-44,  when  he  defired 
a  fupply  from  parliament,  the  barons,  complaining  of  the 
frequent  breaches  of  the  Great  Charter,  and  of  the  many 
fruitlels  applications  which  they  had  formerly  made  for 
the  redrefs  of  this  and  other  grievances,  demanded  in  return 
that  he  fhould  give  them  the  nomination  of  the  great  judici- 
ary and  of  the  chancellor,  to  whofe  hands  chiefly  the  ad- 
miniftration of  juflice  was  committed:  And,  if  we  may 
credit  the  hiftorian*,  they  had  formed  the  plan  of  other 
limitations,  as  well  as  of  aflbciations  to  maintain  them, 
which  would  have  reduced  the  king  to  be  an  abfolute  cy- 
pher, and  have  held  the  crown  in  perpetual  pupillage  and 
dependance.  The  king,  to  fatisfy  them,  would  agree  to 
nothing  but  a  renewal  of  the  charter,  and   a  general   per- 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  432. 


HENRY      III.  479 

rniffion  to  excommunicate  all  the  violators  of  it :  And  he  C  RAP 
received  no  fupply,  except  a  fcutage  of  twentv    millings      XlT. 

on  each  knight's  fee  for  the  marriage  of  his  eldeit  daughter  * „ * 

to  the  king  of  Scotland;   a  burthen   wnich  was   expreisly      12S3« 
annexed  to   their  feudal  tenures. 

Four  years  after,  in  a  full  parliament,  when  Henry 
demanded  a  new  fupplv,  he  was  openly  reproached  with  a 
breach  of  his  word,  and  the  hequent  violations  of  the  char- 
ter. He  was  afked  whether  he  did  not  blufh  to  defire  any 
aid  from  his  people,  whom  he  profefledlv  luted  and  defpif- 
ed,  to  whom  on  all  occafioos  he  preferred  aliens  and  fo- 
reigners, and  who  groaned  under  the  opprefhons  which  he 
either  permitted  or  exerciJed  over  them.  lie  was  told  that, 
befides  difparaging  his  no  >ility  by  forcing  them  to  contiact 
unequal  and  mean  marriages  with  itr angers,  no  rank  of 
men  was  lb  low  as  to  efcape  vexations  from  him  or  his  mi- 
niflers  ;  that  even  the  victuals  conlumed  in  his  houlehold, 
the  clothes  which  himfelf  and  his  fervants  wore,  ftill  more 
the  wine  which  they  ufed,  were  all  taken  by  violence  from 
the  lawful  owners,  and  no  compenlation  was  ever  made 
them  for  the  injury  ;  that  foreign  merchants,  to  the  great 
prejudice  and  infamy  of  the  kingdom,  fhunned  the  Eng- 
glilh  harbours,  as  if  they  were  polTeiXed  by  pirates,  and 
the  commerce  with  all  nations  was  thus  cut  ofFby  thefe  a£}s 
of  violence;  that  lofs  was  added  to  lots,  and  injury  to  in- 
jury, while  the  merchants,  who  had  been  defpoiled  of 
their  goods,  were  alio  obliged  to  carry  them  at  their  own 
charge  to  whatever  place  the  king  was  pleated  to  appoint 
them  ;  that  even  the  poor  hlhermen  on  the  coaff  could  not 
efcape  his  opprefhons  and  thofe  of  his  co  :rtiers;  and  find- 
ing that  they  had  not  full  liberty  to  difpofe  of  their  com- 
modities in  the  Englilh  market,  were  frequently  conftrain- 
ed  to  carry  them  to  foreign  ports,  and  to  hazard  all  the 
perils  of  the  ocean,  rather  than  thofe  which  awaited  them 
from  his  oppreffive  emiflaries  ;  and  that  hi.~>  very  religion 
wasa  ground  of  complaint  to  his  fubjects,  while  they  ob- 
ferved  that  the  waxen  tapers  and  fptendid  filks,  employed 
in  lb  many  ufelefs  procefnons,  were  the  fpoils  which  he 
had  forcibly  ravifhed  from  the  true  owners*.  Throughout 
this  remonltrance,  in  which  the  complaints  derived  from 
an  abufe  of  the  ancient  right  of  purveyance  may  be  fup- 
pofed  to  be  fomewhat  exaggerated,  there  appears  a  flrange 
mixture  of  regal  >"  anny  in  the  practices  which  gave  rife 
to  it,  and  of  ariflocratical  liberty,  or  rather  licentioufnefs, 
in  the  expreffions  employed  by  the  parliament.  But  a 
mixture  of  this  kind  is  obiervable  in  all  ti.e  ancient  feudal 

*  M.  Pails,  p.  493.     See  farther,  [>.  578.     M.  Welt.  p.  3-jS. 


480  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP-  governments;  and  both  of  them  proved  equally  hurtful  to 
XII.       the  people. 

* v '       As  the  king,  in  anfwer  to  their  remondrance,  gave  the 

1255-        parliament   only  good   words  and   fair . promises',  attended 
with  the  mod  humble   fubmiflions,  which  they    had  often 
found  deceitful,  he  obtained  at  that  time  no  fupply  ;   and 
therefore  in  theyear  1253,  when    he  found  himfe'lf  again 
under  the  neceftity  of  applying  to  parliament,  he  had  pro- 
vided a  new  pretence,  which  he  deemed    infallible,   and 
taking  the  vow  of  a  crufade,  he  demanded  th-ir  aflidance 
in  that  pious  enterprife  *.     The  parliament,  however,  for 
fome  time  hefitated  to  comply  ;  and  the  ecclefiadical  order 
fent  a  deputation,  confiding  of  four  prelates,  the  primate, 
and  the  bifhops  of  Winchefter,  Salifbury,   and    Carlifle, 
in  order  to  remonftrate  with  him  on  his  frequent  violations 
of  their  privileges,  the    opprrflions   with  which    he    had 
loaded  them  and   all  his   fubjetfsf,  and    the  uncanonical 
and  forced  elections  which  were  made  to   vacant  dignities. 
"  It  is  true,"  replied    the   king,  "  I  have  been  fomewhat 
"  faulty  in  this  particular:   1  obtruded  you,   my   lord  of 
*'  Canterbury,  upon  your  fee  :   1   was  obliged  to  employ 
"both  entreaties  and  menaces,  my  lord  of  Winchefter, 
"  to  have  you  elected:  My  proceedings,  I  confefs,  were 
"   very  irregular,  my  lords  of  Salifbury  and  Carlifle,  when  I 
"  railed  you  from  the  lowed  dations  to  your  prefent  dig- 
"   nities  :   I  am    determined    henceforth    to  correcl  thefe 
"  abufes:   and  it  will  alio  become  you,  in  order  to   make 
"  a  thorough    reformation,  to  refign  your  prefent  benefi- 
"  ces  ;  and   try  to  enter  again  in   a  more  regular  and  ca- 
"   nonical  manner  $."     The   bifhops,  furprifed   at    thefe 
unexpected  farcafms,  replied,  that  the  quedion  was  not  at 
prefent  how  to  correct  pad  errors,  but  to  avoid  them  for  the 
future.     The   king  promifed  redrefs  both  of  ecclefiaftical 
and  civil  grievances  ;  and  the  parliament  in  return  agreed 
,       to  grant  him  a  fupply,    a  tenth  of  the  ecclefiadical  bene- 
fices, and  a  fcutage  of  three  marks  on  each  knight's  fee  : 
But  as  they  had  experienced   his  frequent  breach   of  pro- 
mile,  they  required  that  he  mould  ratify  the  Great  Char- 
ter in  a  manner  dill  more  authentic  and  more  folemn  than 
any  which  he  had   hitherto  employed.     All  the   prelates 
and  abbots  were  aflembled:  They  held  burning  tapers  in 
their  hands:  The  Great  Charter  was  read  before   them: 
-They  denounced  the  fentence  of  excommunication  againd 
every  one  who  fhould  thenceforth  violate  that  fundamental 
law  :  They  threw  their  tapers  on  the  ground,  and  cxclaim- 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  518.  55S.  56S.     Chron.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  293. 
t  M.  Paris,  p.  568.  t  Ibid.  p.  579. 


HENRY      III.  48i 

ed,  May  the  Joul  of  every  one  who  incurs  this  fentence  fo  C  H  A  P. 
Jlink   and  corrupt  in   hell!  The  king   bore  a  part   in  this       XII. 

ceremony  ;  and    Subjoined  :  "  So    help   me  God,  I   will  v u ' 

"  keep  all  thefe  articles  -nviolate,  as  I  am  a  man,  as  I  am  *D:>' 
"  a  chriftian,  as  I  am  a  knight,  and  as  I  am  a  king  crown- 
"  ed  and  anointed  *."  Yet  was  the  tremendous  ceremony- 
no  foo'ier  (inilhed  than  his  favourites,  abufing  his  weak- 
nefs,  made  him  return  to  the  lame  arbitrary  and  irregu- 
lar adminiflration  ;  and  the  reafonabie  expectations  of 
his  people  were  thus  perpetually  eluded  and  difappoint- 
edf. 

All  thefe  imprudent  and  illegal  meafures  afforded  a  125s. 
pretence  to  Simon  de  Mountfort,  earl  of  Leicefter,  to  at-  Simon  de 
tempt  an  innovation  in  the  government,  and  to  wreft  the  ea°fofLei- 
fceptre  from  the  feeble  and  irrefolute  hand  which  held  it.  ccfter. 
This  nobleman  was  a  younger  ion  of  that  Simon  de 
Mountfort,  who  had  conducted  with  fuch  valour  and  re- 
nown the  crulade  agaiuft  the  Albigenfes,  and  who,  though 
he  tarnilhed  his  famous  exploits  by  cruelty  and  ambition, 
had  left  a  name  verv  precious  to  all  the  bigots  of  that  age, 
particularly  to  the  ecclefiaftics.  A  large  inheritance  in 
England  fell  bv  iucceffion  to  this  familv  ;  but  as  the  elder 
brother  enjoyed  ftill  more  opulent  poffeffions  in  France, 
and  could  not  perform  feahv  to  two  mailers,  he  transferred 
his  right  to  Simon,  his  younger  brother,  who  came  over 
to  England,  did  homage  for  his  lands,  and  was  railed  to 
the  dignity  of  earl  ot  Leicefter.  In  the  year  1238,  he 
elpouled  Eleanor  dowager  of  VVilliam  earl  of  Pembroke, 
and  lifter  to  the  kingj;  but  the  marriage  of  this  princefs 
with  a  fubjeCt  and  a  foreigner,  though  contracted  with 
Henry's  confent,  was  loudlv  complained  of  by  the  earl  of 
Cornwal  and  all  the  barons  of  England;  and  Leicefter 
was  fupported  againll  their  violence  by  the  king's  favour 
an!  authority  alone  ||.  But  he  had  no  fooner  eftablifhed 
himfelf  in  his  poffeffions  and  dignities,  than  he  acquired, 
by  insinuation  and  addrels,  a  ftrong  intereft  with  the  nati- 
on, and  gained  equally  the  affections  of  all  orders  of  men. 
He" loll,  however,  the  friendlhipof  Henry  from  the  ufual 
levity  and  ficklenefs  of  that  prince  ;  he  was  banifhed  the 
court;  he  was  recalled  :  he  was  entrufted  with  the  com- 
mand of  Guienne**,  where  he  did  good  fervice  and  ac- 
quired honour;  he  was  again  difgraced  by  the  king,  and 
his  banilliment  from  court  leemed  now  final  and  irrevoca- 
ble. Henrv  called  him  traitor  to  his  face  ;  Leicefter  gave 
Vol.  1.  3  Q, 

*   M.  Pa. is,  p.  5<?o.      .Ann.  Burt.  p.  3 23.   Ann.  Waverl.  p.  210.    W.  Hem- 
iug.  p.  571.      M.  Weft,  p.  353.  t  VI-  P»H*«  P-  597-  608. 

t  Ibid.  p.  t  14.  ||  Ibid.  p.  315.  **  Ryyier,  vol.  i.  p.  459.  5  15. 


482  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP  hi™  tne  lie»anc^  to^  hi"1*  tnat  ^  ^e  were  not  ms  f°vereign 
~  XII.  he  would  foon  make  him  repent  of  that  infult.  Yet  was 
t  i  this  quarrel  accommodated,  either  from  the  good-nature  or 

1258.  timidity  of  the  king  ;  and  Leicefter  was  again  admitted 
intofome  degree  of  favour  and  authority.  But  as  this  no- 
bleman was  become  too  great  to  prefervc  an  entire  com- 
plaifanceto  Henry's  humours,  and  to  act  in  fubferviency 
to  his  other  minions  ;  he  found  more  advantage  in  cultiva- 
ting his  intereft  with  the  public,  and  in  inflaming  the  ge- 
neral difcontents  which  prevailed  againft  the  adminiftrati- 
on.  He  filled  every  place  with  complaints  againft  the  in- 
fringement of  the  Great  Charter,  the  acts  of  violence  com- 
mitted on  the  people,  the  combination  between  the  pope 
and  the  king  in  their  tyranny  and  extortions,  Henry's  ne- 
glect of  his  native  fubjecls  and  barons;  and  though  himfelf 
a  foreigner,  he  was  more  loud  than  any  in  representing 
the  indignity  of  Submitting  to  the  dominion  of  foreigners. 
Bv  his  hypocritical  pretentions  to  devotion  he  gained  the 
favour  of  the  zealots  and  clergy  :  By  his  teeming  concern 
for  public  good  he  acquired  the  affections  of  the  public : 
And  betides  the  private  friendfhips  which  he  had  cultivated 
with  the  barons,  his animofity  againft  the  favourites  crea- 
ted an  union  of  interefts  between  him  and  that  powerful 
order. 

A  recent  quarrel  which  broke  out  between  Leicefter 
and  William  de  Valence,  Henry's  half  brother,  and  chief 
favourite,  brought  matters  to  extremity*,  and  determined 
the  former  to  give  full  fcope  to  his  bold  and  unbounded 
ambition,  which  the  laws  and  the  king's  authority  had 
hitherto  with  difficulty  reftrained.  He  fecretly  called  a 
meeting  of  the  moft  confiderable  barons,  particularly  Hum- 
phrey de  Bohun  high  conftable,  Roger  Bigod  earl  maref- 
chal,  and  the  earls  of  Warwic  and  Glocefter;  men  who  by 
their  family  and  poffeffions  ftood  in  the  firft  rank  of  the 
Englifh  nobility.  He  reprefented  to  this  company  the  ne- 
cetfity  of  reforming  the  ftate,  and  of  putting  the  execution 
of  the  laws  into  other  hands  than  thofe  which  had  hitherto 
appeared,  from  repeated  experience,  fo  unfit  for  the  charge 
with  which  they  wereentrufted.  He  exaggerated  the  op- 
preffions  exei  cited  againft  the  lower  orders  of  the  ftate,  the 
violations  of  the  barons'  privileges,  the  continued  depreda- 
tions made  on  the  clergy  ;  and,  in  order  to  aggravate  the 
enormity  of  his  conduct,  he  appealed  to  the  Great  Charter, 
which  Henry  had  ib  often  ratified,  and  which  was  calcula- 
ted to  prevent  for  ever  the  return  of  thofe  intolerable  grie- 
vances.    He  magnified  the  generofity  of  their  anceftorsr 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  649. 


HENRY      III.  4«3 

who,  at  a  great  expencc  of  blood,  had  extorted  that  famous  C  H  A  F* 
conceffion  from  the  crown;  but  lamented  their  own  dege-      XII. 

neracy,  who  allowed  fo  important  an  advantage,  once  ob-  * >— -^ 

tained,  to  be  wrefted  from  them  by  a  weak  prince  and  by  ,258- 
infolent  ftrangers.  And  he  infilled  that  the  king's  word, 
after  fo  many  fubmiflions  and  fruitlefs  promifeson  his  part, 
could  no  longer  be  relied  on  ;  and  that  nothing  but  his  ab- 
folute  inability  to  violate  national  privileges  could  hence- 
forth enfure  the  regular  oblervance  of  them. 

These  topics,  which  were  founded  in  truth,  and  fuited 
fo  well  tho  fentiments  />(  the  company,  had  the  defired  ef- 
fect; and  the  barons  embraced  a  refolution   of  redrefling 
the   public    grievances,  by  taking  into  their  own  hands 
the  adminiftration  of  government.     Henry   having    fum- 
moned  a  parliament,  in  expectation  of  receiving  fupplies 
for  his  Sicilian    project,  the  barons  appeared   in  the  hall, 
clad  in  complete  armour,  and   with  their  fwords  by  their 
fide  :   The  king  on  his  entry,  ftruck  with  the  unufual  ap- 
pearance, afked   them  what  was  their  purpofe,  and  whe- 
ther they  pretended  to   make  him  their  prilbner*?  Roger 
Bigod    replied,  in   the  name  ot  the  reft,  that  he   was  not 
their  prifoner,  but  their  lovcieign;   that  they  even  intend- 
ed to  grant  him   large  f  pplies,  in  order  to  fix  his  fon  on 
the  throne  of  Sicily  ;  that  they  only  expecled  fome  return 
for  this  expence  and  fervice  ;  and  that,  as  he  had  frequent- 
ly made  (ubmiflions  to  the  parliament,  had  acknowledged 
his  pall  errors,  and  had    ftill  allowed  himfeif  to  be  carried 
into  the  fame  path,  which  gave  them   fuel)    juft  reafon  of 
complaint,  he  muft  now   yield   to  more  ftridt  regulations, 
and  confer  authority  on  thole  who  were  able  and  willing 
to  redrefs  the  national  grievances.     Henrv,   partly  allured 
by  the  hopes  of  fupply,   partly    intimidated  by  theunion 
and  martial  appearance  of  the  barons,  agreed  to  their  de- 
mand ;  and   promifed   to   fummon   another  parliament  at 
Oxford,    in  order  to  digefl  the  new   plan  of   government, 
and  to  elect  the  pertons  who  were  to  be  entrufied  with  the 
chief  authority. 

This  parliament,  which   the   royalifts,    and  even    the  nth  June. 
nation,  from  experience  of  the  confufions  that  attended  its  •''>V1'01" 
meafures,  afterwards  denominated  the  mad  parliament,  met  ° 
on  the  day  appointed  ;  and  as  all  the  barons  brought  along 
with    them  their   military    \aflals,  and   appeared   with   an 
armed   force,  the    king,  who    had    taken     no  precautions 
againft  them,  was  in  reality  a  prisoner  in  their  hands,  and 
was  obliged   to   fubtr.it   to  all   the  terms  which  they  were 
pleafed  to  impofe  upon   him.     Twelve  baions  were  ieleo 

*  Annal.  Theokcibury. 


434  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,   ted  from  among  the  king's  minifters;  twelve  more  were 
XII.        chofen  by  parliament  :   To  theie    twenty-four,    unlimited 

* j '    authority  was  granted  to  reform   the  ffa'e;   and  the  king 

1258.  himfelftook  an  oath,  that  he  would  maintain  whatever  or- 
dinances they  fhould  think  proper  to  ena£t  for  that  pur- 
pole*.  Leicefler,  was  at  the  head  of  this  lupreme  coun- 
cil, to  which  the  legillative  power  was  thus  in  reality 
transferred;  and  all  their  meafures  were  taken  by  his 
recret  influence  and  direction.  Their  firft  ftepbore  a  fpe- 
cious  appearance,  and  feerned  well  calculated  for  the  end 
which  they  pro  felled  to  be  the  object  ot  all  thefe  innovati- 
ons :  They  ordered  that  four  knights  fhould  be  chofen  by 
each  coun'y  ;  that  they  fhould  make  inquiry  into  the 
grievances  of  which,  their  neighbourhood  had  reafon  to 
complain,  and  mould  attend  the  enfuirig  parliament,  in 
order  to  give  information  to  that  aftembly  of  the  ftate  of 
their  particular  counties?  :  A  nearer  approach  to  our  pre- 
fent  confiitution  han  had  been  made  by  the  barons  in  the 
reign  of  king  John,  when  the  knights  ivere  only  appoint- 
ed to  meet  in  their  feveral  counties,  and  there  to  draw  up 
a  detailof  their  grievances.     Meanwhile   the  twenty-four 

**  ">  barons  proceeded  to  e'nadl   fome  regulations,  as  a  redrefs 

of  fuch  grievances  as  were  fuppofed  to  be  fufficicntly  noto- 
rious. They  ordered  that' three  feflfions' of  parliament 
fhould  be  regularly  held  every  year,  in  the  months  of  Fe- 
bruary, June  and  October;  that  anew  (heriff  fhould  beannu- 
ally  elected  bv  th^  votes  of  the  freeholders  in  each  county  J  ; 
that  the  fherifFs  fhodld  have  no  power  of  fining  the  barons 
who  did  not  attend  their  courts,  or  the  circuits  of  the  juf- 
ticiaries;  that  no  heirs  fhould  be  committed  to  the  ward- 
ship of  foreigners,  and  no  caftlcs  intrufted  to  their  cuftody; 
and  that  no  new  warrens  or  fcrefts  fhould  be  created,  nor 
the  revenues  of  any  counties  or  hundreds  be  let  to  farm. 
Such  were  the  regulations  which  the  twenty-four  barons 
eftablifhed  at  Oxfoid,  for  the  redrefs  of  public  grievan- 
ces. 

But  the  earl  of  Lncefler  and  his  alTociates,  having 
advanced  fo  far  to  fatisfy  the  nation,  inftead  of  continu- 
ing in  this  popular  courfe,  or  grafting  the  king  that  fupply 
which  they  had  piomifed  him,  in  mediately  provided  for 
the  extenlion  at.d  continuance  of  their  own  authority. 
They  roufed  anew  the  popular  clamour  which  had  long 
prevailed  ag3in(l  foreigners;  and  they  fell  with  the  utmoft 
violence  on"  the  king's  half-brothers,  who  were  fuppbldj 
to  be  the  authors  of  all   national  grievances,  and    whom 

*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  655.    Cbron.  DUnft.  rcL  ;.  r>.  334.     Knyghton,  p.  2 4 -i 5 • 
j  M.  .  aijs,  p.  657.    Addit.  p.  140.     Ann.  Buit.  p.  41a. 
1 ,+  Chron.  Lunft.  vol.  i.  p.  3j6.  , 


HENRY      III.  4R5 

Henry   had  no  longer  any   power  to   protect.     The    four  C  H  A  P. 
brothe's,   fenfible  of  their  danger,  took  to  flight,  with  an       Xll. 

intention  of  making   their    efcape   out   of  the  kingdom  ;  v » — -* 

they  were  eagerly  purfued  by  the  barons  ;  Aymcr,  one  of  Ji:°- 
the  brothers,  who  had  been  elected  to  the  fee  of  Winchel- 
ter,  took  (belter  in  his  epilcopal  palace,  and  carried  the 
others  along  with  him  ;  thev  were  l'urrounded  in  that  plate, 
and  threatened  to  be  dragged  out  by  force,  and  to  he  pu- 
nifhed  for  their  crimes  and  mifdemeanors ;  and  the  king, 
pleading  the  facrednefs  of  an  ecclefiaflical  fanctuary,  was 
glad  to  extricate  them  from  this  danger  by  banilhing  them 
the  kingdom.  In  this  act  of  violence,  as  well  as  in  the 
former  usurpations  of  the  barons,  the  queen  and  her  uncles 
were  thought  to  have  fecretlv  concurred  ;  being  jealous  of 
the  credit  acquired  by  the  brothers',  which,  they  found, 
had  eclipfed  2nd  annihilated  their  own. 

But  the  fubfequtnt  proceedings  of  the  twenty- four  ba-  usurpations 
rons  were  fufficient  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  and  <o  cf  the  ba- 
prove  their  intention  of  reducing,  for  ever,  both  the  king  l01is- 
and  the  people  under  the  arbitrary  power  of  a  very  narrow 
ariftocracy,  which  muff  at  laft  have  terminated  either  in 
anarchy,  or  in  a  violent  ufurpation  and  tyranny.  They 
pretended  that  they  had  not  yet  digefied  all  the  regulations 
necelTary  for  the  reformation  of  the  (late  and  for  the  re- 
drels  of  grievances;  and  they  mull  flill  retain  their  power, 
till  that  great  purpofe  were  thoroughly  effected :  In  other 
words,  that  they  muff  be  perpetual  governors,  and  muft 
continue  to  reform,  till  thev  werepleaied  to  abdicate  their 
authority.  Thev  formed  an  aflociation among  themfeives, 
and  (wore  that  they  would  (land  by  each  other  with  their 
lives  and  fortunes:  They  difplaced  all  the  chief  officers 
of  the  crown,  the  jufliciary,  the  chancellor,  the  treaiurcr  ; 
and  advanced  either  themfeives  or  their  own  creatures  in 
their  place:  Even  the  ofhees  of  the  king's  ho  d~e ho  Id  were 
difpoied  of  at  their  pleafure:  The  government  of  all  the 
caltles  was  put  into  hands  in  whom  they  found  reafon  to 
confide:  And  the  whole  power  of  the  (late  being  thus 
transferred  to  them,  they  ventured  to  impoie  an  oath,  by 
which  all  the  fubjecls  were  obliged  to  (wear,  under  the 
penalty  of  being  declared  public  enemies,  that  they  would 
obev  and  execute  all  the  regulations,  both  known  and 
unknown,  of  the  twenty-four  barons:  And  all  this,  for 
the  greater  glory  of  God,  the  honour  of  the  church,  the 
fervice  of  the  king,  and  the  advantage  of  the  kingdom*. 
No  one  dared  to  withfland  this  tyrannical  authority  :  Prince 
Edward  hi mlelf,  the  king's  eldelt  fon,a  youth  of  eighteen, 

on.  T.  Wyke  ,  j .  5?. 


436  HISTORY    OF     ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  who  began  to  give  indications  of  that  great  and  manly  fpirit 

XU.      which  appeared  through  the  whole  courfe  of  his  life,  was, 
v- — * '  after  making  fome  oppofition,  conftrained  to  take  that  oath, 

125s.  which  really  depofed  his  father  and  his  family  from  fove- 
reign  authority  *.  EarJ  Warrenne  was  the  laft  perfon  in  the 
kingdom  that  could  be  brought  to  give  the  confederated 
barons  this  mark  of  fubmiffion. 

But  the  twenty-four  barons,  not  content  with  the  ufur- 
pation  of  the  royal  power,  introduced  an  innovation  in 
the  confiitutionof  parliament  which  wasof  the  utmoft  im- 
portance. They  ordained,  that  this  affembly  fliould  chufe 
a  committee  of  twelve  perfons,  who  fhould,  in  the  inter- 
vals of  the  feffions,  poflefsthe  authority  of  the  whole  par- 
liament, and  fhould  attend,  on  a  fummons,  the  perlon  of 
the  king,  in  all  his  motions.  But  fo  powerful  were  thefe 
barons,  that  this  regulation  was  alio  fubmitted  to;  the 
whole  government  was  overthrown,  or  fixed  on  new  foun- 
dations ;  and  the  monarchy  was  totally  fubverted,  without 
its  being  poffible  for  the  king  to  firikea  fingle  ftroke  in 
defence  of  the  confiitution  againft  the  newly-elecled  oli- 
garchy. 

1259.  The  report  that  the  king  of  the    Romans  intended  to 

pay  a  viht  to  England,  gave  alarm  to  the  ruling  barons, 
who  dreaded  left  the  extenfive  influence  and  eftablifhed 
authority  of  that  prince  would  be  employed  to  reftore  the 
prerogatives  of  his  family,  and  overturn  their  plan  of 
government +.  They  Cent  over  the  bifhop  of  Worcelter, 
who  met  him  at  St,  Omars:  afked  him  in  the  name  of  the 
barons,  the  realon  of  his  journey,  and  how  long  he  inten- 
ded to  flay  in  England,  ?nd  infifted  that,  before  he  entered 
the  kingdom,  he  fhould  iwear  to  obferve  the  regulations 
eftablifhed  at  Oxford.  On  Richard's  refulal  to  take  this 
oath,  they  prepared  to  refifl  him  as  a  public  enemy  ;  they 

id?  fitted  out  a  fleet,  afJTembled  an  army,  and  exciting  the  in- 
veterate prejudices  of  the  people  againft  foreigners,  from 
whom  they  had  fuffered  lo  manv  oppreffions,  fpread  the 
report,  that  Richard,  attended  by  a  number  of  ftrangers, 
meant  to  reftore  by  force  the  authority  of  his  exiled  bro- 
thers, and  to  violate  all  the  fecurities  provided  for  public 
liberty.  The  king  of  the  Romans  was  at  laft  obliged  to 
fubmit  to  the  terms  required  of  him  %. 

But  the  barons,  in  proportion  to  their  continuance  in 
power,  began  gradually  to  lofethat  popularity  which  had 
affifted  them  in  obtaining  it;  and  men  repined,  that  regu- 
lations, which  were  occasionally  eftabliihed  for  the  rcfor- 

*   Ann.  "Burt.  p.  411,  t  M-  Paris,  p.  661. 

J   Ibid.  p.  66i,  662.     Cbron.  T.  Wykes,  p.  53. 


HENRY      HI.  487 

raation  of  the  ftate,  were  likely  to  become  perpetual,  and  CHAP. 
to  fubvert   entirely  the  ancient  conftitution.     They   were       Xll. 

apprehenfive  left  the  power   of  the  nobles,  always  oppref-  ■ « ' 

five,  fhould  now  exert  itfelf  u  ithout  control,  by  remov-  ' 
ing  the  counterpoife  of  the  crown  ;  and  their  fears  were 
iucreafed  by  fome  new  cdiits  of  the  barons,  which  were 
plainly  calculated  to  procure  to  th^mfelves  an  impunity  in 
all  their  violences.  They  appointed  that  the  circuits  of 
the  itinerant  juftices,  the  fole  check  on  their  arbitrary 
conduit,  fhould  be  held  only  once  in  ieven  years  ;  and 
men  eafily  law  that  a  remedy,  which  returned  after  fuch 
long  intervals,  againft  an  oppreulve  power,  which  was 
perpetual,  would  prove  totally  infignificant  and  uielefs*. 
The  cry  became  loud  in  the  nation,  that  the  barons  (hou'd 
finifti  their  intended  regulations.  The  knights  of  the 
fhires,  who  feem  now  to  have  been  pretty  regularly  dflem- 
bled,and  fometimesin  a  feparate  houfe,  made  remonftran- 
ces  againft  the  llownefs  of  their  proceedings.  They  re- 
prefented  that,  though  the  king  had  performed  all  the  con- 
ditions required  of  him,  the  barons  had  hitherto  done  no- 
thing for  the  public  good,  and  had  only  been  careful  to 
promote  their  own  private  advantage,  and  to  make  inroads 
on  royai  authority  ;  and  they  even  appealed  to  prince  Ed- 
ward, and  claimed  his  interpohtion  for  the  intereftsof  the 
nation  and  the  reformation  of  the  government f.  The 
prince  replied,  that  though  it  was  from  conftraint,  and 
contrary  to  his  private  fentiments,  he  had  fworn  to  main- 
tain the  provifions  of  Oxford,  he  was  determined  to  oblerve 
his  oath  :  But  he  lent  a  meffage  to  the  barons,  requiring 
them  to  bring  their  undertaking  to  a  fpeedy  conclufion, 
and  fulfil  iheir  engagements  to  the  public:  Otherwife  he 
menaced  them,  that  at  the  expence  of  his  life  he  would 
oblige  them  to  do  their  duty,  and  would  ihed  the  laft  drop 
of  his  blood  in  promoting  the  interefts,  and  fatisfying  the 
juft  withes  of  the  nation  %. 

The  barons,  urged  hy  fo  preffing  a  neceffity,  publifhed 
at  laft  a  new  code  of  ordinances  for  the  reformation  of  the 
ftate  ||  :  But  the  expectations  of  the  people  were  extremely 
difappointed,  when  they  found  that  thefe  confifted  only 
of  fome  trivial  alterations  in  the  municipal  law  ;  and  ltill 
more,  when  the  barons  pretended  that  the  tafk  was  not 
yet  finifhed,  and  that  they  rnuft  farther  prolong  their  autho- 
rity, in  order  to  bring  the  work  of  reformation  to  the  de- 
fired  period.  The  current  of  popularity  was  now  much 
turned  to  the  fide  of  the  crown ;  and  the  barons  had  little 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  667.     Trivet,  p.  209.  f  Amttl.  Eurt.  p.  -527. 

t  Annal.  Bun.  p.  427,  .  .d,  p.  428.  ., 


438  HISTORY    OF     ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  to  rely  on  for  their  fupport,  befides  the  private  influence 
XII.       and  power  of  their   families,  which,  though    exorbitant, 

v was  likely  to  prove  inferior  to  the  combination  of  king  and 

1759-  people.  Even  this  bafis  of  power  was  daily  weakened 
by  their inteftine  jealoufies  and  animofities;  their  ancient 
and  inveterate  quarrels  broke  out  when  they  came  to  fhare 
the  fpoils  of  the  crown;  and  the  rivalfhip  between  the  earls 
of  Leicefter  and  Glocefter,  the  chief  leaders  among  them, 
began  to  .disjoint  the  whole  confederacy.  The  latter, 
more  moderate  in  his  pretenfions,  was  defirous  of  ftopi  ing 
or  retarding  the  career  of  the  barons'  ulurpations;  but  the 
former,  enraged  at  the  oppofition  which  he  met  with  in 
his  own  party,  pretended  to  throw  up  all  concern  in  Eng- 
liih  atfairs  ;  and  he  retired  into  France*. 

The  kingdom  of  France,  the  only  ftate  with  which 
England  had  anv  confiderable  intercourse,  was  at  this  time 
governed  by  Lewis  IX.  a  prince  of  the  mo  ft  fingular  cha- 
racter that  is  to  be  met  with  in  all  records  of  hiftory.  This 
monarch  united,  to  the  mean  and  abje6l  fuperftition  of  a 
monk,  all  the  courage  and  magnanimity  of  the  greateft 
hero  ;  and,  what  may  be  deemed  more  extraordinaty,  the 
jufticeand  integrity  of  a  difintereft-d  patriot,  the  mildnefs 
and  humanity  of  an  accomplifhed  philofopher.  So  far 
from  taking  advantage  of  the  divifio*is  among  the  Englifh, 
or  attempting  to  expel  thofe  dangerous  rivals  from  the  pro- 
vinces which  thev  itill  pofTefled  in  France,  he  had  enter- 
tained many  fcruples  with  regard  to  the  fentence  of  attain- 
der pronounced  againft  the  king's  father,  had  even  expref- 
fed  ,ome  intention  of  reflonng  the  other  provinces,  and 
was  only  prevented  from  taking  that  imprudent  reiolution 
by  the  united  remonftrances  of  his  own  barons,  who  re- 
pi  efented  the  extreme  danger  of  fuch  a  mealure  f,  and, 
what  had  a  greater  influence  on  Lewis,  the  juftice  of 
punifhing,  by  a  legal  fentence  the  barbarity  and  felony  of 
John.  Whenever  this  prince  interpofed  in  Englilh  affairs, 
it  was  always  with  an  intention  of  compofing  the  differen- 
ces between  the  king  and  his  nobility  ;  he  recommended 
to  both  parties  every  peaceable  and  reconciling  mealure  ; 
and  he  uied  all  his  authority  with  the  earl  of  Leicefter,  his 
native  fubjeit,  to  bend  him  to  a  compliance  with  Henry. 
He  made  a  treaty  with  England,  at  a  time  when  the  diftrac- 
fions  of  that  kingdom  were  at  the  greateft  height,  and  when 
the  king'sauthority  was  totally  annihilated,  and  the  terms 
which  he  granted  might,  even  in  a  more  profperousfiafe  of 
their  affairs,  be  deemed  reafonable  and  advantageous  to 
the  Englilh.     He  yielded  up  fo me  territories  which   had 

»  Chron.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  34S.  t  M.  Paris,  p.  604. 


HENRY      111*  489 

been   conquered  From  Poi&ou  and   Guienne  ;  he  enfured  CHAP, 
the  peaceable   pofleilion  of  the    latter  province  to  Henry  ;       XII. 

he  agreed   to  pay  that  prince  a   large  Cum  of  money  :  and  * « ' 

he  only*  required  that  the  king  fhould,  in  return,  make  a  12^« 
final  cetfion  of  Normandy,  and  the  other  provinces,  which 
he  could  never  entertain  any  hopes  of  recovering  by 
force  of  arms*.  Thisceffion  was  ratified  by  Henry,  by 
his  two  ions  and  two  daughters,  and  by  the  king  of  the 
Romans  and  His  three  fons:  Leiccller  alone,  either  moved 
by  a  vain  arrogance,  or  defirous  to  ingratiate  himfelf  with 
the  Englifh  populace,  protefled  againft  the  deed,  and  in- 
filled on  the  right,  however  difiant,  which  might  accrue 
to  his  confort +.  Lewis  fitw,  in  this  obftinacy,  the  un- 
bounded ambition  of  the  man;  and  as  the  barons  infifted 
that  the  money  due  by  treaty  ihould  be  at  their  difpofal, 
not  at  Henry's,  he  alio  law,  and  probably  with  regret, 
the  low  condition  to  which  this  monarch,  who  had  more 
erred  from  weaknefs  than  from  any  bad  intentions,  was 
reduced  by  the  turbulence  of  his  own  fubj  "Cts. 

But  the  fituatiou  of  Henry  foon  after  wore  a  more  fa-  '  gf- 
vourable  alpect.  The  twenty  four  barons  had  now  en- 
joyed the  fovereign  power  near  three  years  ;  and  had  vifi- 
blv  employed  it,  not  for  the  reformation  of  the  ftate,  which 
was  their  firft  pretence,  but  for  the  aggrandiiement  of 
themfelvesand  of  their  families.  1  he  breach  of  truft  was 
apparent  to  all  the  world  :  Every  order  of  men  felt  it,  and 
murmured  againft  it :  The  diffenfions  among  the  barons 
themlelves,  which  increaled  the  evil,  made  alio  the  reme- 
dy more  obvious  and  eaiy  :  And  the  fecret  defertion,  in'' 
particular,  of  the  earl  of  Glocefter  to  the  crown,  feemed 
to  promiie  Henry  certain  fucceis  in  any  attempt  to  refumc 
his  authority.  Yet  durft  he  not  take  that  ftep,  to  recon- 
cileable  both  to  jufticeand  policy,  without  making  a  pre- 
vious application  to  Rome,  and  defiring  an  abfolution  from 
his  oaths  and  »ngagements  j. 

The  pope  was  at  this  time  much  difJTatisfied  with  the 
conduit  of  the  barons;  who,  in  order  to  gain  the  favour 
of  the  people  and  clergy  of  England,  had  expelled  all 
the  Italian  ccclefiaftics,  had  confiicated  their  benefices,  and 
feemed  determined  to  maintain  the  liberties  and  privileges 
of  the  Engliih  church,  in  which  the  rights  of  patronage, 
belonging  to  their  own  families,  were  included.  The  ex- 
treme anirnofuy  of  the  Englifh  clergy  againft  the  Italians 
was  alio  a  fource  of  his  dU'guit  to  this  order  ;  and   an  at- 

Vol.  I.  3  R 

»  Ilymer,   vol.   i.  p.  675.     M.  Paris,  p.  ;,CC.     Chron.  T.  Wykcs,   p< 
1  rivet,  p.    308.     M.  Weft.  p.  j;:. 
f  Citron.  I.   Wykes.  p.  [,\.  J  Ann.  ?>.:'..  p. 


490  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  P-  t«;mpt  which  had  been   made  by  them   for  farther  liberty, 
XII.       and  greater  independence  on  the  civil  power,  was  therefore 

' p I  lefs  acceptable    to  the  court  of  Rome*.     About  the  fame 

,26l«  time  that  the  barons  at  Oxford  had  annihilated  the  prero- 
gatives of  the  monarchy,  the  clergy  met  in  a  fynod  at 
Merton,  and  pafled  feveral  ordinances,  which  were  no 
iefs  calculated  to  promote  their  own  grandeur  at  the  ex- 
pence  of  the  crown.  They  decreed,  that  it  was  unlawful 
to  try  ecclefiaftics  by  fecular  judges;  that  the  clergy  were 
not  to  regard  any  prohibitions  from  civil  courts;  that  lay- 
patrons  had  no  right  to  confer  fpiritual  benefices  ;  that  the 
magiftrate  was  obliged,  without  farther  inquiry,  to  impri- 
ion  all  excommunicated  perfons;  and  that  ancient  ufage, 
without  any  particular  grant  or  charter,  was  a  i'ufficient 
authority  for  any  clerical  poffeflions  or  privileges f.  A- 
bout  a  century  before,  thefe  claims  would  have  been  fup- 
ported  by  the  court  of  Rome  beyond  the  mod  fundamen- 
tal articles  of  faith:  They  were  the  chief  points  maintain- 
ed by  the  great  martyr,  Becket ;  and  his  resolution  in  de- 
fending them  had  exalted  him  to  the  high  ftation  which  he 
held  in  the  catalogne  of  Romifh  faints.  But  principles 
were  changed  with  the  times:  The  pope  was  become  fome- 
what  jealous  of  the  great  independence  of  the  Englifh 
clergy,  which  made  them,  ftand  lefs  in  need  of  his  pro- 
tection, and  even  emboldened  them  to  refill  his  authority, 
and  to  complain  of  the  preference  given  to  the  Italian  cour- 
tiers, whole  interefls,  it  is  natural  to  imagine,  were  the 
chief  object  of  his  concern.  He  was  ready,  therefore, 
on  the  king's  application,  to  annul  thele  new  conftituti- 
onsof  the  church  of  England  $.  And,  at  the  fame  time, 
he  abfolved  the  king  and  all  his  fubjedts  from  the  oath 
which  they  had  taken  to  obferve  the  provifions  of  Ox- 
ford ||. 
Prince  Ed-  Prince  Edward,  whofe  liberal  mind,  though  in  fuch 
ward.  early  youth,  had  taught  him   the  great   prejudice   which 

his  father  had  incurred,  by  his  levity,  inconftancy,  and 
frequent  breach  of  promife,  refufed  for  a  long  time  to  take 
advantage  of  this  abfolution;  and  declared  that  the  provi- 
fions of  Oxford,  how  unreafonable  foever  in  themfelves, 
and  how  much  foever  abufed  by  the  barons,  ought  ftill  to 
be  adhered  to  by  thofe  who  had  fworn  to  obferve  them*  *. 
He  himfelf  had  beenconftrained  by  violence  to  take  that 
oath;  yet  was  he  decermined  to  keep  it.  By  thi  fcrupu- 
lous  fidelity,  the  prince  acquired  the  confidence  of  allpar- 

,      *  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  755.  f  Ann.  Burt.  p.  389,  J  Rymer, 

vol.  i.  p.  755.  ||  Rymer,  vol.  i.  )>.  722.      M.  Paris,  p.  666.     W. 

Heming.  p.  580.     Ypod.  Neuft.  p.   46S.     Knyghton,   p.   2416. 
**    M.   Paris,  p.  667. 


HENRY      III. 


49f 


ties,  and  was  afterwards  enabled  to  recover  fully  the  royal  C  H  A  P. 
authority,  and  to  perform  fuch  great  actions,   both  during      XII. 
his  own  reign  and  that  of  his  father.  v g » 

The  fituation  of  England,  during  this  period,  as  well  ls6,> 
as  that  of  moft:  European  kingdoms,  was  fomewhat  pe- 
culiar. There  was  no  regular  military  force  maintained 
in  the  nation  :  The  ("word,  however,  was  not,  properlv 
fpeaking,  in  the  hands  of  the  people:  The  barons  were 
alone  entrufted  with  the  defence  of  the  community  ;  and 
after  any  effort  which  they  made,  either  againft  their  own 
prince  or  againft  foreigners,  as  the  military  retainers  de- 
parted home,  the  armies  were  difbanded,  and  could  not 
fpeedily  be  re-afiembled  at  pleafure.  It  was  eafy  there- 
fore, for  a  few  barons,  by  a  combination,  to  get  the  flaVt 
of  the  other  party,  to  collect  fuddenly  their  troops,  and 
to  appear  unexpectedly  in  the  field  with  an  army,  which 
their  antagonifts,  though  equal,  or  even  fuperior  in  power 
and  intereft,  would  not  dare  to  encounter.  Hence,  the 
iudden  revolutions,  which  often  took  place  in  thofe  go- 
vernments: Hence  the  frequent  victories  obtained  without 
a  blow  by  one  faction  over  the  other:  And  hence  it  hap- 
pened, that  the  feeming  prevalence  of  a  party  was  feidom 
a  prognoftic  of  its  long  continuance  in  power  and  autho- 
rity. 

I'hk  king,  as  foon  as  he  received  the  pope's  abfolution  ,s62- 
from  his  oath,  accompanied  with  menaces  of  excommuni- 
cation againft  all  opponents,  trufting  to  t lie  countenance 
of  the  church,  to  the  fupport  promifed  him  by  many  con- 
fiderable  barons,  and  to  the  returning  favour  of  the  peo- 
ple, immediately  took  off  the  mafk.  After  juftifying  his 
conduct  by  a  proclamation,  in  which  he  fet  forth  the  pri- 
vate ^'iv  itioi,  and  the  breach  of  truft,  confpiruous  in  Lei- 
<ceiter  and  his  aflbciates,  he  declared,  that  he  had  refumed 
the  government,  and  was  determined  thenceforth  to  exert 
the  rovai  authority  for  the  protection  of  his  fubjec-ts.  He 
removed  Hugh  le  Defpenferand  Nicholas  de  Ely,  the  juf- 
ticiarv  and  chancellor  appointed  by  the  barons  ;  and  put 
Philip  Ballet  and  Walter  de  Merton  hi  their  place.  He 
fubftituted  new  Iheriffs  in  all  the  counties,  men  of  character 
and  honour  :  He  placed  new  governors  in  moft  of  the 
qptUes  :  He  changed  all  the  -officers  of  his  houfehold  :  He  23d  April, 
fummoned  a  parliament,  in  which  the  refumption  of  his 
authority  was  ratified,  with  oniv  five  dilfenting  voices: 
And  the  barons,  after  making  one  fruittefs  errbrt  to  take 
the  king  by  furprile  at  Winchefler,  were  obliged  to  acqui- 
efce  in  thofe  new  regulations*. 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  668.     Chron.  T.  Wykes,  p.  55. 


492  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  F.       The  king,    in  order  to  cut  off  every  objection   to   Ins 
XII.       conduct,    ottered  to  refer  all  the  differences  between   him 

*•*■*-*- '  and  the  earl  of  Leicefter,  to  Margaret  queen  of  France*. 

1362.  The  celebrated  integrity  of  Lewis  gave  a  mighty  influence 
to  any  decifion  which  iflued  from  his  court  ;  and  Henry 
probably  hoped  that  the  gallantry,  on  which  all  barons 
as  true  knights,  valued  themfelves,  would  make  them 
afhamed  not  to  fubmit  to  the  award  of  that  princei's.  Lewis 
merited  the  confidence  repofed  in  him.  By  an  admirable 
<:ondu6f,  probably  as  political  as  juft,  he  continually  in- 
terpoPd  his  good  offices  to  allay  the  civil  difcordsof  the 
Englifh  :  He  /forwarded  all  healing  meafures,  which 
might  give  fecurity  to  both  parties:  And  he  fti'Jl  endea- 
voured, though  in  vain,  to  footh  by  perfuafion  the  fierce 
ambition  of  the  earl  of  Liecefter,  and  to  convince  him 
how  much  it  was  his  duty  to  fubmit  peaceably  to  the  au- 
thority of  his  fovereign. 
1263.  That  bold  and   artful  confpirator  was  no  wife  difcou- 

raged  by  the  bad  fuccefs  of  his  part  enterpriles.  The 
death  of  Richard  earl  of  Glocefter,  who  was  his  chief 
rival  in  power,  and  who,  before  his  deceafe,  had  joined 
the  royal  party,  feemed  to  open  a  hew  field  to  his  violence, 
and  to  expofe  the  throne  to  frefh  infults  and  injuries.  It 
was  in  vain  that  the  kins;  profeiTed  his  intentions  of  ob- 
ferving  ftrictly  the  Great  Chartei,  even  of  maintaining 
all  the  regulations  made  by  the  reforming  barons  at  Ox*- 
ford  or  afterwards,  except  thole  which  entirely  annihilated 
the  royal  authority  :  Thefe  powerful  chieftains,  now  ob- 
noxious to  the  court,  could  not  peaceabiy  refign  the  hopes 
of  entire  independence  and  uncontrolled  power,  with 
which  they  had   flattered  themfelves,  and  which  they  had 

Civil  wars  of  fo  long  enjoyed.       Many  of  them   engaged  in  Liecefier's 

the  barons,  views;  and  among  the  reft,  Gilbert  the  young  earl  of 
Glocefter,  who  brought  him  a  mighty  acceftion  of  power, 
from  the  extenfive  authority  poflefled  by  that  opulent  fa- 
mily. Even  Henry,  fon  o!  the  king  of  the  Romans, 
commonly  called  Henry  d'Allmaine,  though  a  prince  of 
the  blood,  joined  the  party  of  the  barons  againft  the  king, 
the  head  of  his  own  family.  Leicefter  himfclf  who  ft  ill 
refided  in  France,  fecrelly  formed  the  links  of  this  great 
confpiracy,  and  planned  the  whole  fcheme  of  operations. 
The  princes  of  Wales,  notwithftanding  the  great  pow- 
er of  the  monarchs,  both  of  the  Saxon  and  Norman  line, 
ftill  preferved  authority  in  their  own  country.  Though 
they  had  often  been  conftrained  to  pay  tribute  to  the 
Crown  of  England,  they  were  with  difficulty  retained  in 

*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  724. 


HENRY       111. 


403 


Subordination,  or  even  in  peace  ;  and  almoft  through  every  CHAT, 
reign    fincc  the  conqueft,  they  had   infeiled    the    Englifh       XII. 

frontiers  with  fuch  petiy  inourfions  and  Hidden  inroads,  as  v „ •' 

feldom  merit  to  have  place  in  a  general  hifforv.  The  Ia63* 
Englifh,  ftill  content  with  repelling  their  invafions,  and 
chafing  them  back  into  their  mountains,  had  never  purfu- 
ed  the  advantages  obtained  over  them,  nor  been  able,  even 
under  their  greateft  and  mod  active  primes,  to  fix  a  total, 
or  fo  murh  as  a  feudal  lubjection  on  the  country.  This 
advantage  was  referved  to  the  prefent  king,  the  weakeft 
and  mofi  indolent.  In  the  year  1237,  Lewellvn  prince 
of  Wales,  declining  in  years  and  broken  with  infirmities, 
but  fiill  more  harafled  with  the  rebellion  and  undutiful  be- 
haviour of  his  youngeft  fon  Griffin,  had  recourlc  to  the 
protection  of  Henry  ;  and  consenting  to  fubjeel  his  prin- 
cipality, which  had  fo  long  maintained,  or  foon  recovered, 
its  independence,  to  valTalage  under  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land, had  purchafed  fecurity  and  tranquillity  on  thefe  dis- 
honourable terms.  His  eldeft  fon  and  heir,  David,  re- 
newed the  homage  to  England  ;  and  having  taken  his 
brother  prifoner,  delivered  him  into  Henry's  hands,  who 
committed  him  to  tuftody  in  the  Tower.  That  prince, 
endeavouring  to  make  hisefcape,  loft  his  life  in  the  attempt  ; 
and  the  prince  of  Wales,  freed  from  the  apprehenfions  of 
fo  dangerous  a  rival,  paid  thenceforth  lefs  regard  to  the 
Jinglifh  monarch,  and  even  renewed  thole  incurfions,  by 
which  the  Welch,  during  {o  many  ages,  had  been  accuf- 
tomed  to  infeft  the  Englifh  borders.  Lewellvn,  however, 
the  Ion  of  Griffin,  who  fucceeded  to  his  uncle,  had  been 
obliged  to  renew  the  homage,  which  was  now  claimed  by 
England  as  an  eftablifhed  right  ;  but  he  was  well  pleafed 
to  inflame  thofe  civil  difcords,  on  which  he  refted  his  pre- 
fent fecurity,  and  founded  his  hopes  of  future  indepen- 
dence. He  entered  into  a  confederacy  with  the  earl  of 
Liecefter,  and  collecting  all  the  force  of  his  principality, 
invaded  England  with  an  armv  of  30,^00  men.  He  ra- 
vaged the  lands  of  Roger  de  Mortimer,  and  of  all  the 
barons  who  adhered  to  the  crown  *  ;  he  marched  into 
Chefhire,  and  committed  like  depredations  on  prince 
Edward's  territories  ;  every  place  where  his  diforderiy 
troops  appeared  was  laid  wafte  with  fire  and  fword  ;  and 
though  Mortimer,  a  gallant  and  expert  foldier,  made  flout 
refinance,  it  was  found  ncceflary  that  the  prince  himfelf 
fhould  head  the  army  againft  this  invader.  Edward  repulf- 
ed  Lewellvn,  and  obliged  him  to  take  fhelter  in  the  moun- 
tains of  North  Wales  :  But  he  was  prevented  from  making 

•  CliTon.  Dunrt.  vol.  i.  p.  354. 


494  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

C  H  A  ?.  father  progrefs  againft   the  enemy,  by  the  diforders  which 

"  XII.      foon  after  broke  out  in  England. 

w  .- j       TrtE  VVelfh  invafion  was  the  appointed  fignal  for  the 

i26j.     inalcontented  barons  to  rife  Inarms;  and  Leicefter,  coming 
over  fecretly  from  France,   collected  all  the  forces  of  his 
party,  and  commenced  an  open  rebellion.     He  feized  the 
perfon  of  the  bilhop  of  Hereford  ;  a  prelate  obnoxious  to 
jill  the  inferior  clergy,  on  account  of  his  devoted  attach- 
ment to  the  court  of  Rome*.     Simon  bifhop  of  Norwich, 
and  John  Manfel,  becaufe  they  had  publifhed  the  pope's 
bull,  abfolving  the  king  and  kingdom  from  their  oaths  to 
obferve  the  provifions   of  Oxford,  were  made    prisoners, 
and  expofed  to  the  rage  of  the  party.  The  king's  demefnes 
were    ravaged    with    unbounded    furyf;    and  as    it  was 
Leicefter's   interefl  to  allure  to  his  fide,  by  the  hopes  of 
plunder,  all  the   diibrderly  ruffians  in  Kngland,   he  gave 
them  a  general  licence  to  pillage  the  barons  of  the  oppofite 
party,  and  even  all  neutral  perfons.     But  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal refources  of  hisfa&ion  was  the  populace  of  the  cities, 
particularly  of  London;  and  as  he  had,  by  his  hypocriti- 
cal pretenfions  to  fanclity,  and  his  zeal  againft  Rome,  en- 
gaged the  monks  and  lower  ecclefiaflics  iia   his  party,  his 
dominion  over  the  inferior  ranks  of  men  became  uncon- 
trollable.    Thomas    Fitz-Richard   mayor   of  London,  a 
furious  and  licentious    man,  gave  the  countenance  of  au- 
thority to  thefe  diforders  in  the  capital;  and  having  decla- 
red  war  againft  the  fubftantial  citizens,    he   loofened  all 
the  bands  "of  government,  by   which   that  turbulent  city 
was   commonly  but  ill  retrained.     On    the  approach   of 
Eafter,  the  zeal  of  fupeiftltion,  the  appetite   for  plunder, 
or  what  is  often  as  prevalent  with  the  populace  as  either  of 
thefe  motives,  the  pleafure  of  committing  havoc  and  de<- 
truaion,  prompted  them  to  attack  the  unhappy  Jews,  who 
were  firft   pillaged  without   refinance,   then  madacred  to 
the  number  of  five   hundred   perfons  %.     The    Lombard 
bankers  were  next  expofed  to  the  rage  of  the  people  ;  and 
though,  by  taking  fanctuary  in  the  churches,  they  efcaped 
with    their   lives,    all  their  money  and  goods  became  a 
prey  to  the  licentious  multitude.     Even  the  houles  of  the 
rich  citizens,  though  Englifh,   were  attacked  by   night  ; 
and  way  was  made  by  lword  and  by  fire  to  the  pillage  of 
their  goods,  and  often  to  the  deflation  of  their  perfons. 
The  queen,  who,   though  defended  by  the  1  ower,  was 
terrified  by  the  neighbourhood  of  fuch  dangerous  commo- 
tions, relblved  to  go. by  water  to  the  caftle  of  Windfor  ; 

*  Trivet,  p.  21 1.  M.  Weft.  p.  382.  392. 
f  Trivet,  p.  211.     M.  Weft.  p.  3S2. 

*  Chron.  T.  Wykes,   p.  59. 


HENRY      III.  4£g 

but  as  (he  approached  the  bridge,  the  populace  aflembled  CHAP. 
againtt  her  :   The  cry  ran,  drown  the  witch;  and    Lchdes      XII. 

abufing  her  with  the  molt  opprobrious  language-,  and  pel-  v * 1 

ting  her  with  rotten  eggs  and  dirt,  they  had  prepared  large      l*b&» 
ftones   to  fink  her  barge,  when  the  lhould  attempt  to  fhoot 
the  bridge;  and  (he  was  fo  frightened,    that  fhe  returned 
to  the  Tower*. 

The  violence  and  fury  of  Leicefter's  faction  had  rifen 
to  (uch  a  height  in  ail  parts  of  England,  that  the  king,  un- 
able to  refill  their  power,  was  obliged  to  let  on  foot  a  treaty 
of  peace  ;  and  to  make  an  accommodation  with  the  barons 
on  the  mod  di  (advantageous  terms  f.  He  agreed  to  con-  ^[h  July. 
firm  anew  the  provifions  of  Oxford,  even  thole  which  en- 
tirely annihilated  the  royal  authority  ;  and  the  barons  were 
again  re-inflated  in  the  Sovereignty  of  the  kingdom.  They 
leftored  Hugh  le  Dcfpenfer  to  the  office  of  chief  judiciary ; 
they  appointed  their  own  creatures  fheritf's  in  every  countv 
of  England  ;  they  took  pofleffion  of  all  the  royal  caftles 
and  fortreiles  ;  thev  even  named  all  the  officers  of  the 
king's  houfchold;  and  they  lummoned  a  parliament  to 
meet  at  Weftminfler,  in  order  to  fettle  more  fully  their  ,4lhoft. 
plan  of  government.  1  hey  here  produced  a  new  lift  of 
twepty-four  barons,  to  whom  thev  propofed  that  the  admi- 
nistration lhould  be  entirely  committed  ;  and  they  infilled 
that  the  authority  of  this  junto  lhould  continue,  not  only 
during  the  reign  of  the  king,  but  alio  during  that  of  prince 
Edward.. 

This  prince,  the  life  and  foul  of  the  royal  party,  had 
unhappily,  before  the  king's  accommodation  with  the  ba- 
rons, been  taken  pri loner  by  Leicefler  in  a  parley  at  Wind- 
for  %  ;  and  that  misfortune,  more  than  any  other  incident, 
had  determined  Henry  to  lubmit  to  the  ignominious  condi- 
tions, iropoled  upon  him.  But  Edward  having  recovered 
his  liberty  by  the  treaty,  employed  his  activity  in  defend- 
ing the  prerogatives  of  his  family  ;  and  he  gained  a  j>reat 
party  even  among  thofe  who  had  at  firft  adhered  to  the 
caule  of  the  barons.  Hiscoufin  Henry  d'A.llmainc,  Roger 
Bigod  earl  marelhal,  earl  Warrenne,  Humphrey  Bohun 
earl  of  Hereford,  John  lord  Ballet,  Ralph  Ballet,  Hamond 
l'Eilrange,  Roger  Mortimer,  Henry  de  Piercy,  Robert 
de  Brus,  Roger  de  Leybourne,  with  almofl  all  the  lords 
marchers,  as  they  were  called,  on  the  borders  of  Wales 
and  of  Scotland,  the  moll  warlike  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
declared  in  favour  of  the  roy;il  caule;  and  hoftilities, 
which  were  Scarcely  well  compoled,  were  again  renewed 

•  Chron.  T.  Wykes,  p.  57.  t  Chron.  Dunft.   vol.  i.  p.  }$8. 

Trivet,  p.  .mi.  i  M.  Paris,  p.  (  1 .  .  p.  s>i.>. 


496 

CHAP. 
XII. 

1263. 


.Reference 
to  the  king 
of  Fiance. 


1264. 


33d   Jan. 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

in  every  part  of  England.  But  the  near  balance  of  the 
partiesj  joined  to  the  miverfal  clamour  of  the  people,  ob- 
liged the  king  and  barons  to  open  anew  the  negotiations 
for  peace;  and  it  was  agreed  by  both  fides  to  iubmit 
their  differences  to  the  arbitration  of  the  king  of 
France*. 

This  virtuous  prince,   the  only  man  who,  in  like  cir- 
cumftances    could  fafely  have  been  intrufled  with  fuch  an 
authority  by  a  neighbouring  nation,  had   never  ceated  to 
interpofe  his   good   offices  between  the  Engliih  factions  ; 
and  had  even,  during  the  Ihort  interval  of  peace,  invited 
over  to  Paris  both  the  king  and  the   earl  of  Leicefter,  in 
order  to  accommodate  the  differences  between  them ;  but 
found,  that  the  fears  and  animofities  on  both  fides,  as  well 
as  the  ambition  of  Leicefter,  were  fo  violent,  as  to  render 
-all  his  endeavours  incffe&ual.     But  when  this  folemn  ap- 
peal, ratified  by  the  oaths  and  fubfcriptions  of  the  leaders 
in  both  factions,  was  made  to  his  judgment,  he  was  not 
difcouraged  from  purfuing  his  honourable   purpoie  :   he 
fummoned  theftates  of  France  at  Amiens;  and   there,  m 
the  prefence  of  that  aflemblv,  as  well  as   in  that  of  the 
king  of  England  and  Peter  de   Montfort,  Leicefter's  fon, 
he  brought  this.great  caufe  to  a  trial  and  examination.  It 
appeared  to  him,  that  the  proviiions  of  Oxford,   even  had 
they  not  been  extorted  by  force,  had  they  not  been  io  ex- 
orbitant in  their  nature,  and  fubverfive  of  the  ancient  con- 
ftitution,  were  exprefsly  eftabliihed  as  a  temporary  expe- 
dient, and  could  not,  without  breach  of  truft,  be  rendered 
perpetual  by  the  barons.     He  therefore  annulled  thefe  pro- 
vifions;  reftored  to  the  king  the  polTeffion  of  his  catties, 
and  the  power  of  nomination  to  the  great  offices  ;  allowed 
him  to  retain.what  foreigners  he   pleafed  in  his  kingdom, 
and  even  to  confer  on  them  places  of  truft  and  dignity  ; 
and,  in  a  word,  re-eftablithed  the  royal  power  in  the  lame 
condition  on  which  it  ftood  before  the  meeting  of  the  par- 
liament at  Oxford.     But  while  he  thus  fupprefled  danger- 
ous innovations,  and  preferved  unimpaired  the  prerogatives 
of  the  Engliih  crown,  he  was  not  negligent  of  the  rights 
of  the  people  ;  and  befides  ordering  that  a  general  amnefty 
(hould  be  granted  for  all  pjtf  offences,  he   decla.ed,  that 
his  award  was  not  any  wife  meant  to  derogate  from  the  pri- 
vileges and  liberties  which  the  nation  enjoyed  by  any  for- 
mer conceffions  or  charters  of  the  crown  f. 

This   equitable  fentence  was  no  Sooner  known  in  Eng- 
land, than    Leicefter  and  his  confederates  determined  to 


*  VI.  Fa  is,  p.  668.     Chron.   T.    Wykes,  p.   5*-      W 
Chrcn.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  363.  t  R)'mer, 

'■ic.  (,'hron.  T.  Wykes,  p.  58.     Kn/gh'.on,  p.  *446' 


Keming.   p.    580. 
col.  i.  p.  776,  777» 


HENRY      III.  497 

reject  it,  and  to  have   recourfe  to  arms,   in   order  to  pro-  CHAP, 
cure  to  themfelvesmore  fafe  and  advantageous  conditions*.       XM. 

Without  regard  to  his  oaths  and  lubicriptions,  that  enter-  v > ' 

pri fine  con fpirator  directed  his  two  Ions,   Richard  and  Pc-  „  ,264,    c 

i        at         r  •  •        ->•  •  i     ii    i  i      t^  Renewal  of 

ter  de  Montrort,  in  conjunction  with  Kobert  de  rerrars  tbcdvii 
earl  of  Deibv,  to  attack  the  city  of  Worcefter  ;  while  VVjr- 
Henry  and  Simon  de  Montfort,  two  otliers  of  his  fons, 
afliiled  by  the  prince  of  Wales,  were  ordered  to  lav  wafle 
the  efiate  of  Roger  de  Mortimer.  He  himfelf  refided  at 
London;  and  employing  as  his  inilr:ment  Fitz-Ricluid 
the  feditious  mayor,  who  had  violently  and  illegally  pro- 
longed his  authority ,  he  wrought  up  that  city  tothehigheft 
ferment  and  agitation.  The  populace  formed  themfelves 
into  bands  and  companies  ;  choie  leaders  ;  practifed  all 
military  exerciles ;  committed  violence  on  the  rovalifts: 
And,  to  give  them  greater  countenance  in  their  diforders, 
an  alTociation  was  entered  into  between  the  city  and  eigh- 
teen great  barons,  never  to  make  peace  with  the  king  but 
by  common  conlent  and  approbation.  At  the  head  of 
thofe  whofwore  to  maintain  this  allocution,  were  the  earls 
of  Leicefter,  Glocelter,  and  Derby,  with  le  Defpenfer 
the  chief  julliciarv  ;  men  who  bad  all  previoufly  fworn  to 
fubmit  to  the  award  of  the  French  monarch.  Their  only 
pretence  for  this  breach  of  faith  was,  that  the  latter  part  of 
Lewis's  fentence  was,  as  they  affirmed,  a  contradiction  to 
the  former  :  He  ratified  the  charter  of  liberties,  yet  an- 
nulled the  provifions  of  Oxford,  which  were  only  calcu- 
lated, as  they  maintained,  to  preferve  that  charter;  and 
without  which  in  their  eftim  ition,  they  had  no  fecurity  for 
its  oblervance. 

The  king  and  prince,  finding  a  civil  war  inevitable, 
prepared  themfelves  for  defence  ;  and  fummoning  the  mi- 
litary v.,ffals  from  all  quarters,  and  being  reinforced  by 
Baliol  lord  of  Galloway,  Brus  lord  of  Annandale,  Henrv 
Piercy,  John  Comvnf,  and  other  barons  of  the  north, 
they  compofed  an  army,  formidable',  as  well  from  its  num- 
bers as  its  military  prowefs  and  experience.  1  he  firft  en- 
tcrprite  of  the   royalifl  e  attack    o(  Northampton 

which  was  defended    by  Simon   de   Montfort,    with  many 
of  the  principal  barons  of  that  party  :   And  a  breach  bei 
made  in  the  walls  by  Philip  Ballet,  the  place  was  carried 
bv  aflault,  and  both  the  governor  and  the   garrifon  were         1T"' 
made  prifoners.     The  royali  hed  thence  to  Lei 

ter  and  Nottingham;   both  which    pi  ing  opened 

Vol.  I.  3  S 

•  Chron.  Dunft.  vd  .  :  r. 


493 


HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 


their  ^.'.tes  to  them,  prince  Edward  proceeded  with  a  de- 
tachment into  thecountv  of  Derby,  in  order  to  ravage  with 
fire  and  fword  the  lands  of  the  earl  of  that  name,  and 
is&4-  take  revenge  on  him  for  his  ditloyalty.  Like  maxims  of 
war  prevailed  with  both  parties  throughout  England;  and 
the  kingdom  was  thus  expoted  in  a  moment  to  greater  de- 
vaftation,  from  the  animoutics  of  the  rival  barons,  than 
it  would  have  Suffered  from  many  years  of  foreign  or  even 
domeftichoftilities,  conduced  by  more  humane  and  more 
generous  principle*. 

The  carl  of  Leicefier,  mailer  of  London,  and   of  the 
counties  in  the  fouth-eall  of  England,   formed  the  fiege  of 
Rochclter,  which   alone    declared    for    the  king  in    thole 
parts,  and  which,  befides    earl  Warrenne,  the  governor, 
was  garrifoned  by  many  noble  powerful  barons  ot  the  royal 
party.     The  king  and  prince  haflened  from  Nottingham, 
where  thev  were  then  quartered,  to  the  relief  of  the  place; 
and  on  their  approach,  Leicelkr  raifed  the  fiege,  and  re- 
treated to  London,   which,  being  the  centre  of  his  power, 
he   was  afraid   migVt,  in  his  abfenfte,  fall  into  the  king's 
Jiands,  either  by  force,  or  by   a  correspondence  with  the 
principal  citizens,  who  were  all  fecretly  inclined  to  the 
royal  caufe.     Reinforced  by  a  great  body  of  Londoners, 
and  having  fummoned  his  partisans   from  all  quarters,  he 
thought  himfelf  Strong  enough  to  hazard   a    general  battle 
with  the  royalifis,  and  to  determine  the  fate  of  the  nation 
in  one  great  engagement  ;    which,  if  it  proved  fuccefsfuj, 
mud  be  decifive  againft   the  king,  vho  had  no  retreat  for 
his  broken  troops  in  thofe  paits  ;   while  Leicefter  himfelf, 
in  cafe  of  any  finifter  accident,  could  eaftly   take   Shelter 
jn  the  city.     To  give  the  better  colouring  to  his  cauie,  he 
previoutlv  fent  a  menage  with  conditions  of  peace  to  Hen- 
rv,  lubmiinve  in  the  language,   but  exorbitant  in  the  de- 
mands* ;  and    when   the  melTenger   returned  with  the  l\e 
and  defiance  from  the  king,  the  prince,  and  the  kingofthe 
Romans,  he  fent  a  new  meflage,  renouncing,  in  the  name  of 
himfelf  and  of  the  aflbciated  barons,  all  fealty  and  allegi- 
ance to  Henry.     He  then  marched  out  of  the  city  with  his 
army,  divided  into  four  bodies  :   The  firft  commanded  by 
his  two  Ions  Henry   and  Guy  de   Montfort,  together  with 
Humphrey  de  Bohun  earl  of  Hereford,  who  had   defevted 
to   the  barons  ;   the  fecond  led   by  the   earl  of  Glocefter, 
with    William  de  Montchelney  and  John  Fitz-Tohn  ;  the 
third,  compofed  of  Londoners,  undei  the  command  of  Ni- 
cholas de  Segrave  ;  the  fourth  headed  by  bin  Self  in  perfon. 
The  bifhop  of  Chichefter  gave  a  general  absolution  to  the 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  CC9.     W.  Iteming,  p.  583. 


HENRY       111.  e&-} 

army,  accompanied  with  afluranccs  that,  if  any  of  them  CHAP. 
fe!I  in  the  enluing  action,  they  would  infallibly  be  received      XII. 

into  heaven,  as  the  reward  of  their  luri'ei  ing  in  fo  mcritori-  v «/— — * 

ous  a  caufe.  ,9*<* 

Leicester,  who   poflTelTed  great  talents  for  war,  con-  Bnde  of 
ducked  his  march  with  fuch  Ikill  and  fecrecy,  that  he  had  ^J^y 
w-cli  nigh  fiirprifed  t  he  royal  ids  in  their  quarters  at  Lewei 
JriSufLw:    Bat  the  vigilance  and  activity  of  prince  Edward 
fbon    repaired     this   negligence  ;     and     he    led    out    the 
king's  army  to  the  field  in  three  bodies.      He  himfelf  con- 
ducted the  van,  attended   by  eail  Warrenne  and  William 
de  Valence  :    The  main  body  was  commanded  by  the  king 
or  the  Komans  and  his  fun  Henry  :   The  king  himfelf  was 
placed  in  the  rear  at  the  head   of  his    principal     nobility. 
Prince  Edward    ru!h?:i  upon  the  Londoners,  who  had  de- 
manded the  port  of  honour  in  leading  the  rebel  army,  but 
who,  from  their  ignorance  of  difcipline  and  want  of  experi- 
ence, were  ill  fitted  to  refill  the  gentry  and  military  men, 
ot  whom  the   prince's  body  was   competed.     They  were 
broken  in  an  inflant  ;   were  chafed  off  the   field;  and  Kd- 
ward,  tranfported   by  his  martial  ardour,  and  eager  to  re- 
venge the  infolence  of  the  Londoners  againft  his  mother*, 
put  them  to  the  fword  for  the  length  of  four  miles,  without 
gi-ing  them  any  quarter,  and  without  reflecting  on  the  fate 
which  in    the    mean   t  me  attended  the  reft  of    the  army. 
The  earl  of  Leicefter,  leeing  the  ro   aliOs  thrown  into  con- 
fufion  by  their  eagernefs  in  the  purfuit,  led  on  his  remaining 
troops  againft   the  bodies    commanded    by   the    two  royal 
brothers:  He  defeated  with  great  (laughter  the  forced  head- 
ed by  the  king  of  die  Romans  ;   and  that  prince  was  obli- 
ged to  yield  himfelf  prifoner  to  the  earl  of  Glocefter  :   lie 
penetrated  to  the  body  where  the  king  himfelf  was  placed, 
threw  it  into  di (order,  purfued  his  advantage,  chafed  it  in- 
to the  town  of  Lewes,  and   obliged    Henry  to   furrendcr 
himfelf  prifonerf. 

Prince  Edward*  returning  to  the  field  of  battle  from 
his  precipitate  puri'uit  of  the  Londoners,  was  aftonilhed 
to  find  it  covered  with  the  dead  bodies  of  his  friends,  and 
fiill  more  to  hear,  that  his  father  and  uncle  were  defeated 
and  taken  prisoners,  and  that  Arundel,  Comvn,  Bros, 
Hamond  I'Eftrange,  Roger  Leybourne,  and  many  confi- 
derable  barons  of  his  party,  were  in  the  hands  of  the  vic- 
torious enemy.  Earl  Warrenne,  Hugh  Bigod,  and  Wil- 
li un  de  Valence,  (truck  with  defpair  at  this  event,  imme- 
diately took  to  flight,  hurried    to  Pevedcey,  and    made 

»  M.  Paris,  p.  670.     '.  | '.  ( ■•■     \V.  Ilenriijj.  p.  583.     ML 

•  .  j8  '.      V':kx1.  Neuit.  p.  460.      H.  ..  '.■'-U0* 

f  M.  Paris,  670*     1,1.  VI 


r)0o  H  I  S  T  O  R  Y    O  F    E  N  G  L  A  N  D. 

CHAP,  their  efcapebevond  fea*:   But  the  prince,  intrepid  amidfl 
"  XII.      the   greateft  di (afters,  exhorted  his  troops   to  revenge  the 

< , '  death  of  their  friends,  to  relieve  the  royal  captives,  and  to 

l20-i-       fnatch  an  eafy  conqueft  from  an  enemy  dii'ordered  by  their 
own    vi&oryf.     He   found  his  followers  intimidated    by 
their  fituation;  while   Leicefter,  afraid  of  a    fudden  and 
violent  blow   from  the   prince,  amufed  him   by  a  feigned 
negotiation,  till  he  was  able   to  recal  his  troops  from  the 
purfuit,  and  bring  them  into  order*.      There  now  appear- 
ed no  farther  refource  to  the  royal   party  ;  (unrounded  by 
the  armies  and  garrifons  of  the  enemy,  defiituteof  forage 
and  provifions   and  deprived  of  their  iovereign,  as  well  as 
of  their  principal    leaders,  who  could  alone  infpirit  them 
to  an  cbftinate  refiftance.      The  prince,  therefore,    was 
obliged    to  fubmit  to  Leicefter's  terms,  which  were  ihort 
andlevere,  agreeably  to  the  fuddennefs  and   nereflityof 
the  fituation:  He ftipiilated,  that  he  and  Henry  d'Alimainc 
fliould  furrender   themfelves   prifoners  as  pledges  in  lieu 
of  the  two  kings;    that  all  other  prifoners  on  both   fides 
fhouldbe  releafcdll;  and  that,  in  order  to  fettle  fully  the 
terms  of  agreement,  application   mould  be  made    to   the 
king  of  France,  thathefhould  name  fix  Frenchmen,  three 
prelates,   and  three   noblemen:  Thefe   fix  to   chufe   two 
others  of  their  own  country  :   And  thefe  two  to  chufc  one 
Englifhman^who,  in  conjunction   with  themfelves,  were 
to  be  invelled  by  both  parties   with  full  powers    to  make 
what  regulations  they  thought  proper  for  the  fettlement  of 
the  kingdom.     The  prince  and  young  Henry  accordingly 
delivered  themfelves  into  Leicefter's  hands,  who  lent  them 
under  a   guard  to   Dover    cattle.     Such   are   the  terms  of 
agreement  called  the   Mife   of  Lewes,    from  an  obfolete 
French  term  of  that  meaning  :  For  it  appears,  that  all  the 
gentry  and  nobility  of  England,  who   valued  theinlelves 
on  their  Norman  extraction,  and  who  difdained   the  lan- 
guage of  their   native  country,  made   familiar  ufe  of  the 
French  tongue,    till    this   period,  and  for  Come  time  af- 
ter. . 

Leicesier.  had  no  fooner  obtained  this  great  advan- 
tage, and  gotten  the  whole  royal  family  in  his  power,  than 
he^openly  violated  every  article  of  the  treaty,  and  a£ted  as 
ibie  matter,  and  even  tvrant  of  the  kingdom.  He  flill 
detained  the  king  in  effed  a  priibner,  and  made  ufe  of 
that  ptince's  authority  to  purpofes  the  molt  prejudicial  to 
his  interefts,and  the  moll  oppreffive  of  his  people**.  He 
every  where  dijfarmed  the  royalifls,   and  kept  all  his  own 

*  Chion.  T,  Wykes.  p.  6j.  t  W.  Heming.  p.  5?4- 

■;  W-Heming.  p.  5S4.  ||  M.  Paris,  p.  671.     Knyghtoft,  p.  2451. 

*  *  Kyaiw-r,  vol.  J.  p.  790,  791,  Xc. 


H    E    N    R    Y      III.  501 

partifans  in  a  military  po^ure*:  Ho  obferved  the  fame  par-  C  H  A  F« 
iiil    <  onducl  in  the  deliverance  of   tlie  cap;'  Xlt. 

threw  many  of  the  royajifis  into  prifon, * 

were  taken  in  the   battle  of  Lewes  :    II  •  carried    th  '-0^ 

from  place  to  place,  and  obliged  all  the  rovaj   caftles 
pretence  of  Henry's  comm 

garrifon  of  his  own  appointment  :    All  th  •  of  tbe- 

crown  and  of  the  'oufebold  were  named  bv  him  ;  and  the 
whole  authoritv,  as  well  as  arms  of  the   fttte,  was  lodj 
in  his  hands:    lie  inltituted  in   the  i  :w  kind 

of  magiftracy,  endowed  with   rev/    and    arbitrary    pow^ 
ers,     that    of   confer  ators    of  His  av, 

appeared    barefaced,  and     might    induce    us    to    qucliion 
the  greatnefs  of  his  ambition,  at  leaft  the  hi3 

mind,  if  we  had  nut  r.ufon  to  think,  that  lie  intended  to 
employ  his  acquisitions  as  the  infiruments  for  attaining 
faither  power  and  grandeur.  Me  feized  theeftates  of  no 
lefs  than  eighteen  barons,  as  his  ibare  of  the  Ipoil  gained 
jn  the  battle  of  Lewes:  He  engro(Ted  to  himfelf  the  ran- 
fom  of  all  the  prifoners;  an  1  told  his  barons,  with  a  wan- 
ton inlblcnce,  that  it  was  fufheient  for  them,  that  he  had 
faved  them  by  that  victory  from  the  forfeitures  and  attain- 
ders which  hung  over  them  $ :  He  even  treated  the  earl 
of  Glocefter  in  the  fame  injurious  nunner,  and  applied 
to  his  own  ufe  the  ranfom  of  the  king  of  the  Romans, 
who  in  the  held  of  battle  had  yielded  himfelf  prlfoner  to 
t':at  nobleman.  Henry,  his  eldelt  Ion,  made  a  monopoly 
of  all  the  wool  in  the  kingdom,  the  only  valuable  commo- 
dity for  foreign  markets  which  it  at  that  time  produced  1J. 
The  inhabitants  of  the  cinque-ports,  during  the  prelent 
diOTolution  of  government,  betook  themfelves  to  tin*  moil 
licentious  piracv,  preyed  on  the  (hips,  of  all  nations,  threw 
the  mariners  into  the  fea,  and  by  thefe  practices  foon  ba- 
nilhedall  merchant;  from  the  linglifhcoails  and  harbours. 
Every  foreign  commodity  rolip  to  an  exorbitant  price  ; 
and  woollen  cloth,  which  the  Englifh  had  got  then  the 
art  of  dying,  was  worn  by  them  white,  and  without  re- 
ceiving the  lad  hand  of  the  manufacturer.  In  an  live  r  to 
the  complaints  which  arofe  on  this  occafion,  Leicefter  re- 
plied, that  the  kingdom  could  well  enough  fubfil)  within 
itfelf,  and  needed  no  intercourfe  with  foreigners.  And 
it  was  found,  that  he    even  combined  with  tl  of 

the  cinque  ports,  and  received  as  his  (hare  the  third  of  their 
prizes*  *. 

No  farther  mention  was  made  of  the  reference  to  th 
king  of  France,  fo  ellential  an  article  in  the  agreement  of 

*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  795.   Brady's  Appeals,  No.  21 1,  212.  Chron.  T.  Wyke% 
P-  "j-  t  Rymer,  voj.  i.  p.  79s.  t  Knyghtcn,  p.  2451. 

J  Chton.  T.  Wykes,  p.  6j.  **  Ibid. 


502  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP.  Lewes  ;  and  Leicefler  fummoned  a  parliament,  compofed 
XII.       altogether  of  his  own  partilans,  in  order  to  rivet,  by  their 

* . '  authority,  that  power  which  he  had  acquired   by  fo  much 

1264.  violence,  and  which  he  ufed  with  fo  much  tyranny 
and  injuftice.  An  ordinance  was  there  palled,  to 
which  the  king's  confent  had  been  previoufly  extorted, 
that  every  ad  of  roynl  power  (hould  be  exercifed  by  a 
council  of  nine  perfons,  who  were  to  be  cholen  and  re- 
moved by  the  majority  of  three,  Lcicefter  himfelf,  the 
earl  of  Glocefter,  and  the  biihop  of  Chichefter  *.  By 
this  intricate  plan  of  government,  the  fceptre  was  really 
put  into  Leicefter's  hands  ;  as  he  had  the  entire  direction 
of  the  bifhop  of  Chichefter,  and  thereby  commanded  all 
the  refolutions  of  the  council  of  three,  who  could  ap- 
point or  difcard  at  pleaiure  every  member  of  the  fu- 
preme  council. 

Birr  it  wis  impoffible  that  things  could  long  remain  in 
this  ftrange  fituation.  It  behoved  Leicefler  cither  to  de- 
fcend  with  fome  peril  into  the  rank  of  a  fubjedt,  or  to 
mount  up  with  no  lefs  into  that  of  a  fovereign  ;  and  his 
ambition,  unrefirained  either  by  fear  or  by  principle, 
gave  too  much  reafon  to  fufpect  him  of  the  latter  intention. 
Meanwhile,  he  was  expoied  to  anxiety  from  every  quar- 
ter; and  felt  that  the  fmallell  incident  was  capable  of  over- 
turning that  immenfe  and  ill-cemented  fabric  which  he 
had  reared.  The  queen,  whom  her  hufband  had  left  a- 
br/>ad,  had  collected  in  foreign  parts  an  army  ofdefpe- 
rate  adventurers,  and  had  affembled  a  great  number  of 
(hips,  with  a  view  of  invading  the  kingdom,  and  of  bring- 
ing relief  to  her  unfortunate  family.  Lewis,  detefting 
Leicefier's  ufurpations  and  perjuries,  and  dilgufted  at  the 
Englifh  barons,  who  had  refufed  to  fubmit  to  his  award, 
fecretly  favoured  all  her  enterprifes,  and  was  ge'.erally 
believed  to  be  making  preparations  for  the  fame  purpofe. 
An  Englifh  army,  by  the  pretended  authority  of  the  cap- 
tive king,  was  affembled  on  the  fea-coaii  to  oppofe  this 
projected  invationf;  but  Leiceft cr  owed  his  fafety  more 
to  crofs  winds,  which  long  detained  and  at  la.fl  difperfed 
and  ruined  the  queen's  fleet,  than  to  any  refiftance  which, 
in  their  prelcnt  fituation,  could  have  been  expected  from 
the  Englifh. 

Leicester  found  himfelf  betterableto  refifl  the  fpi- 
litual  thunders  which  were  levelled  again  ft  him.  The 
pope,  ftill  adhering  to  the  king's  caufe  againft  the  barons, 
diipatched  cardinal  Guido  as  his  legate  into  England,  with 
orders  to  excommunicate,  by  name,  the    three  earls,  Lei- 

"  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  793.     Biady"s   App.  No.   213. 

f  Riadv's  App.  No.  216,  217.     Chrou*    Fuuft.   vol.  i.  p.   373.     M.   Weft. 

P.  its. 


H     E    N    R    Y      III.  503 

ceftcr,  Gloceffer.and  Norfolk,  and  all  others  in  general,  CHAP, 
who  concurred  in  the  opprelTion  and  captivity  of  their  io-       XII. 

vereign*.      Leicefter  menaced   the  legate   with   death,    \(  - — « ' 

he  fet  foot  within  the  kingdom ;  but  Guido,  meeting  in  12(ii- 
France  the  bilhops  of  Wincheftcr,  London,  and  VVorcef- 
ter,  who  had  been  lent  thither  on  a  negot;ation,  command- 
ed them,  under  the  penalty  of  ecclefullical  cenfures,  to 
carry  his  bull  into  England,  ar.d  to  publifh  it  againfi  the 
barons.  VVhen  the  prelates  arrived  off  the  coafl,  they 
were  boarded  by  the  piratical  mariners  of  the  cinque- ports, 
to  whom  probably  they  gave  a  hint  of  the  cargo  which 
they  brought  along  with  them:  The  bull  was  torn  and 
thrown  into  the  fea  ;  which  fumifhed  the  artful  prelates 
with  a  plaufibie  excufe  for  not  obeying  the  orders  of  the 
legate.  Leicefter  appealed  from  Guido  to  the  pope  in 
perfon  ;  but,  before  the  ambafladors  appointed  to  defend 
niscaufe  could  reach  Rome,  the  pope  was  dead  ;  and  they 
found  the  legate  himfelf,  from  whom  they  had  appealed, 
feated  on  the  papal  throne,  by  the  name  of  Urban  IV. 
The  daring  leader  was  no  wile  dil'm  ayed  with  this  inci- 
dent; and  as  he  found  that  a  great  part  of  his  popularity 
in  England  was  founded  on  his  oppofition  to  the  court 
of  Rome,  which  was  now  become  odious,  he  ncrfifted 
with  the  more  obttinacy  in  the  proiecution  0/  his  mea- 
fures. 

That  he  might  both  increafe  and  turn  to  advantage  his  Ii6. 
popularity,  Leicefter  fummoned  a  new  parliament  in  Lon-  20th  jan. 
don  where  he  knew  his  power  was  uncontrollable  ;  and 
he  fixed  this  aflembly  on  a  more  democratical  bafis  than 
any  which  had  ever  been  fummoned  fince  the  foundation 
of  the  monarchy.  Befides  the  barons  of  his  own  partv, 
and  feveral  ecclefiaftics,  who  were  not  immediate  tenants 
of  the  crown ;  he  ordered  returns  to  be  made  of  two 
knights  from  each  (hire,  and,  what  is   more  remarkable,  ,Hou  '  °f 

ri  ■       c  11  1  1  r  ....      Lom;aoas. 

or  deputies  trom  the  Loroughs,  an  order  or  men  which,  in 
former  ages,  had  always  been  regarded  as  too  mean  to  en- 
joy a  place  in  the  national  councilsf.  This  period  is  com- 
monly efteenied  the  epoch  of  the  houle  of  commons  in 
England  ;  and  it  is  certainly  the  firit  time  that  hiflorians 
fpeak  of  any  reprefentatives  lent  to  parliament  bv  the  bo- 
roughs. In  all  the  general  accounts  given  in  preceding 
times  of  thofe  alTemblies,  the  prelates  and  barons  or.lv  are 
mentioned  as  the  confiituent  members  ;  and  even  in  the 
moft  particular  narrativesdelivered  of  parliamentary  tranfuc- 
tions,  as  in  the  trial  of  Thomas  a  Becket,  where  the  event; 

*  Rvmrr.  vol.  i.  p.  708.     Chron.  Dunft-.  vol.  •.  p.  373. 
f  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p, 


304 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


CHAP.  of  eac'h  day,  an^   almoft  of  each  hour,    are   carefully  rc- 
Xll.       corded  bv   contemporary  authors  *,  there  is  not,  through- 

* „ j  out  the  whole,  theleaft  appearance  of  a  houfe  of  commons. 

J 2(.5.  But  though  that  houle  derived  its  exiftence  from  f'o  preca- 
rious, and  even  lb  invidious,  an  origin  as  Leicefter's  ufur- 
patioti,  it  ibon  proved,  when  liimmoned  by  the  legal 
princes,  one  of  the  mod  uleful,  and,  in  procefs  of  time, 
one  of  the  moil  powerful  members  of  the  national  coflfti- 
tution;  and  gradually  refcued  the  kingdom  from  ariftocra- 
tical  as  well  as  from  regal  tyranny.  But  Leicefier's  poli- 
cy, if  we  mud  alcribe  to  him  lb  great  a  blefhng,  only  for- 
warded by  fome  years  an  inftitution,  for  which  the  gene- 
ral Hate  of  things  had  already  prepared  the  nation  ;  and  it 
is  orticrwife  inconceivable,  that  a  plant,  fet  by  lb  maufpici- 
otis  a  hand,  could  have  attait)ed  to  lo  vigorous  a  growth, 
and  have  rlourilhed  in  the  mttfft  of  Inch  tempefts  and  con- 
vulfions.  J  he  feudal  fyftem,  with  which  the  liberty, 
much  more  the  power,  of  the  commons  wis  totally  incom- 
patible, l-egan  gradually  to  decline;  and  both  the  king 
and  the  commonalty,  who  felt  its  inconveniences,  contri- 
buted to  favour  this  new  power,  which  was  more  fubmif- 
ftve  than  the  barons  to  the  legular  authority  of  the  crown, 
and  it  the  lame  time  afforded  pioteclion  to  the  inferior  or- 
ders of  the  ftate. 

Leicester,  having  thus  affembled  a  parliament  of  his 
own  model,  and  truftiug  to  the  attachment  of  the  populace 
of  London,  i'eized  the  oppoi tunity  of  crulhing  his  rivals 
♦among  the  powerful  barons.  Robert  de  Feirars  earl  of 
Derbv  wasaccufed  in  the  king's  name,  feized,  and  com- 
mitted to  cullody,  without  being  brought  to  any  lcgaltrialf. 
John  Gilford,  menaced  with  the  lame  fate,  lied  from  Lon- 
don, and  took  ihelter  ill  the  borders  of  Wales.  Even  the 
earl  of  Glcccfter,  whole  power  and  influence  had  fo  much 
contributed  to  the  fucceis  of  the  barons,  but  who  of  Late 
was  extre-T.ely  dilgnfled  with  Leicefier's  arbitrary  conduct, 
found  himfeff  in  danger  from  the  prevailing  authority  of 
hisancien  confederate;  and  he  retired  from  parliament  |. 
This  known  didention  gave-tourage  to  all  Leicefier's  ene- 
mies and  to  the  king's  friends,  who  were  now  lure  of  pro- 
te6lion  from  lo  potent  a  leader,  I  hough  Roger  Mortimer, 
Hamon  LV.tlraoge,  attd<6ther  powerful  marchers  of  Wales, 
had  been  obliged  to  leave  the  kingdom,  their  authority 
Hill  remained  over  the  territories*  fubjecled  to  their  jurif- 
dittion  ;  and  there  were  many  others  who  were  dilpoled  to 
give  disturbance  to  the  new  government.  The  anunofities, 

*  Fits-Stephen.   Hift.  Quad.  Hoveden,  &c. 

+  Chron.  T.  Wykes,  p.  06.      Ann.  •  «5. 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  671.     Ann.  Wavcrl.  p.  Sl6. 


HENRY      III. 


505 


infeparablc   from  the   feudal  ariftocracy,  broke  out  with  C  HAP. 
frefh  violence,  and  threatened  the  kingdom  with  new  con-      XII. 
vulfions   and  dilorders.  • v ' 

The  earl  of  Leicefter,  forrounded  with  thefe  difficul-  ls6^ 
ties,  embraced  a  meafure,  from  which  he  hoped  to  reap 
fome  prelent  advantages,  but  which  proved  in  the  end  the 
fource  of  all  his  future  calamities.  The  active  and  in- 
trepid prince  Edward  had  languilhed  in  prifon  ever  fincc 
the  fatal  battle  of  Lewes;  and  as  he  was  extremely  popular 
in  the  kingdom,  there  arofe  a  general  defire  of  feeing  him 
again  reftored  to  liberty  *.  Leicefter  finding  that  he 
could  with  difficulty  oppofe  the  concurring  wilhesofthe 
n  ition,  (lipulated  with  the  prince,  that,  in  return,  he 
ihould  order  hisaJherents  to  deliver  up  to  the  barons  all 
their  caftles,  particularly  thole  on  the  borders  of  Wales; 
and  Ihould  fwear  neither  to  depart  the  kingdom  during 
three  vears,  nor  introduce  into  it  any  foreign  forcesf. 
The  ki;:ri  took  an  oath  to  the  fame  effect,  and  he  alio 
pifled  a  c'lar-ter,  in  which  he  confirmed  the  agreement  or 
Mife  of  Lewes;  and  even  permitted  his  fubjectsto  rife  in 
arms  igainlt  him,  if  he  lhouid  ever  attempt  to  infringe 
it  I  So  little  care  did  Leicefter  take,  though  be  conftant- 
Ij  made  ule  of  the  authority  of  this  captive  prince,  to 
preierve  to  him  any  appearance  of  royalty  or  kingly  pre- 
rogatives  ! 

In  contequence    of _ this    treaty,  prince    Edward    was 
brought  into  Weflniinfter-hall,  and  was  declared  free    by  mhMar. 
:he  barons:   But  inftead  of  really  recovering  his  liberty, 
■  had    vainly  expeded,  he  found  that  the  whole  tranf- 

ti  >n  was  a  fraud  on  the  part  of  Leicefter  ;  that  he  him- 
ielf  itill  continued  a  prifoner  at  large,  and  was  guarded 
by  the  cmiflaries  of  that  nobleman  ;  and  that,  while  the 
faction  reaped  all  the  benefit  from  the  performance  of  his 
part  of  the  treaty,  care  was  taken  that  he  ihould  enjoy  no 
advantage  by  it.  As  Glocefter,on  his  rupture  with  the  ba- 
rons, had  retired  for  fafety  to  his  eltates  on  the  borders  of 
Wales;  Leicefter  followed  him  with  an  army  to  Here- 
ford ||,  continued  ftill  to  menace  and  negotiate;  and  that 
he  might  add  authority  to  his  caufe,  he  carried  both  the 
king  and  prince  along  with  him.  The  earl  of  Glocei- 
ter  here  concerted  with  young  Edward  the  manner  of  that 
prince's  efcape.  He  found  means  to  convey  to  him  a  horfe 
of  extraordinary  fwiftnds;  and  appointed  Roger  Mortimer, 

Vol.  1.  3  T 

*  Knyghton,  p.  3451.  t  An  1.  VVaverl.  p.  2i(>. 

£  Blackifton's   Mag.  Charta.      Chron.  Dunft.   v  1.  i.  p.  37S. 
!|  Chron.  T.  Wykes,  p.  67.      Ann.   VVa  <  .ik.  jj.  5!j, 

Chron.  Dur.il.  vol.  i.  p.  j8       $84, 


5oS  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  who  had  returned  into  the  kingdom,  to  be  ready  at   hand 
XII.       with  a  fmall  party  to  receive  the  prince,  and  to  guard  him 

* « '  to  a   place  of  fafety.     Edward    pretended  to  trike  the  air 

1265-  with  fome  of  Leicefter's  retinue,  who  were  his  guards  ; 
and  making  matches  between  their  horfes,  after  he 
thought  he  had  tired  and  blown  them  fulhciently,  he  fud- 
denly  mounted  Glocefier's  hoife,  and  called  to  his  atten- 
dants, that  he  had  long  enough  enjoyed  the  pleafureof  their 
company, and  now  bid  them  adieu.  They  followed  him  for 
fome  time,  without  being  able  to  overtake  him  ;  and  the 
appearance  of  Mortimer  with  his  company  put  an  end  to 
their  purfuit. 

The  royalifls,  fee  ret  !v  prepared  for  this  event,  imme- 
diate! flew  to  arms;  ar/d  the  joy  of  this  gallant  prince's 
\  deliverance,  the  opprefTions  under  which  the  nation  labou- 
red, the  expectation  of  a  new  fcene  of  affairs,  and  the 
countenance  of  the  earl  of  Glocefier,  procured  Edward 
an  army  which  Leicefier  was  utterly  unable  to  withstand. 
This  nobleman  found  himfelf  in  a  remote  quarter  of  the 
kingdom;  furrounded  by  his  enemies;  barred  from  all 
communication  with  his  friends  by  the  Severne,  whole 
bridges  Edward  had  broken  down  ;  and  obliged  to  fight 
the  caufe  of  his  party  under  thefe  multiplied  difadvantages. 
In  this  extremity  he  wrote  to  his  fon  Simon  de  Montfort, 
to  haftenfrom  London  with  an  army  for  his  relief;  and  Si- 
mon had  advanced  to  Kenilworth  with  that  view,  where, 
fancying  that  all  Edward's  force  and  attention  were  direc- 
ted againfl  his  father,  he  lay  fecure  and  unguarded.  But 
the  prince,  making  a  fudden  and  forced  march,  furprifed 
him  in  his  camp,  difperled  his  army,  and  took  the  earl 
of  Oxford  and  manv  other  noblemen  prifoneis,  almofl 
without  refiflance.  Leicefier,  ignorant  of  his  fort's  fate, 
pa  (Ted  the  Severne  in  boats  during  Edward's  abfence,  and 
lay  at  Evefnam,  in  expectation  of  being  every  hour  joined 
by  his  friends  from  London  :  When  the  prince,  who  avai- 
led himfelf  of  every  favourable  moment,  appeared  in  the 
Battle  of  field  before  him.  Edward  made  a  body  of  his  troops 
Evefham.  advance  from  the  road  which  led  to  Kenilworth,  and  or- 
and  death  dered  them  to  carry  the  banners  taken  from  Simon's  ar- 
4th  Aug."'  my  '  wnMe  ne  bimfelf,  making  a  circuit  with  the  reft  of 
his  forces,  purpofedto  altack  the  enemy  on  the  other  quar- 
ter. Leicefier  was  long  deceived  by  this  firatagem,  and 
took  one  divifion  of  Edward's  army  for  his  friends  ;  but  at 
latl,  perceiving  his  miflake,  and  obfervingthe  great  fupe- 
rioiity  and  excellent  difpofition  of  the  royalifls,  he  ex- 
claimed that  they  had  learned  from  him  the  art  of  war, 
adding,  "  The  Lord  have  merry  on  our  fouls,  for  I  fee 
"  our  bodies  are  the  prince's!"    The  battle  immediately 


HENRY      III. 


507 


began,  though  on  very  unequal  terms.     Leicefter's  army,  C  II  A  P. 
by    living    on  the  mountains  of    Wales  without   bread,       XII. 

which  was  pot  then   much  ufed    among    the    inhabitants,   v v ' 

had  hcen  extremely  weakened  by  ficknefs  and  defertion,  ,265« 
and  wis  foon  broken  by  the  victorious  ro/alifis;  while 
his  WeKh  allies,  acrufromed  only  to  a  defultory  kind  of 
war,  immediately  took  to  flight,  and  were  purfued  with 
great  (laughter.  Leiceftcr  himfelf,  afking  for  quarter, 
was  llain  in  the  he  it  of  the  action,  with  hiseldeft  fun  Hen- 
ry, Hugh  le  Defpeofer,  and  about  an  hundred  and  fixty 
its,  and  manv  other  gentlemen  of  his  party.  The 
o!d  king  had  been  purpofely  placed  by  the  rebels  in  the 
front  of  the  battle  ;  and  being  clad  in  armour,  and  there- 
by net  known  by  his  friends,  he  receive^  a  wound,  and 
was  in  danger  of  his  iife:  But  cryingou/,  I  am  Henry  of 
Winthcjlcr,  your  king,  he  was  faved  ;  and  put  in  a  place 
oi   fafcty    by  hisfon,  who  fled  to  his  refcue. 

The  violence,  ingratitude,  tyranny,  rapacity,  and  trea- 
chery of  the  earl  of  Leiceiler,  give  a  very  bad  idea  of  his 
moral  character,  and  make  us  regard  his  death  as  the  mod 
fortuuafle  event  which    in  this  conjuncture  could  have  hap- 
pened to  the  knglilh  nation  :   Yet  muft  we  allow  the  man 
to  have  pofTelTed  great  abilities,  and  the  appearance  of  great 
virtues,  who,  though   a  ftranger,  could,  at   a    time  when 
flrangers  were  the  moft  odious  and    the   molt  univerfally 
decried,  have  acquired  fo  extenfive  an  interefi  in  the  king- 
dom, and  have  (0  nearly  paved  his  way   to  the  throne  it- 
felf.     His  military  capacity ,„  and  his  political  craft,  were 
equally  eminent:  He  po'Teded  the  talents  both  of  govern- 
men    and  conducting  bulinefs:   And  though  his  ambi- 
tion was  bound lefs,   it  teems  neither  to  have  exceeded  his 
courage  nor   his  genius;   and  he  had  the  happinefs  of  ma- 
king   the  low   populace,  as  well  as  the   haughty    barons, 
co-operate  towards  the   fuccefs  of  his  felfifh  and  dangerous 
purpofes.     A    prince  of  greater  abilities  and  vigour  than 
liewry  might   have  directed   the  talents  of  this  nobleml  1 
either  to  the  exaltation  of  his  throne,  or  to  the  good  of  his 
people:    But   the   advantages   given    to   Leicefter,  by  the 
weak  and  variable  adminiitration  of  the  king,  brought  on 
the    ruin    of  royal  authority,  and    produced    great    con- 
fufions  in  the  kingdom,  which,  however,  in  the  end  pre- 
ferved   and  extremely    improved   national  liberty,  and  the 
conftitution.      His  popularity,  even  after  his  death,  conti- 
nued fo   great,  that  though    he   was  excommunicated    by 
Rome,  the  people   believed  him  to  be  a  faint  ;    and  many 
miracles  were  (aid  to  be  wrought  upon  his  tomb  *. 

:e  Mailr.  p.  533. 


5o8 

CHAP. 
XII. 

1265. 

Settlement 
of  the  go- 
vernment. 


1 266; 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

The  vi&ory  of  Evefham,  with  the  death  of  Leicefler, 
proved  decifive  in  favour  of  the  royalifis,  and  made  an 
equal  though  an  oppofite  impreilion  on  friends  and  ene- 
mies in  every  part  of  England.  The  king  of  the  Romans 
recovered  his  liberty  :  The  other  prifoners  of  the  royal 
party  were  not  only  freed  but  courted  by  their  keepers  ; 
Fitz-Richard,  the  feditious  mayor  of  London,  who  had 
marked  out  forty  of  the  moll  wealthy  citizens  for  llaugh- 
ter,  immediately  flopped  his  hand  on  receh  ing  intelligence 
of  this  great  event :  And  almoft  all  the  caftles,  garrifoned 
by  the  barons,  hafiened  to  make  their  fubmiflions,  and  to 
open  their  gates  to  the  king.  The  ifle  of  Axholme  a- 
Jone,  and  that  of  Ely,  trufting  to  the  ftrength  of  their 
f:tuation,  ventured  to  make  refinance;  but  were  at  lafl  re- 
duced, as  well  as  the  caftle  of  Dover,  by  the  valour  and 
activity  of  prince  Edward*.  Adam  de  Gourdon,  a  cou- 
rageous baron,  maintained  himfelf  during  fome  time  in 
the  forefts  of  Hamplhire,  committed  depredations  in  the 
neighbourhood,  and  obliged  the  prince  to  lead  a  body  of 
troops  into  that  country  againft  him.  Edward  attacked 
the  camp  of  the  rebels;  and  being  tranfported  by  the  ar- 
dour of  battle,  leaped  over  the  trench  with  a  few  followers, 
and  encountered  Gourdon  in  firrgle  combat.  The  victory 
was  long  difputed  between^he#  valiant  combatants  ;  but 
ended  at  lafl  in  the  prince's'favour,  who  wounded  his  an- 
tagonist, threw  him  from  his  horfe,  and  rook  him  prifo- 
ner.  He  not  only  gave  him  his  life ;  but  introduced 
him  that  very  night  to  the  queen  at  Guildford,  procured 
him  his  pardon,  refiored  him  to  his  eftate,  received  him 
into   favour,  and  was  ever  after  faithfully  ferved  by  himf. 

A  total  victory  of  the  fovereign  over  i'o  extenlive  a 
rebellion  commonly  produces  a  revolution  of  government, 
and  ftrengthens,  as  well  as  enlarges  for  fome  time  the  pre- 
rogatives of  the  crown  :  Yet  nofacrilices  of  national  liber- 
ty were  made  on  thi^jg^cafion ;  the  Great  Charter  remain- 
ed Hill  inviolate  ;>s»rjQ  the  king,  fenfible  that  his  own  ba- 
rons, by  whofe'ailfiftance  alone  he  had  prevailed,  were  no 
leis  jealous  of  their  independence  tbun  the  other  party, 
leems  thenceforth  to  have  more  carefully  abftained  from 
all  thole  exertions  of  power  which  had  affbidcd  fo  plau- 
lible  a  pretence  to  the  rebels.  The  clemency  of  this  vic- 
tory is  alfo  remarkable  :  No  blood  was  fhcd  on  the  fcaf- 
lold:  No  attainders,  except  of  the  Mountfort  family,  were 
carried  into  execution  :  And  thougl*  *•  parliament  aflembled 
at  Winchefler  attainted  all  thofe  who  had  borne  arms  a- 
guinfl    the  king,  eaiy  compofitions  were  made  with  them 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  676.     W.  Kerning,  p.  588.  f  M.  Paris,  p.  675. 


HENRY      III.  5o9 

for  their  lands*;  and  the  higheft  Turn  levied  on   the  moft  CHAP, 
obnoxious  otlenders  exceeded  not  five  years  rent   of  their      XII. 

eftate.    Even  the  earl  of  Derby  >  who  again  rebelled,  after  v ,r—* 

ha'ing  been  pardoned  and  reftored  to  his  fortune,  was  I266« 
obliged  to  pay  only  feven  years  rent,  and  was  a  fecond 
time  restored.  The  mild  difpofuion  of  the  king,  and  the 
prudence  of  the  prince,  tempered  the  infolence  of  victory, 
and  gradually  reftored  order  to  the  feveral  members  of  (he 
fiate,  disjointed  by  fo  long  a  continuance  of  civil  wars  and 
commotion 

The  city  of  London,  which  had  carried  farthefl  the 
rage  and  animofity  agaiflfl  the  king,  and  which  ieemed 
determined  to  ftand  upon  its  defence  after  almoft  all  the 
kingdom  had  iubmitted,  wa-,  after  fome  interval,  reftored 
to  nioft  of  its  liberties  and  privileges;  and  Fitz-Richard 
the  mayor,  who  had  been  guilty  of  fo  much  illegal  vio- 
lence, was  only  punifhed  by  fine  and  imprisonment.  The 
countefs  of  Leicefter,  the  king's  fifter,  who  had  been  ex- 
tremely forward  in  all  attacks  on  the  royal  family,  was 
difmiiled  the  kingdom,  with  her  two  fons,  Simon  and  Guy, 
who  proved  very  ungrateful  for  this  lenity.  Five  years 
afterwards,  they  allaffinated,  at  Viterbo  in  Italy,  their 
coufin  Henry  d'Allmaine,  who  at  that  very  time  was  en- 
deavouring to  make  their  peace  with  the  king;  and  by 
taking  lanctuary  in  the  church  of  the  Francifcans,  they 
efcaped  the  puniihment  due  to  fo  great  an  enormity +. 

The  merits  of  the  earl  of  Glocefter,  after  he  returned  ,,67. 
to  his  allegiance,  had  been  fo  great  in  reftoring  the  prince 
to  his  liberty,  and  alftfting  him  in  his  victories  againft  the 
rebellious  barons,  that  it  was  almoft  impovTible  , to  content 
him  in  his  demands;  and  his  youth  and  temerity,  as  well 
as  his  great  power,  tempted  him,  on  fome  new  difguft,  to 
raife  again  the  flames  of  rebellion  in  the  kingdom.  The 
mutinous  populace  of  London  at  his  inftigation  took  to 
arms  ;  and  the  prince  was  obliged  to  levy  an  army  of 
30,000  men,  in  order  to  fupprefs  them.  Even  this  fecond 
rebellion  did  not  provoke  the  king  to  any  a<5f  of  cruelty; 
and  the  earl  of  Glocefter  himfelf  efcaped  with  total  impu- 
nity. He  was  only  obliged  to  enter  into  a  bond  of  20,000 
marks  that  he  fhould  never  again  be  guilty  of  rebellion  ; 
A  ftrange  method  of  enforcing  the  laws,  and  a  proof  of 
the  dangerous  independence  of  the  barons  in  thole  ages  I 
Thefe  potent  nobles  were,  from  the  danger  of  the  prece- 
dent, averfe  to  the  execution  of  the  laws  of  forfeiture  and 
felony  againft  any  of  their  fellows;  though  they  could  not, 

•  M.  Paris,  p.   675.  f  Rytner.   vol.  i.  p.  879.  vcl.  ii.  p.  4,  5, 

Chion.  T.  Wykts,  p.  94.     W.  Heming.  p.  589.     Tiivet,  p.  240. 


5io  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP*  with  a  good  grace,  refufe  to  concur  in  obliging  them  to 
XII.       fulfil  any  voluntary   contract  and  engagement  into  which 

* ^ *  they  had  entered. 

,27°-  The  prince  finding  the  Mate  of  the  kingdom  tolerably 

compoied,  was  feduced,  by  his  avidity  for  glory,  and  by 
the  prejudices  of  the  age,  as  well  as  by  the  earneft  folici- 
tattons  of  the  king  of  France,  to  undertake  an  expedition 
againfl  the  infidels  in  the  Holy  Land*  ;  and  he  endeavou- 
red previoufly  to  fettle  the  ftate  in  fuch  a  manner  as  to 
dread  no  bad  effects  from  his  abfence.  As  the  formidable 
power  and  turbulent  dilpofition  of  the  earl  of  Glocefter 
gave  him  apprehenfions,  he  infifted  on  carrying  him  along 
with  him,  in  confequence  of  a  vow  which  that  nobleman 
had  made  to  undertake  the  fame  voyage:  In  the  meantime, 
he  obliged  him  to  refign  fome  of  his  caftles,  and  to  enter 
into  a  new  bond  not  to  difturb  the  peace  of  the  kingdomf. 
He  failed  from  England  with  an  army  ;  and  arrived  in 
Lewis's  camp  before  Tunis  in  Africa,  where  he  found  that 
monarch  already  dead,  from  the  intemperance  of  the  cli- 
mate and  the  fatigues  of  his  enterprife.  The  great,  if  not 
only  weaknefs  of  this  prince  in  his  government,  was  the 
imprudent  paflion  for  crufades ;  but  it  was  his  zeal  chiefly 
that  procured  him  from  the  clergy  the  title  of  St.  Lewis, 
by  which  he  is  known  in  the  French  hiftorv  ;  and  if  that 
appellation  had  not  been  fo  extremely  proftituted  as  to  be- 
come rather  a  term  of  reproach,  he  feems.byhis  uniform 
probity  and  goodnefs,  as  well  as  his  piety,  to  have  fully 
merited  the  title.  He  was  fucceeded  bv  his  fon  Philip, 
denominated  the  Hardy  ;  a  prince  of  fome  merit,  though 
much  inferior  to  that  of  his  father. 
1271.  Prince  Edward,  not  difcouraged  by  this  event,  conti- 

nued his  voyage  to  the  Holy  Land,  where  he  fignalized 
himfelf  by  a<Sls  of  valour,  revived  the  glory  of  the  Englifh 
namcinthofe  parts;  and  ftruckfuch  terror  into  the  Saracens, 
that  they  employed  anaffaffin  to  murder  him,  who  wounded 
him  in  the  arm,  but  perifhed  in  the  attempt  \.  Meanwhile, 
his  abfence  from  England  was  attended  with  many  of 
thole  pernicious  confequences  which  had  been  dreaded 
from  it.  The  laws  were  not  executed :  The  barons  op- 
prefied  the  common  people  with  impunity  ||  :  They  gave 
Ihelter  on  their  eftatesto  bands  of  robbers,  whom  they  em- 
ployed in  committing  ravages  on  the  eftates  of  their  ene- 
mies :  The  populace  of  London  returned  to  their  ufual 
licentioufnefs :  And  thp  old  king,  unequal  to  the  bur- 
then of*  public  affairs,  called  aloud  for  his  gallant  fon  to 

•  M.  Paris,  p.  677.  f  Chron.  T.  Wykes,  p.  90. 

t  M.  Paris,  p.  678,  679.     W.  Heming.  p.  520. 
I  Chron.  Dunft.  vol.  i.  p.  404. 


HENRY       III.  51 1 

return*,  and  to  aflfifl  him  in  fwaying  that  fceptre  which  C  ! 
was  ready  to  drop  from  his  feeble  and  irrelolute  hands.  XII. 
At  lalt,  overcome  by  the  caresof  government  and  the  in- 
firmities of  age,  he  vifibly  declined,  and  he  expired  at 
St.  Edmonfbiirv,  in  the  64:11  year  of  his  age,  and  56th  of 
his  reign  ;  the  longeil  reign  that  i3  to  be  met  with  in  the 
Englilh  annals.  His  brother,  the  king  of  the  Romans 
(for  he  never  attained  the  title  of  emperor),  died  about 
feven  months  before  him. 

The  moil  obvious  circumftance  of  Henry's  character  a"d cha- 
is,  his  incapacity  for  government,  which  rendered  him  '| 
as  much  a  prilbner  in  the  hands  of  his  own  minifters  and 
f-'.vourites,  and  as  little  at  his  own  difnofal  as  when  detained 
a  captive  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies.  From  this  fource, 
rather  than  from  infinceritv  or  treachery,  arofe  his  negli- 
gence in  oblerving  his  promifes;  and  he  was  too  eafily  in- 
duced, for  the  lake  of  prefent  convenience,  to  facrifice 
the  Jailing  advantages  arifing  from  the  truft  and  confidence 
of  his  people.  Hence  too  were  derived  his  profufion  to 
favourites,  his  attachment  to  Grangers,  the  variablenefs  of 
his  conduit,  his  hally  rcfentmtnts,  and  his  fudden  forgive- 
nefs  and  returnof  affection.     Initead  of  redirt  m- 

gerous  power  of  his  nobles,  by  obliging  then,  to  obli  1 
the  laws  towards  their  inferiors,  and  Jetting  them  the  falu- 
tary  example  in  his  own  government  ;  he  was  leduced  to 
imitate  their  conduct,  and  to  make  his  arbitrary  will,  or 
rather  that  of  his  miniflers,  the  ruleof  his  actions.  Inftead 
of  accommodating  himfelf,  by  a  ftrict  frugality,  to  the  em- 
barraffed  fituation  in  which  his  revenue  had  been  left,  by 
the  military  expeditions  of  his  uncle,  the  dillipations  cf 
his  father,  and  the  ufurpations  of  the  barons  ;  he  was 
tempted  to  levy  money  by  irregular  exactions,  which,  with- 
out enriching  himfelf,  impoverished,  at  leaft  difgufied  Jiis 
people.  Of  all  men  nature  feemed  leaf!  to  have  fitted 
him  for  being  a  tyrant  :  yet  are  there  inftances  of  oppref- 
fion  in  his  reign  which,  though  derived  from  the  j.i  .ce- 
dents left  him  by  his  predecelTors,  had  been  carefully 
guarded  againft  by  the  Great  Charier,  and  are  inconfiftent 
with  all  rules  of  good  government.  And  on  the  whole 
we  may  fay,  that  greater  abilities,  with  his  good  dil'polili- 
ons,  would  have  prevented  him  from  falling  into  his  faults; 
or,  with  worfe  difpofitions,  would  have  enabled  him  to 
maintain  and  defend  them. 

This  prince  was  noted  for  his  pietv  and  devotion,  and 
his  regular  attendance  on  public  worfhtp  ;  and  a  faying  of 
his  on  that  head  is  much  celebrated  by  ancient  writers. 

*  Rymer,  vol.  i.  p.  S69.     M.  Paris,  p.  678. 


5I2 


HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 


1272. 


Mifcellane 
cms  tranf- 
aclions  of 
this  reign. 


CHAP.  He  was  engaged   in  a   difpute  with  Lewis  IX.  of  France, 
XII.      concerning  the  preference  between  iermons  and  mafles  : 

v v— '  He  maintained  the  fuperiority  of  the   latter,  and  affirmed 

that  he  would  rather  have  one  hour's  converfation  with  a 
friend,  than  hear  twenty  the  moft  elaborate  difcourfes  pro- 
nounced in  his  praife  *. 

Henry  left  two  Ions,  Edward  his  fucceflbr,  and  Ed- 
mond  earl  of  Lancaster;  and  two  daughters,  Margaret 
queen  of  Scotland,  and  Beatrix  dutchefsof  Britanny.  He 
had   five  other  children,  who  died  in  their  infancy. 

The  following  are  the  moft  remarkable  laws  enacled 
during  this  reign.  There  had  been  great  difputes  between 
the  civil  and  ecclefiaftical  coutts  concerning  baftardy.  The 
common  law  had  deemed  all  thofe  to  be  baftards  who  were 
born  before  wedlock :  By  the  ca^son  law  they  were  legiti- 
mate :  And  when  any  difpute  0f  inheritance  arofe,  it  had 
formerly  been  ufual  for  the  civil  courts  to  iffue  writs  to  the 
fpiritual,  directing  them  to  inquire  into  the  legitimacy  of 
the  perfon.  The  bifhop  always  returned  an  anfwer  agree- 
able to  the  canon  law,  though  contrary  to  the  municipal 
law  of  the  kingdom.  For  this  reafon  the  civil  courts  had 
changed  the  terms  of  their  writ  ;  and  inftead  of  requiring 
the  fpiritual  courts  to  make  inquifition  concerning  the  le- 
gitimacy of  the  perfon,  they  only  propofed  the  fimple  ques- 
tion of  fact,  whether  he  were  born  before  or  after  wed- 
lock? The  prelates  complained  of  this  practice  to  the  par- 
liament afJTembled  at  Merton  in  the  twentieth  of  this  king, 
and  defired  that  the  municipal  law  might  be  rendered  con- 
formable to  the  canon:  But  received  from  all  the  nobility 
the  memorable  reply,  Molumus  leges  Anglia  mutarex  We, 
will  not  change  the  laws  of  England  %• 

After  the  civil  wars  the  parliament  fummoned  at  Marie- 
bridge  gave  their  approbation  to  moft  of  the  ordinances 
which  had  been  eftablifhcd  by  the  reforming  barons,  and 
which,  though  advantageous  to  the  fecurity  of  the  people, 
had  not  received  the  fanction  of  a  legal  authority.  Among 
other  laws  it  was  there  enacted,  that  all  appeals  from  the 
courts  of  inferior  "lords  fhould  be  carried  directly  to  the 
king's  courts,  without  pairing  through  the  courts  of  the 
lords  immediately  fuperiorj.  It  was  ordained  ribat  money 
fhould  bear  no  intereft  during  the  minority  of  the  debtor  \\. 
This  law  was  reasonable,  as  the  eftates  of  minors  were 
always  in  the  hands  of  their  lords,  and  the  debtors  could 
not  pay  intereft  where  they  had  no  revenue.  The  char- 
ter of  king  John    had  granted  this  indulgence :    It  was 


•  Walfing.  Edw.  I.  p.  43. 
X  Statute  of  Marleb.,:c$*ap.  co. 


f  Statute   of  Merton,  chap.  9. 
|J  Ibid.  chap.  16. 


HENRY      III.  513 

omitted  in  that  of  Henry  III.  for  what  reafon  is  not  known  ;  C  HA  P. 
but  it  was  renewed  bv  the  ftatut;  of  M  arlebridge.     Mod       3QI. 
of  the  other  articles  of  this  ftatute  are  calculated  to  reflrain  '       "~~" 
the   oppreflions  of  (herifrs,  and  the  violence  and  iniquities 
committed   in  diftraining  cattle  and   other  goods.     Cattle 
and  the  instruments  of  hufbandry  formed  at  that  time  the 
chief  riches  of  the  people. 

In  the  3-th  year  of  this  king  an  adize  was  fixed  of 
bread,  the  price  of  which  was  fettled,  according  to  the 
different  prices  of  corn,  from  one  (hilling  a  quarter  to  feven 
fhiilings  and  fixpeiice*,  money  of  that  age.  I  hefe  great 
variations  are  alone  a  proof  of  bad  tillage  f  :  Yet  did  the 
prices  often  rile  much  higher  than  any  taken  notice  of  by ' 
tiic  ftatute.  The  Chronicle  of  Dunfiable  tells  us,  that  in 
tin's  reign  wheat  was  once  fold  for  a  mark,  nay,  for  a 
pound  a  quarter  ;  that  is,  three  pounds  of  our  ptefent  mo- 
ney J.  The  fame  law  affords  us  a  proof  of  the  little  com- 
muiication  between  the  parts  of  the  kingdom,  from  the 
different  prices  which  the  fame  commodity  bore  at 
the  lame  time.  A  brewer,  fay  the  ftatute,  may  fell  two 
gallons  of  ale  for  a  penny  in  cities,  and  three  or  four 
gallons  for  the  fame  price  in  the  country.  At  prefent 
inch  commodities,  by  the  great  confumption  of  the  people, 
and  the  great  (locks  of  the  brewers,  are  rather  cheapen1  in 
cities.  The  Chronicle  above-mentioned  obferves,  that 
wheat  one  year  was  fold  in  many  places  for  eight  (hil- 
lings a  quarter,  but  never  role  in  Dunfiable  above  a 
crown. 

Though  commerce  was  ftill  very  low,  it  feems  rather 
to  have  increafed  fince  the  Conqneft  ;  at  leaft  if  we  may 
judge  of  the  increafe  of  money  by  the  price  of  corn. 
The  medium  between  the  highe(l  and  loweft  prices  of 
wheat  afligned  by  the  ftatute  is  four  (hillings  and  three 
pence  a  quarter,  that  is,  twelve  (hillings  and  nine  pence  of 
our  prefent  money.  This  is  near  half  of  the  middling 
price  in  our  time.  Yet  the  middling  price  of  cattle,  fo 
lateasthe  reign  of  king  Richard,  we  find  to  be  above 
eight,  near  ten  times  lower  than  the  prefent.  Is  not  this 
the  true  inference,  from  comparing  thefe  facts,  that,  in  all 
uncivilized  nations,  cattle,  which  propagate  of  themfelves, 
bear  always  a  lower  price  than  corn,  which  requires  more 
art  and  ftock  to  render  it  plentiful  than  thole  nations  are 
pofleffed  of?  It  is  to  be  remarked,  that  Henry's  aflize  of 

Vol.  I.  3  U 

•  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  6.  t  We  learn  from  Cicero's  Oration* 

ifl  Verres,  lib.  iii.  cap.  84.  02.  that  the  price  of  com  In  Sicily   was,  during 

the  pnetorfhipof  Sacerdos,  fie  Denania  Modus:  during;  that  of  Verres,  which 

immediately  fucceeded,   only  two  Seilerccs  :    That  is,  ten  tunes  lower  ;   aprc- 

fumption,  or  rather  a  proof,  of  the  very  Lai  fate  of  mlaje  in  ancient  times. 

-itoKnygh'.ou,   p.  2444. 


5H 


HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 


CHAP,  corn  was  copied  from  a  preceding  affize  eftablifhed  by  king 
XH.       John;  confequently,  the  prices  which  we  have  here  com- 

v...  „  vt  pared  of  corn  and  cattle  may  be  looked  on  as  contempo- 
,s7-  rary  ;  and  tbey  were  drawn,  not  from  one  particular  year, 
but  from  an  eftimation  of  the  middling  prices  for  a  feries 
of  vears.  It  is  true,  the  prices,  afligned  by  the  aflize  of 
Richard,  were  meant  as  a  ftandard  for  the  accompts  of 
(herifFs  and  efcheators  ;  and  as  confiderable  profits  were 
allowed  to  thefe  minifters,  we  may  naturally  fuppofe,  that 
the  common  value  of  cattle  was  fomewhat  higher  :  Yet 
(till,  i'o  great  a  difference  between  the  prices  of  corn 
and  cattle  as  that  of  four  to  one,  compared  to  the  prefent 
rates,  affords  important  reflections  concerning  the  very 
different  ftate  of  induftry  and  tillage  in  the  two  peri- 
ods. 

Interest  had  in  that  age  mounted  to  an  enormous 
height,  as  might  be  expected  from  the  barbarifm  of  the 
times  and  men's  ignorance  of  commerce.  Inftances  oc- 
cur of  fifty  per  cent,  payed  for  money*.  There  is  an 
edict  of  Philip  Auguftus  near  this  period,  limiting  the 
Jews  in  France  to  48  per  cent  +.  Such  profits  tempted  the 
Jews  to  remain  in  the  kingdom,  notwithstanding  the  grie- 
vous oppreflions  to  which,  from  the  prevalent  bigotry  and 
rapine  of  the  age,  they  were  continually  expofed.  It  is 
eafy  to  imagine  how  precarious  their  ftate  mult  have  been 
under  an  indigent  prince,  fomewhat  retrained  in  his  ty- 
ranny over  his  native  fubje6ts,  but  who  poffeffed  an  unli- 
mited authority  over  the  Jews,  the  fole  proprietors  of  mo- 
ney in  the  kingdom,  and  hated,  on  account  of  their  riches, 
their  religion,  and  their  ufury  :  Yet  will  our  ideas  fcarcely 
come  up  to  the  extortions  which,  in  fact,  we  find  to  have 
been  pracYifed  upon  them.  In  the  year  1241,  20,000 
marks  were  exacted  from  them  |:  Two  years  after,  mo- 
ney was  again  extorted  ;  and  one  Jew  alone,  Aaron  of 
York,  was  obliged  to  pay  above  4000  marks  I! :  In  1250, 
Henry  renewed  his  oppreflions;  and  the  lame  Aaron  was 
condemned  to  pay  him  30,000  marks  upon  an  accufation 
of  forgery**:  The  high  penalty  impoled  upon  him,  and 
which,  it  feems,  he  was  thought  able  to  pay,  is  rather  a 
prefumption  of  hi.?  innocence  than  of  his  guilt.  In  1255, 
the  king  demanded  8000  marks  from  the  Jews,  and  threa- 
tened to  hang  them  if  they  refilled  compliance.  They 
now  loft  all  patience,  and  defired  leave  to  retire  with  their 
effects  out  of  the  kingdom.  But  the  king  replied  :  "  How 
"  can  1  remedy  the  oppreflions  you  complain  of?  1  am  my- 

*  M.  Paris,  p.  586.  t  Bruffel  Traite  des  Fiefs,  vol.  i.  p.  576. 

}  M.  Paris,  p.  373.  -f|  Ibid.  p.  410.  »»  Ibid.  p.  555. 


HENRY      111.  515 

"  felf  a  beggar.     I   an)  fpoiled,  I  am  ftripped  of  all  my  C  H  A  P. 
"  revenues:   1  owe  above   200,000  marks;  and  if  I  had       XII, 

"   laid  300,000,  I  fhouid  not  exceed  the  truth  :  I  am  ob-  s— * ' 

w  liged  to  pay  my  *ion  prince  Edward  J  5,000  marks  a  l2?a- 
"  year  :  I  have  not  a  farthing  ;  and  1  mull  have  money, 
"  from  any  hand,  from  any  quarter,  or  by  anv  means." 
He  then  delivered  over  the  Jews  to  the  earl  of  Cornwal, 
that  thofe  whom  the  one  brother  had  flayed,  the  other 
might  embowel,  to  make  ufe  of  the  words  of  the  hiftori- 
an*.  King  John,  his  father,  once  demanded  10,000  marks 
from  a  Jew  of  Briftol  ;  and  on  his  refufal,  ordered  one  of 
his  teeth  to  be  drawn  every  day  till  he  fhouid  comply.  The 
Jew  Joft  feven  teeth;  and  then  paid  the  fi.m  required  of 
him  f.  One  talliage  laid  upon  the  Jews  in  124-5  amoun- 
ted to  60,000  marks  I ;  a  turn  equal  to  the  whole  yearly 
revenue  of  the  crown. 

To  give  a  better  pretence  for  extortions,  the  improba- 
ble and  ablurd  accufation,  which  has  been  at  different 
times  advanced  againll  that  nation,  was  revived  in  Eng- 
land, that  they  had  crucified  a  child  in  derifion  of  the  iuf- 
ferings  of  Chrift.  Eighteen  of  them  were  hanged  at  once 
for  this  crime  l|  :  Though  it  is  no  wife  oedible,  that  even 
the  antipathy  born  them  by  the  Chriftians,  j;nd  the  op* 
preffions  under  which  they  laboured,  would  ever  have 
pufhed  them  to  be  guitly  of  that  dangerous  enormity.  But 
it  is  natural  to  imagine,  that  a  race,  expoied  to  fucji  in- 
fults  and  indignities,  both  from  king  and  people,  and  who 
had  fo  uncertain  an  enjoyment  of  their  riches,  would  carry 
ufury  to  the  utmoft  extremity,  and  by  their  great  profits 
make  themfelves  fome  compenfation  for  their  continual 
perils. 

Though  thefe  a£ls  of  violence  againft  the  Jews  pro- 
ceeded much  from  bigotry,  they  were  ftill  more  derived 
from  aviditvand  rapine.  So  far  from  defiring  in  that  age- 
to  convert  them,  it  was  enacted  by  law  in  France,  that,  if 
any  Jew  embraced  Chriflianity,  he  forfeited  all  his  goods, 
without  exception,  to  the  king  or  his  fuperior  lord.  1  heie 
plunderers  were  careful,  left  the  profits  accruing  from  their 
dominion  over  that  unhappy  race  mould  be  diminifhed  by 
their  converfion  *  *. 

Commerce  mull  be  in  a  wretched  condition,  where 
intereft  was  fo  high,  and  where  the  folc  proprietors  oi 
money  employed  it  in  ufury  only,  and  were  expoied  to 
luch  extortion  and  injuftice.  But  the  bad  police  of  the 
country  was  another  obfhele  to  improvements;  and  iender- 

*  M.  Var'is,  p.  606.  f  Ibid.  p.   160.  lox,  p.  15*. 

.  (1 1  ; .  -  ♦    .  .  .bo 

Judxi. 


5i6  HISTORY    OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  ed  all  communication  dangerous,  and  all    propeily  preca- 
XII.       rious.     The  Chronicle  of  Dunflable  lays*,  that  men  were 

* v— -•  never  fecure  in  their  houPes,  and  that  whole  villages  were 

1272«       often  plundered  by  bands  of  robbers,  though  no  civil  wars 
at  that  time  prevailed   in   the   kingdom.     In   1249,  fome 
years  before  the  infurreclion  of  the  barons,  two  merchants 
of  Brabant  ca-ie  to  the  king  at  Wincefter,  and  told   him, 
that  they   had  been   Ppoiled  of  all  their  goods  by  certain 
robbers,  whom    they  knew,  becaufe  they   Paw  their  faces 
every  day  in  his  court  .    that  like   practices   prevailed  all 
over  England,  and  travellers  were  continually  expofed  to 
the  danger  of  being  robbed,  bound,  wounded,   and  mur- 
dered ;  that  thefe  crimes  e leaped  with  impunity,  becaufe 
the  miniflers  of  juftice  themfelves  were  in  a   confederacy 
with  the  robbers;  and  that  they,  for  their  part,  inflead  of 
bringing  matters  to  a  fruitlefs  trial  by  law,  were   willing, 
though  merchants,    to  decide  their  caufe  with  the  robbers 
by  arms  and  a  duel.    The  king,  provoked  at  thele  abufes, 
ordered  a  jury  to  be  inclofed,  and  to  try  the  robbers  :   The 
jury,  though  confiftingof  twelve  men  of  property  in  Hamp- 
fhire,  were  found  to  bealPo  in  a  confedeiacy  with  the  fe- 
lons, and  acquitted  them.     Renry,  in   a  rage,  committed 
the   jurv  to  prifon,    threatened  them  with  fevere  punifn- 
ment,  and  ordered  a  new  jury  to  be  inclofed,  who,  dread- 
ing the  fate  of  their  fellows,  at  laft  found  a  verdict  againft 
the  criminals.     Many  of  the   king's  own    houfehold  were 
difcovered  to  have  participated  in  the  guilt  ;  and  they  Paid, 
for  their  ex.  uPe,  that  they  received  no  wages  from  him,  and 
were  obliged   to  rob   for  a  maintenance f.     Knights  and 
efquires,  Pays  the  Di£tum  of  Kenclworth,  who  zvere  rob- 
bers, if  they  have  no  land,  Jlmll  pay  the  halj of  their  goods, 
and  jind  Jufficient  Jecuiity  to  keep  hence]  01  tk  the  peace  oj 
the  kingdom.     Such  were  the  manners  of  the  times  ! 

One  can  the  lefs  repine,  during  the  prevalence  of  Puch 
manners,  at  the  frauds  and  forgeriersof  the  clergy  ;  as  it 
gives  lefs  difturbance  to  fociety,  to  take  men's  money 
from  them  with  their  own  confent,  though  by  deceits  and 
lies,,  than  to  ravifh  it  by  open  force  and  violence.  During 
*•  "#  this  reign  the  papal  power  was  at  its  fummit,  and  was  even 

beginning  inPenftbiy  to  decline,  by  reaPon  of  the  immea- 
Purable  avarice  and  extortions  of  the  court  of  Rome,  which 
diPgufted  theclergv  as  well  as  laity,  in  every  kingdom  of 
Europe.  England  itfelf,  though  funk  in  the  deepefl  abyfs 
of  ignorance  and  Puperffition,  had  Penoufly  entertained 
thoughts  oP  making  off  the  papal  yoke  J;  and  the  Roman 
pontiff  was  obliged  to  think  oP  new  expedients   for  rivet- 

*  Vol.i.  p.  155.  f  M-  *  aris>  P*  5°9-  t  Ibid.  p.  421. 


HENRY       111.  5,7 

ting  it  fafter  upon  the  Chriftian  world.     For  this  purpofe,  CHAP. 
Gregory  IX.  puhliihed   his  decretals*;   which  are  a  col-       XII. 

leclion  of  forgeries,  favourable  to  the  court  of  Rome,  and  < «— * 

confift  of  the  fuppoled  decrees  of  popes  in  the  firft  centu-  "72« 
ries.  But  theft  forgeries  are  (o  grofs,  and  confound  fo 
palpably  all  language,  hifiory,  chronology,  and  antiqui- 
ties ;  matters  more  flubborn  than  any  fpeculative  trutiis 
whatfoever  ;  that  even  that  church,  which  is  not  (lartled 
at  the  moft  monftrous  contradictions  and  abfurdities,  has 
been  obliged  to  abandon  them  to  the  critics.  But  in  the 
dark  period  of  the  thirteenth  century,  they  pafled  for  un- 
dilputed  and  authentic  ;  ai.d  men,  entangled  in  the  mazes 
of  this  fa  lie  literature,  joined  to  the  philofophy,  equally 
falfe,  of  the  times,  had  nothing  wherewithal  to  defend 
(hem fe Ives,  hut  fome  imall  remains  of  common  fenfe, 
which  pafled  for  profanenefsand  impiety,  and  the  indeli- 
ble regard  to  felf-intereft,  which,  as  it  was  the  fole  motive 
in  the  priefis  for  framing  thele  impoftures,  ferved  alio,  in 
fome  degree,  to  protect  the  laity  againfl  them. 

Another  expedient,  devifed  by  the  church  of  Rome, 
in  this  period,  for  fecuring  her  power,  was  the  inflitution 
of  new  religious  orders,  chiefly  the  Dominicans  and  Fran- 
cifcans,  who  proceeded  with  all  the  zeal  and  fuccefs  that 
attend  novelties  ;  were  better  qualified  to  gain  the  popu- 
lace than  the  old  orders,  now  become  rich  and  indolent  ; 
maintained  a  perpetual  rivalfhip  with  each  other  in  pro- 
moting their  gainful  fuperilitions;  and  acquired  a  great 
dominion  over  the  minds,  and  confequently  over  the  purfes 
of  men,  by  pretending  adefireof  poverty  and  a  contempt 
for  riches.  The  quarrels  which  arofe  between  thele  or- 
ders, lying  dill  under  the  control  of  the  fovcreign  pon- 
tiff, never  difturbed  the  peace  of  the  church,  and  ferved 
only  as  a  fpur  to  their  induftry  in  promoting  the  common 
caufe;  and  though  the  Dominicans  lofl  fome  popularity  by 
their  denial  of  the  immaculate  conception,  a  point  in  which 
tbey  unwarily  engaged  too  far  to  be  able  to  recede  with 
honour,  they  counterbalanced  this  difad  vantage  by  acqui- 
ring more  folid  eiiablilhments,  by  gaining  the  confidence 
of  kjngs  and  princes,  and  by  exercifing  the  juriidietion 
affigned  them,  of  ultimate  judges  and  punifhers  of  here- 
fy.  Thus,  the  feveral  orders  of  monks  became  a  kind  of 
regular  troons  or  garrifons  of  the  Romifh  church  ;  and 
though  the  temporal  intcrefis  of  i'ociety,  (till  more  the 
caufe  of  true  piety,  were  hurt,  by  their  vaiious  devices  to 
captivate  the  populace,  they   proved  the  chief  fupports  of 

*  Trivet,  p.  191. 


518  HISTORY     OF    ENGLAND. 

CHAP,  that  mighty  fabric  of  fuperfiition,  and,  till  the  revival  of 

XII.      true  learning,  fecured  it  from  any  dangerous  invafion. 
*      v     ,m/       The  trial  by  ordeal  was  abolilhed  in  this  reign  by  or-* 
I272-       der  of  council :    A  faint    mark   of  improvement    in  the 
age  *. 

Henry  granted  a  charter  to  the  town  of  Newcafilc, 
in  which  he  gave  the  inhabitants  a  licence  to  dig  coal. 
This  is  thefirfi  mention  of  coal  in  England. 

We  learn  from  Madox  +  ,  that  this  king  gave  at  one 
time  i oo  (hillings  to  mafter  Henry,  his  poet.  Alio  the  fame 
year  he  orders  this  poet  ten  pounds. 

It  appears  from  Selden,  that  in  the  47th  of  this  reign, 
a  hundred  and  fifty  temporal,  "and  fifty  fpiritual  barons 
were  fummoned  to  perform  the  fervice  due  by  their 
tenures  $.  In  the  35th  of  the  fubfequent  reign,  eighty- 
fix  temporal  barons,  twenty  bifhops,  and  forty-eight 
abbots,  were  fummoned  to  a  parliament  convened  at 
Carlifle  ||. 

Rysner,  vol.  i.  p.  228.     Spelman.  p.  326.  f  Page  268. 

Titles  of  Honour,  cart.  2.  chao.  3. 


"  Kyiner,  vol.  1.  p.  228.  bpeiman. 
J  Titles  of  Honour,  part.  2.  chap.  3. 
|j  Parl.anientary  Hifl.  vol.  i.  p.  151. 


(     5'9     ) 


NOTES 


TO     THE 


FIRST      VOLUME. 


NOTE     [A],  p.  9. 


T  H  I  S  queftion  has  been  difputed  with  as  great  zeal,  and   even  acrimony, 
between  the  Scotch  and  Iri(h  antiquaries,  as  if  thj  honour  of  their  refpec- 
tive  countries  were  the  moft  deeply  concerned  in  the  decifion.     We  fhall  not 
enter  into  any  detail  on  fo  uninterefting  a  fubjecl ;  but  fhall  propofe  our  opini- 
on  in  a  few  words.     It  appears  more  than  probable,  from  the  (imilitude  of 
language  and  manners,  that  Britain  either  was  originally  peopled,  or  was  fub- 
dued,  by  the  migration  of  inhabitants  from  Gaul,  and  Ireland  from  Britain : 
The  pofition  of  the  feveial  <  ountries  is  an   additional    reafon  that  favours  this 
Conclufion.     It  appears  aifo  probable,  that  the  migrations  of  that  colony  of  Gau'.s 
or  Celts,  who  peopled  cr  fubdued  Ireland,  was  originally  made  from  the  north- 
weft  parts  of  Britain;  and  this  conjecture  (if  it  do  not  merit  a   higher  name) 
is   founded  both  on  the  Irilh  language,  which  is  a  very  different   dialeii  from 
the  Welfh,  and  from  the  language  anciently  fpoken  in  South  Britain,  and  on  the 
vicinity  of  Lancaihire,  Cu  nberland,  Galloway,  and  Argylefhire,  to  that  ifland. 
Thefe  events  as  they  parted  long  befo.e   the  age   of  hiilory  and  records,  mult' 
be  known  bv  reafonii:g  alone,  which  in  this  cafe  ieemsto  be  pretty  latisfaclory  : 
Ca°far  and  Tacitus,  nut  to  mention  a  multitude  of  other  Greek  and  Rcirun  au- 
thors, were  guided  by  like  inferences.    Eut  belides  thefe  primitive  fails   wh;ch 
lie  in  a  remote  antiquity,  it  is  a  matter  of  politive   and  undoubted  teftimony, 
that  the  Roman  province  of  Britain,  during  the  time  of  the  lower  empire,  was 
much  infefted   bv  bands  of  robbers  or  pirates,  whom    the   provincial   Britons 
called  Scots  or  Scuits;  a  name  which  was  probably  ufed  as  a  term  of  reproach, 
and  which  thefe  banditti   themfe.ves   did  not  acknowledge  or   aflume.     We 
may  infer  from    two  palfages  in  Ciaudian,  and  from  one  in   Orofius,   and  ano- 
ther in   llidoie,  that  the  chief  feat  of  thefe  Scots  was  in  Irelan  ..     '1  hat  fome 
pait  of  the  Ir;fUfreebooteis  in, grated  back  to   the  north-weft   parts  of  Britain, 
whince  their  anceftors  ha  1  probably  been  derived  in  a  more  remoteage,  is  posi- 
tively aderted  by  Bede,  and  implied  in  Giida5.     1  grant,  that  neither  Bede  nor 
GiiuAS  a;e  C*£iiS  or  l'ac.ilul-i;   but,  l'uchas  they  we,   they  remain  the-  fol:  telU- 


520  NOTES  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 

tnony  on  the  fubjeft,  and  therefore  muft  be  relied  on  for  want  of  better  :  Hap- 
pily, the  frivoloufnefs  of  the  queftion  correfponds  to  the  weaknefs  of  the  autho- 
rities. Not  to  mention,  that,  if  any  part  of  the  traditional  hiflory  of  a  barbarous 
people  can  be  relied  on,  it  is  the  genealogy  of  nations,  and  even  fometiines 
that  of  families.  It  is  in  vain  to  argu ;  againft  thefe  facls  from  the  fuppofed 
warlike  difpoiition  of  the  Highlanders,  and  unwarlike  of  the  ancient  Irifh. 
Thofe  arguments  are  ftill  much  weaker  than  the  authorities.  Nations  change 
very  quickly  in  thefe  particulars.  The  Britons  were  unable  to  reiift  the 
Picls  and  Stots,  and  invited  over  the  Saxons  for  their  defence,  who  repelled 
thofe  invaders:  Yet  the  fame  Britons  valiantly  reiifted,  for  150  vears,  not  only 
this  victorious  baud  of  Saxons,  but  infinite  numbers  more,  who  poured  in  upon 
them  from  all  quarters.  Robert  Bruce,  in  \$?.i,  made  a  peace,  in  which 
England,  after  many  defeats,  was  conftrained  to  acknowledge  the  independence 
of  his  country  :  Yet  in  no  more  diftant  period  than  ten  years  after,  Scotland 
was  totally  fubdued  by  a  fmall  handful  of  Englifh,  led  by  a  few  private  noble- 
men. All  hiftory  is  full  of  fuch  events.  The  Irifh  Scots,  in  the  couife  of 
two  or  three  centuries,  might  find  time  and  opportunities  furhcient  to  fettle 
in  North  Britain,  though  we  can  neither  aflign  the  period  nor  caufes  of  that  revo- 
lution. Their  barbarous  manner  of  life  rendered  them  much  fitter  than  the 
Romans  for  i'ubduing  thefe  mauntaineis.  And,  in  a  word,  it  is  clear,  from  the 
language  of  the  two  countries,  that  the  Highlanders  and  the  Irifh  are  the  fame 
people,  and  that  the  one  are  a  colony  from  the  other.  We  have  politive  evi- 
dence, which,  though  from  neutral  perfons,  is  not  perhaps  the  beft  that  may  be 
wifhed  for,  that  the  former,  in  the  third  or  fourth  century,  fprang  from  the  latter  : 
We  have  no  evidence  at  all  that  the  latter  fprang  f.  om  the  former.  I  fliall  add, 
that  the  name  of  Erfe  or  Irifh,  given  by  the  low  country  Scots  to  the  language 
of  the  Scotch  Highlanders,  is  a  certain  proof  of  the  tiaditional  opinion  delive- 
red from  father  to  fon,  that  the  latter  people  came  originally  from  Ireland. 


NOTE     [B],    p.  33. 


THERE  is  a  feeming  contradiction  in  ancient  hiftoriaRS  with  regard  t» 
fome  circumftances  in  the  ftory  of  Edwy  and  Elgi>  a.  It  is  agreed,  that 
this  prince  had  a  violent  paffion  for  his  f'econd  or  third  coufin,  Elgiva,  whom  he 
married,  though  within  the  degrees  prohibited  by  the  canons.  It  is  alfo  agreed, 
that  he  wasdragged  from  a  lady  on  the  day  of  his  coronation,  and  that  the  lady 
was  afterwards  treated  with  the  lingular  barbarity  above  mentioned.  Theonly 
difference  is,  thatOiborne  and  fome  others  call  her  hisftrumpet,  not  his  wife, 
as  flie  is  faid  to  be  by  Maimefbury.  But  this  difference  is  eafily  reconciled  : 
For  if  Edwy  married  her  contrary  to  the  canons,  the  monks  would  be  fure  to 
deny  her  to  be  his  wife,  and  would  iniift  that  (lie  could  be  nothing  but  his 
ftrumpet :  So  that,  on  the  whole,  we  may  efteem  this  reprefentation  of  the 
matter  as  certain  ;  at  lead,  as  by  far  the  molt  probable.  If  Edwy  had  only 
kept  a  mi&efs,  it  is  well  known,  that  there  ate  methods  of  accommodation 
with  the  church,  which  would  have  prevented  the  clergy  from  proceeding  to 
fuch  extremities  againft  him:  But  his  marriage,  contrary  to  the  canons,  was  an 
infulton  their  authority,  and  called  for  their  higheft  relentment. 


NOTE     [C],    p.  88. 


MA  N  Y  cf  theEnglifh  hiftorians  make  Edgard's  fliips  amount  to  an  extra- 
vagant number,  103000,  or  3600:  See  Hoveden,  p.  426.  Flor.  Wi- 
gom.  p.  607.  Abbas  Rieval.  p.  360.  Broinpton,  p.  869,  fays,  that  Edgar  had 
4000  veffels.  How  can  thefe  accounts  be  reconciled  to  probability,  and  to  the 
ftate  of  the  navy  in  the  time  of  Alfred  ?  W.  Thome  makes  the  whole  number 
;>rnoux>/only  to  300,  which  is  more  probable.     The  fleet  of  Ethelred,  Edgar's 


NOTES  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME.  521 

fon,  muft  have  been  fhort  of  iooo   (Ljps ;  yet    the    Saxon  Chronicle,  p.  137, 
fays  it  was  the  greateft  navy  thai  ever  had  been  feen  In  Lng'.and. 


N  O  T  E     [D],    p.  106. 


ALMOST  all  the  ancient  hiftorians  fpeak  of  this  marfacre  of  the  Danes 
as  if  it  had  been  univerfal,  and  as  if  every  individual  of  that  nation 
throughout  England  had  been  put  to  death.  But  the  Lanes  were  almoft  the 
fole  inhabitants  in  the  kingdom?  of  Northumberland  and  ta{t  Anglia,  and  were 
very  numerous  in  Mereia.  This  reprefentation  therefore,  of  the  matter  itf 
abfoluteh-  impoiiible.  Great  reliflance  muft  ha'-e  been  made,  and  violent 
wais  enfue  1  ;  which  was  not  the  cafe.  This  account  gi*en  by  Wallingtord, 
though  he  ftands  fmzle.  mult  be  admitted  as  the  only  true  one.  We  are 
told,  that  the  name  Lurdane,  lord  Dane,  for  an  idle  lazy  fellow,  who  li:esat 
other  people's  1  ne  from  the   conduit  of  the  Danes,  who   * 

to  d.ath      But  the  cnglifti  .ninces  had  been  intirelv  matteis  for   feveral  gene- 
rations; and  onl    lupported  a  military  corps  of  that  nation.     It  fcems  proba- 
herefore,    thai  it  was  thefe  Danes  only  that  were  put  to  death. 


NOTE     [E],    p.  125. 


THE  ingen;ous  author  of  the  art'cle  Godwin,  in  the  Biographia  Britannlca, 
has  endeavoured  to  clear  the  memory  of  that  nobleman,  upon  the  fup- 
polition,  that  all  the  Englifh  annals  had  been  falfiiicd  by  the  Not  man  hiitoriaus 
after  the  conqueft.  But  that  this  fuppolition  has  not  much  foundation,  appears 
hence,  that  almoft  all  thefe  hiftorians  have  given  a  very  good  charadler  of  his 
fon  Harold,  whom  it  was  much  more  the  Intereft  of  the  Norman  caufe  to 
blacken. 


NOTE     [F],  p.  133. 


TH  E  whole  ftory  of  the  tranfaftions  between  Edward,  Harold,  and  the 
duke  of  Normandy,  is  told  fo  differently  by  the  ancient  writers,  that  there  are 
few  important  paffages  of  the  Englifh  hiftory  liable  to  fo  greit  uncertainty.  I 
ha"e  followed  the  account  which  appeared  to  me  the  inoft  continent  and  proba- 
ble. It  does  not  feem  likely,  that  Ldward  ever  executed  a  will  in  the  duke's 
favour,  much  lefs  that  he  got  it  ratified  by  the  dates  of  the  kingdom,  as  is  affir- 
med by  fome.  The  will  would  have  been  known  to  all,  and  would  have  been 
produced  by  the  Conqueror,  to  whom  it  gave  fo  plauhbl*,  and  really  fo  juft  a 
title;  but  the  doubtful  and  ambiguous  manner  in  which  he  feems  always  to 
have  mentioned  it,  proves  that  he  could  only  plead  the  known  intentions  of 
that  monarch  in  his  fa'.-our.  which  he  wasdefirous  to  call  a  will.  There  is 
indeed  a  charter  of  the  Conqueror  preferv«d  bv' Dr.  Hickes,  vol.  i.  where  he 
calls  himfclf  rex bercditarius,  meanirg  heir  b'  will  ;  but  a  prince,  poffeffed  of 
fo  much  power,  and  attended  with  fo  much  fuccefs,  may  employ  what  pre- 
tence he  pleafes  :  It  is  futiicient  to  refute  his  pretences  to  oblerve.  that  there 
is  a  great  difference  and  variation  among  hiitoriaus,  with  regaid  to  a  point  which, 
had  it  been  real,  muft  have  been  agreed  upon  by  all  of  them. 

Again,  fome  hiftorians,  particularly  Malrnelbury  and  Matthew  of  VV'eftminf- 
ter,  arfirm  that  Harold  had  no  intention  of  going  over  to  Noimandy,  but  that 
taking  the  air  in  a  pleafure-boat  on  the  coaft,  he  was  driven  over  by  ftrefs  of 
weather  to  the  territories  of  Guy  count  of  Ponthieu  :  But  belides  that  this  ftory 
is  not  probable  ira  itfelf,  and  is  com  radioed  by  moll  of  the  ancient  hiftorians,  it 

Vol.  1.  3  X 


NOTES  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 

is  contradicted  by  a  very  curious  and  authentic  monument  lately  difcovered. 
It  is  a  tapeftry,  preferved  in  the  ducal  palace  of  Rouen,  and  fuppofed  to  have 
been  wrought  by  orders  of  Matilda,  wife  to  the  emperor  :  At  lead  it  is  of  very 
great  antiquity.  Harold  is  there  reprefented  as  taking  his  departure  from  king 
Edward  in  execution  of  fome  commiflion,  and  mounting  his  veflel  with  a  great 
train.  The  defign  of  redeeming  his  brother  and  nephew,  who  were  hoftages, 
is  the  moil  likely  caufe  that  can  be  affigned;  and  is  accordingly  mentioned  by 
Eadmer,  Hoveden,  Brompton,  and  Simeon  of  Durham.  For  a  farther  account 
of  this  piece  of  tapeftry,  fee  Hiiloire  de  l'Academie  de  Literature,  torn.  ix. 
F*«e  535. 


NOTE    [G],  p.  150. 


IT  appears  from  the  ancient  tranflations  of  the  Saxon  annals  and  laws,  and 
from  king  Alfred's  tranflation  of  Bede,  as  well  as  from  all  the  ancient  hif- 
torians,  tj,ar  comes  in  Latin,  alderman  in  Saxon,  and  earl  in  Dano-Saxon,  were 
quite  fynonimous.  There  is  only  a  claufe  in  a  law  of  king  Athelftan's  (fee 
Spelm.  Cone.  p.  406.)  which  has  ftumbled  fome  antiquaries,  and  has  made 
them  imagine  that  an  earl  was  fuperipr  to  an  alderman.  The  weregild,  or  the 
price  of  an  earl's  blood,  is  there  fixed  at  15,000  thrimfas,  equal  to  that  of  an  arch- 
bifhop  ;  whereas  that  of  a  bifhop  and  alderman  is  only  8000  thrimfas.  To  folve 
this  difficulty  we  muft  have  Tecourfe  to  Selden's  conjecture  (fee  his  Titles  of 
Honour,  chap.  v.  p.  603,  604.),  that  the  term  of  earl  was  in  the  age  of  Athel- 
flan  juft  beginning  to  be  in  ufe  in  England,  and  flood  at  that  time  for  the  athe- 
ling  or  prince  of  the  blood,  heir  to  the  crown.  This  he  confirms  by  a  law  of 
Canute,  §  £5.  where  an  atheling  and  an  archbifhop  are  put  upon  the  fame 
footing.  In  another  law  of  the  fame  Athelftan  the  weregild  of  the  prince  or 
atheling  is  faid  to  be  15,000  thrimfas.  See  Wilkins,  p.  71.  He  is  therefore 
fhe  fame  who  is  called  earl  in  the  former  law. 


N  C^T  E     [H],  p.  iSS. 


r  jP  H  E  R  E  is  a  paper  or  record  of  the  family  of  Sharneborne,  which  pre- 
X  tends,  that  that  family,  which  was  Saxon,  was  reftored  upon  proving 
their  innocence,  as  well  as  other  Saxon  families  which  were  in  the  fame  fitu- 
ation.  Though  this  paper  was  able  to  impofe  on  fuch  great  antiquaries  as 
Spelman  (feeGloff.  in  vetbo  Drenges)  and  Dugdale  (See  Baron.  Vol.  i.  p. 
118.),  it  is  proved  by  Dr.  Brady  (fee  Anfw.  to  Petyt,  p.  11,  12.)  to  have  been 
a  forgery  ;  and  is  allowed  as  fuch  by  Tyrrel,  though  a  pertinacious  defender  of 
his  party  notions  (fee  his  Hift.  vol.  ii.  introd.  p.  51.  73.).  Ingulf,  p.  70.  tells 
us,  that  very  early  Hereward,  though  abfent  during  the  time  of  the  conqueft, 
was  turned  out  of  all  his  eftaie,  and  could  not  obtain  redrefs.  William  even 
piundered  the  monaiteries.  Flor.  Wigorn.  p.  636.  Chron.  Abb.  St.  Petri  de 
Durgo,  p.  4S.  M.  Paris,  p.  5.  Sim.  Dun.  p.  200.  Diceto,  p.  482.  Bromp-> 
ton,  p.  967.  Knyghton,  p.  2344.  Alur.  Beverl.  p.  130.  We  are  told  by 
Ingulf,  that  Ivo  de  Taillebois  plundered  the  monaftery  of  Croyland  of  a  gfeat 
garf  of  inland,  and  no  re..rels  could  be  obtained. 


NOTE     [I J.    p.  1S8. 


THE  obliging  of  all  the  inhabitants  to  put  out  the  fires  and  lights  at  cer- 
tain hours,  upon  the  founding  of  a  bell,  called  the  courfeau,  is  reprefen- 
ted by  Polydore  Virgil,  lib.  9.  as  a  mark  of  the  fervitude  of  theEnglifh.  But 
♦bis  was  a  law  of  police,  which  William  had  prcviouily  eftabliflted  in  Norman- 


NOTES  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME.  52< 

dy.     See  du  Moulin,  Hift.de  Xormandie,  p.  160.     The  lame  law   had  place 
in  Scotland.     LL.  Burgor.  cap.  86. 


NOTE     [K],  p.    i9j 


WHAT  thefe  laws^were  of  Edward  the  Confeflbr,  which  the  Englifh, 
every  reign  during  a  century  and  a  half,  defire  fo  partionately  to  have 
reftored,  is  much  difputed  by  antiquaries,  and  our  ignorance  of  them  feeras  one 
of  the  greatelt  defects  in  the  ancient  Englilli  hiftory.  The  colleclion  of  laws 
in  Wilkins,  which  pafs  under  the  name  of  Edward,  are  plainly  a  pofrerior 
and  an  ignorant  compilation.  Thofe  to  be  found  in  Ingulf  are  genuine  :  but 
fo  imperfect,  and  contain  fo  few  claufes  favourable  to  the  fubjecl,  that  we  fee 
no  great  reafon  for  their  contending  for  them  fo  vehemently.  It  is  probable, 
that  the  Englifh  meant  the  common  laiv,  as  it  prevailed  during  the  reign  of 
Edward  ;  which  we  may  conjecture  to  have  been  more  indulgent  to  liberty  than 
the  N'orman  inftitutipns.  The  inoft  material  articles  of  it  were  afterwards 
comprehended  in  Magna  Charta. 


NOTE     [L],    p.  210. 


INGULF,  p.  70.  H.  Hunt.  p.  370-372.  M.  Weft.  p.  225.  Gul. 
Neub.  p.  357.  Alured.  Beverl.  p.  124.  De  Geit.  Angl.  p.  333.  M.  Pa- 
ris, p.  4.  Sim.  Dun.  p.  206.  Brompton,  p.  062.  980.  1161.  Gervafe  'Iilb. 
lib.  i.  cap.  16.  Textus  Roffenfis  apud  Seld.  Spicileg.  ad  Eadm.  p.  179.  Gul. 
Pitt.  p.  206.  Ordericus  Vitalis,  p.  521.  666.  S53.  Epift.  St.  Thorn,  p.  801. 
Gul.  Malmef.  p.  52.57-  Knyghton,  p.  2354.  Eadmer,  p.  no.  Thotn. 
Rudbornein  Ang.  Sacra,  vol.  i.  p.  24S.  Monach.  Roff'.  in  Ang.  Sacra,  vol.  ii. 
p.  276.  Girald.  Camb.  in  eadem,  vol.  ii.  p.  413.  Hift.  Elycnfis,  p.  516. 
The  words  of  this  laft  hiftorian,  who  is  very  ancient,  are  remarkable,  and  worth 
trauf  ribing.  Rex  itaque  J'aEius  IVillielmus,  quid  in  principes  Anglorum,  qui 
1  ant  at  cladi Juperejfe  pott  rant,  ftctrit,  dicere,  cum  nihil  profit,  omittc.  Quid  enim 
prodejjct.ji  nee  unum  in  toto  regno  de illis  dicerem  prijiina  potejiate  uti  pcrmijfum, 
Jed  ontnes  ant  in  gravem  paupertatis  arumnain  detrujes,  aut  exharedatos,  patria 
puljos,  aut  ejfojfis  oculis,  vel  caeteris  atnputatis  membris,  opprobrium  bominumfac* 
/os,  aut  certe  mijerrime  officios,  vita  privalos.  Simiii  tnodo  utilitate  carere  exij- 
t  into  diafe  quid  in  minorempopulum,  non  folum  ah  eo.Jed  afuis  aclum  Jit,  cun: 
id  diclu  Jciamus  difficile,  et  06  immanent  crudelitattm  Jortajjis  incndibile. 


NOTE     [M],    p.  ?52. 


HENRY,  by  the  feudal  calioms,  was  entitled  to  levy  a  tax  for  the  mar- 
rying of  his  eldeft  daughter,  and  he  exacled  three  (hillings  a  hyde  on  all 
England.  H.  Hunt.  p.  379.  Some  hittorians  (Biady,  p.  270.  and  1  vrrel, 
vol.  ii.  p.  182.)  heedlefsly  make  this  fum  amount  to  above  S  kj.ho)  poundq 
of  our  prefent  mo.iey :   But  it  couldnot  exceed   1  .      live  hydes,   l'ome- 

timeslefs,  made  a  knight  s  fee,  of  which  there  were  about  60,^00  in  England, 
confequently  near  300,000  hydes  ;  and  at  the  rate  of  three  fhi!!in«;s  a  hyde, 
the  fum  would  amount  to  45, coo  pounds,  or  13  j>,o'>o  of  our  prefent  money. 
See  Rudbcrne,  p.  257.  In  the  Saxon  lime*,  there  were  o.ilv  coi&pitted 
243,600  hydes  in   England. 


52}  NOTES  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME, 

N  O  T  £     [N],  p.  255. 


THE  legates  a  lalrre,  as  they  were  cal1ed,  we>e  a  k'nd  of  delegates,  who 
poifeffed  the  full  power  of  the  pope  in  all  the  nicinces  committed  to  their 
charge,  and  were  very  bufy  in  exten ling  as  well  as  exerciling  it.  'I  hey  nomi- 
nated to  all  vacant  benefices,  afferVbled  fyr.o''?.  and  were  anxious  to  maintain 
ecclefiaftical  privileges,  which  never  could  be  felly  protected  without  en- 
croachments on  t lie  civil  power.  If  there  wete  the  kaft  concurrence  or  oppo- 
fition,  it  was  always  fuppofeo  that  the  ci-  il  pov.it  was  to  give  way  .  Every 
deed,  which  had  ihe  leafl  pretence  of  holding  of  any  thing  fpiritual,  as  marri- 
ages, teftaments,  promiflbry  cat  lis,  tfrere  "brought  into  the  ipiritual  court,  and 
could  not  be  canvafled  before  a  civil. magiftrare.  1  hefe  were  the  el'abliilieJ 
lawsof  the  chinch  ;  and  <fehere  ak,«Je  was  lent  immediately  from  Rome,  he 
was  fute  to  maintain  the  papal  claims  with  the  utmoft  ligour:  But  it  was  at) 
advantage  to  the  king  to  have  the  aichnilhop  of  Canteibuky  appointed  legate, 
■becaule  the  connections  of  that  prelate  with  the  kingdom  tenried  to  modeiate 
his  meal'ures. 


NOTE     [O],  p.  280. 

WILLIAM  of  Newbridge,  p.  3S3.  (who  is  copied  by  later  hiftorians), 
afferts,  that  Geoffrey  had  lome  title  to  the  counties  of  Maine  aod 
Anjou.  He  pretends  that  count -Geoffrey,  his  father,  had  left  him  thefe  domi- 
nions by  a  fecret  will,  and  had  ordered  that  his  body  fiioujd  not  be  buried,  till 
Henry  fliould  fwear  to  the  obfervance  of  it,  which  he,  ignorant  of  the  con- 
tents, was  induced  to  do.'  '  Eut  befrdes  that  this  flory  is  not  very  likely  in  itfelf, 
and  favours  of  monkifli  fiction,'  it  is  found  in  no  other  ancient  writer,  and  is 
contradicted  by  fome  of  them,  particularly  the  monk  of  Marmoutier,  who  had 
better  opportunities  than  Newbridge  of  knowing  the  truth.  See  Vita  Gattf. 
Due.  Norman,  p.  103.       •■ 

NOTE     [P],  p.  282. 


THE  fumfcareely  appears  credible  ;  as  it  would  amount  to  much  above 
half  the  rent  of  the  whole  land.  Gervafe  is  indeed  a  contemporary  au- 
thor ;  but  churchmen  are  often  guilty  of  ihange  mip.akes  of  tnat  nature,  and 
ate  commonly  but  little  acquainted  with  the  public  revenues.  This  fum 
■would  make  540,000  pounds  of  our  prefent  money.  The  Norman  Chronicle^ 
p.  995,  fays,  that  Henry  raifed  only  60  Angevin  fhillings  on  each  knight's  fee 
in  his  foreign  dominions :  This  is  only  a  fourth  of  the  fum  which  Gervafe 
fays  he  levied  on  England  :  An  inequality  no  wife  probable.  A  nation  may  by 
degrees  be  brought  to  bear  a  tax  of  );,  millings  in  the  pound,  but  a  fudden  and 
precarious  tax  can  never  be  impofed  to  that  amount,  without  a  very  viiible  11C- 
cellity,  efpecially  in  an  age  fo  little  accufiomed  to  taxes.  In  the'  fucceeding 
reign  the  rent  of  a  knight's  fee  was  computed  at  four  pounds  a  year.  1  h<;re 
were  60,000  knights  fees  in  England 


NOTE     [QJ,  p.  3S4. 

T?  I  T  Z-S  T  EP  H  E  N,  n.  iS.  This  conduct  appears  violent  and  arbi- 
F  trary  ;  but  was  fuitable  to  the  drain  of  adminHlratton  iri  thofe  days.  His 
tlther,  Geoffrey,  though  repieleuted  as  a  nii'd  prince,  fct  him  an  example  of 


NOTES  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME.  525 

much  greater  violence.  When  Geoffrey  was  mailer  of  Normandy,  the  chapter 
of  Seez  prefumed,  without  his  content,  to  proceed  to  the  election  of  abifhopt 
upon  which  he  ordered  all  of  them,  with  the  bifhop  elect,  to  be  cailrated,  and 
made  ail  their  telticles  be  brought  him  in  a  platter.  Fitz-Steph.  p.  44.  In 
the  war  of  Touloufe,  Henry  laid  a  heavy  ami  .1,1  aib'urary  tax  onall  the  church- 
es witliin  his  dominions.     See  Epift.  St.  1  horn,  p.  239. 


NOTE     [R ],  p. 


I  FOLLOW  here  the  narrative  of  Fit*-  Stephens,  who  was  fecretary  to 
Becket;  though,  ho  doubt,  he  ma;  be  l'uf;)e:ted  of  partiality  towards 
his  patron.  Lord  Lyttelton  chufes  to  follow  theauthority  of  a  manufcript  let- 
ter, or  rather  manifeflo,  of  Folliot,  bifliop  of  London,  which  is  addrelicd  to 
Becket  hiinfelf,  at  the  time  when  the  bifliop  appealed  to  the  pope  from  the 
excommunication  pronounced  a^ainft  him  by  his  primate.  My  reafons,  why 
I  give  the  preference  to  Fitz  Stephens,  are,  (1.)  If  the  fiiendfliip  of  Fitz- 
Stephens  might  render  him  partial  to  Becket,  even  after  tire  death  of  that  pre- 
late, the  declared  enmity  of  the  bifhop  mutt,  during  his  lifeti.ne,  have  rendered 
him  more  partial  on  the  other  fide.  (2.)  The  bifhop  was  moved  by  intereft, 
as  well  as  enmity,  to  calumniate  Becket.  He  had  himlelf  to  defend  againlt 
the  fentence  of  excommunication,  dreadful  to  all,  efpecially  to  a  prelate:  And 
no  more  effectual  means  than  to  throw  all  the  blame  on  his  adverfary.  (j.) 
He  has  actually  been  guilty  of  palpable  calumnies  in  that  letter  Among  thefe, 
I  reckon  the  following :  rie  affirms,  that,  when  Bee ^et  lublcribed  the  Conflitu- 
tions  of  l  lareidon,  he  faid  plainly  to  all  the  bilhops  of  England,  It  is  my  maf- 
ier't  pleafure,  that  IJbculdforfivear  myfelf,  and  atprefent  1  fubmit  toil,  and  do 
refoh'e  to  incur  a  perjury  and  repent  afterwards  as  I  may.  However  baibarous 
the  times,  and  however  negligent  zealous chuichmen  were  then  of  morality, 
thefe  are  not  words  wnich  a  primate  of  great  feme,  aryJ  of  much  feeming  Sanc- 
tity, would  employ  in  an  ailembly  of  his  fuftragans  :  He  might  ait  upon  thefe 
principles,  but  never  furely  would  publxly  allow  them.  Folliot  alio  lays, 
that  all  the  bilhops  were  relblved  obftinately  to  qppofe  the  Conftitutions  of 
Clarendon,  but  the  primate  himlelf  betrayed  them  from  timidity,  and  led 
the  way  to  their  iubfcribing.  '1  his  is  contrary  to  the  teltimony  of  all  the  hif- 
torians,  and  direcTtly  contrary  to  Meckel's  chaiacter.  who  iurely  was  not  defti- 
tute  either  of  courage  or  of  zeal  for  ecclehaltical  immunities.  (4.)  The  vio- 
lence and  injufticc;  of  Henry,  afcribed  to  him  by  Fitz-Stephens,  is  of  a  piece 
with  the  reft  of  the  profecution.  Nothing  could  be  more  iniquitous,  than,  after 
two  years  filence,  to  make  a  hidden  and  unprepared  demand  upon  Becket  to  the 
amount  cf  44,000  marks  (equal  to  a  turn  of  near  a  million  in  our  time)  and 
not  allow  him   the  lead  ng   in  his   account-:.     If  the  king  was 

fo  palpab'y  oppreflive  in  cr.e  article,   lie  may  be  prefumed  to  be  equally  lb  in 
ri^     (j-)  Though f  r,    or  rather  manifefio,  be  addieifed    to 

t  himfeif,  it  doe;  not  acquire  mote  authority  on  that  account.     Wc  know 
not  what  anfwer  <  e  collection  of  letters  cannot  be  fup- 

K   (whoever 
:ars  fiom  th 
there  are  many  pafla  ■   10  him:    Infomuch  thai 

r  of  them  al  B  omil- 

fwei  at 
all,  as  not  deigni.. 

rce  would  contaminate  hin 
his  primate,   migl  I 
pronounced  on  Becket  by  the  great  council  implii  I  refilled  i<>  make 

■ 
For  if  liis  excul'e  v. .1    rejected  as  falfa  and  frivoli 

znlwer.     Becket  fubin  Is  and 

ttels,  that  he  g 
jftion  the  authority  of  the   km  (7.;    It    ma 

ving,  that  both  the  author  of  Hifloria  quadiapartita,  an  I  Gei 
writer-,  agiee  with   Fit.'.-Stcphens  ;   and  the  latter  is  ni 

111  the  at.cieni  liill<  u«t. 


• 


• 


526  NOTES  TO  THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 

NO  T  t     [SJ.  P-  375- 


MA  D  O  X,  Jn  his  Baronia  Anglica,  cap.  14.  tells  irt,  that  in  the  joth 
of  Henry  II.  thirty-three  cows  and  two  bulls  coft  but  eight  pounds  feven 
fhillings,  money  of  that  age  ;  500  fheep,  twenty-two  pounds  ten  {hillings,  or 
about  ten  pence  three  farthings  per  fheep ;  lixty-fix  oxen,  eighteen  pounds  three 
fhillings ;  fifteen  breeding  mares,  two  pounds  twelve  fhillings  and  fix  pence  ;  2nd 
twenty-two  hogs,  one  pound  two  fhillings.  Commodities  feem  then  to  have 
been  about  ten  times  cheaper  than  at  prefent ;  all  except  the  fheep,  probably  on 
account  of  the  value  of  the  fleece.  The  fame  author,  in  his  Fortnulare  Angli- 
canum,  p.  17.  fays,  That  in  the  toth  year  of  Richard  I.  mention  is  made  of 
ten  per  cent,  paid  for  »oney  :  But  the  Jews  frequently  exafted  much  highe* 
intereft. 


END   OF    THE    FIRST    VOLUME. 


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